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The present paper aims to present the rivalry of global and regional capitalist powers for political, strategic, diplomatic, and economic influences in the contemporary Republic of Uzbekistan. The modern history and the contemporary political situation of the Uzbek state are the most important points of issue. After years of international isolation and etatist social and economic policy, under the new political leadership Uzbekistan implements economic transformation in the spirit of neo-liberal capitalism and it opens itself towards different forms of international cooperation and foreign investments. As a result, a Central Asian country which was isolated until recently gradually becomes an object of rivalry for economic and geopolitical influences. So far Uzbekistan has not become a satellite state or a quasi-colony of any of the powers. The multi-vector policy pursued by the political environment of Shavkat Mirziyoyev seems so far to successfully prevent the country being dominated by any outside center. The present article brings up the subject of relations of Uzbekistan with four great powers: the United States of America, the Russian Federation, the People's Republic of China, and the Republic of Turkey.

The aim of the paper is to assess the place of the European Union (and its individual countries) in the global value chain (GVC) in years 1995–2011. The analysis is mainly based on the index figure called the rate of participation in global value chain. It was calculated based on data drawn from the World Input-Output Database (WIOD). GVC participation rate indicates the share of a country's export that is a part of multi-stage trade process. It is composed of the foreign value added in a country's own export (upward/backward linkages) and the value added supplied to other countries' export (downward/forward linkages). The participation rate is a useful indicator of the extent to which a country's export is integrated into international production networks. The research results show that the foreign value added share in the EU export increased by 9 p.p. in the period in question. The new EU member states experienced a notably greater growth in foreign value added share in export than the UE-15. The major beneficiaries were: Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Slovakia. The main reason for that progress was a dynamically growing participation of these countries in the production fragmentation process.

India is a pluralistic, multilingual and multi-ethnic country located in Southeast Asia. It is the 2nd largest populated country which has the 7th position in the geographical area. Since 1990 India has emerged as one of the wealthiest economies in the developing world. Recently it is the second fastest growing major economy in the world. Despite the fact that economical development in India has been accompanied by increases in life expectancy, literacy rates and food security, India's performance in the area of health care has been still far from satisfactory. The system of financing health care as a one of the most privatized in the world faces especially many problems. This paper would therefore attempt to describe and assess the system of financing health care in India. In order to outline to the readers the overall country context the first section will provide a brief description of the demographic, economic and health profile of the Indian population. The second and third sections will present the main methods of funding health care in India as well as and the budget of health care system. The concluding section would attempt to assess the financing system in India and offer a way forward for the better achievement of health care system goals.

The purpose of the article was to present, with regard to Łódź multinational and multi-religious contexts of the 19th and 20th centuries, the type, course, and meaning of widely understood school celebrations, in which children were the main actors. The intention of the author was to answer the key issue of this study: did children, who rehearsed for school celebrations and events and participated in them, play the role of the subject of the educational process or were they a kind of a tool, i.e. the object of the influence of the school, that is to say its owners (e.g. boards of charitable organizations or municipal or church authorities), education authorities, teachers, or carers. To what extent did the organisation of school events result from rituals of the educational institution concerned and to what extent was the need for this kind of "ceremonies" influenced by the local (social and political) environment? The historical background of the paper is the time before the Great War, the years of 1914-1918, and Poland in the interwar period. Taking the historical and pedagogical aspects referred to above into account, the author tried to present the events with child participants held in institutions run by charitable organisations (the period until 1914); ceremonies related to the promotion of pupils in the first grades of municipal schools to next grades (the years of 1914-1918); and celebrations and ceremonies held in care institutions for girls and boys. The research is based on archive materials, newspaper articles, and historical and current literature. ; The purpose of the work was to present the type, course and meaning of the widely defined school celebrations with children as the main actors in the multinational and multi-religious contexts of Lodz in the 19th and 20th centuries. The author's intention was to provide an answer to the key question of this study: did children prepared for school celebrations and events and participating in them, were the subjects of the education process or rather, were they tool on which the school (e.g. boards of charitable organizations, municipal or church authorities, education authorities, teachers, or carers) exerted its influence. To what extent did the organization of school events result from the establishment's rituals and to what extent was the need for this kind of "ceremonies" affected by the local (social and political) environment? The historical background of the work is the time before the Great War, the years of 1914–1918, and the time of Interwar Poland. Bearing in mind the historical and pedagogical aspects referred to above, the author tried to present events with young participants held in institutions run by charitable organizations (by 1914); ceremonies related to the promotion of students of initial years of municipal schools (1914–1918) and celebrations and ceremonies held in care institutions for girls and boys. The research is based on archive materials, press materials, historical and contemporary literature on the subject.

In the aftermath of the Iraq crisis, the North Atlantic Alliance faced its most serious predicament since the ColdWar. Its mission in Afghanistan revealed growing discrepancies between the member states. The Georgian crisis of 2008, the missile defence project and the enlargement showed a lack of coherence. NATO has split up into two or more factions. A crucial question arose as to NATO's ability to resolve the three main strategic dilemmas which have grown more pressing since the end of the ColdWar: (1) the choice between collective defence as the key role of NATO (Art. 5) and its out-of-area role of combating the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and international terrorism; (2) the choice between the transatlantic nature of NATO and its global partnerships; (3) the choice between the concept of the global military engagement of NATO and the so called comprehensive approach involving the cooperation of NATO with other security organizations such as the UN, the EU and the OSCE in reconstructing post-conflict regions. NATO's performance in managing these challenges will bear critically on its future. The Strategic Concept from Lisbon 2010 has helped to clarify many controversial issues within the organization. NATO has managed to mitigate the risk of developing into a multi-tier organization. Relations between the factions have relaxed although interests appear to remain as diverse as they were before. ; In the aftermath of the Iraq crisis, the North Atlantic Alliance faced its most serious predicament since the ColdWar. Its mission in Afghanistan revealed growing discrepancies between the member states. The Georgian crisis of 2008, the missile defence project and the enlargement showed a lack of coherence. NATO has split up into two or more factions. A crucial question arose as to NATO's ability to resolve the three main strategic dilemmas which have grown more pressing since the end of the ColdWar: (1) the choice between collective defence as the key role of NATO (Art. 5) and its out-of-area role of combating the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and international terrorism; (2) the choice between the transatlantic nature of NATO and its global partnerships; (3) the choice between the concept of the global military engagement of NATO and the so called comprehensive approach involving the cooperation of NATO with other security organizations such as the UN, the EU and the OSCE in reconstructing post-conflict regions. NATO's performance in managing these challenges will bear critically on its future. The Strategic Concept from Lisbon 2010 has helped to clarify many controversial issues within the organization. NATO has managed to mitigate the risk of developing into a multi-tier organization. Relations between the factions have relaxed although interests appear to remain as diverse as they were before.

The occurrence of various types of security and public order threats in the city implies the need for quick access to information. This, in turn, impacts both the objectives and means of implementing security policies not only on a macro-scale, but above all on a micro-scale - within municipalities, cities, neighbourhoods or settlements, i.e. in the im-mediate surroundings of residents. The prevention of such public problems as crime and delinquency undoubtedly requires the involvement not only of the state and its bodies but also of society, which is one of the basic premises of the community policing strategy. On the other hand, the introduction of modern solutions to improve the quality of life of res-idents is the basis of concepts such as smart city or resilient city. A tool that combines elements of the concepts mentioned above is the so-called "participatory crime maps," which provide residents not only with statistical data but also with the opportunity to inform each other about the dangers in their neighbourhood, which in turn is supposed to lead to a strengthening of social bonds. Hazard mapping also allows for better identification of existing problems and multi-stakeholder cooperation in combating them. This article attempts to answer the question: "how can a mobile application SafeTy be used to improve safety in the local environment?"

Most of the previous revolutions in the post-Soviet sphere were concentrated around two dimensions: reluctance to challenge abuses of power and the will to redirect the external trajectory. The Armenian Velvet Revolution marked the change of the axiology of revolution. Civil disobedience was only focused on the corrupt political system based on clientelism and patronage. It was not addressing any issues related to the international situation. In statements, activists avoided references to foreign policy and change of geopolitical direction. The purpose of the paper is to identify convergent and separate features characterizing the Velvet Revolution in comparison with breakthroughs classified as revolutions in the post-Soviet space after 1989. The research question is how the Armenian Velvet Revolution's features stand out from previous revolutionary changes of power in the post-Soviet space, and to what extent they are convergent. The theoretical framework is based on multi-dimensional academic reflection on the factors characterizing particular revolutionary waves in post-Soviet space. Using comparatively the rich achievements of study on the Autumn of Nations, Color Revolutions, and Ukrainian Revolution of Dignity, this essay aims to inscribe the unique and modular factors characterizing the Armenian Velvet Revolution into a broader spectrum of theoretical and practical considerations on political breakthroughs in post-Soviet space.

The author describes and summarises the main theories relating to the specificity of the European Union structure as an internally complex organism which is being characterised by scientists as an international organisation as well as a confederation and a federation. Many researchers compare the process of the European Union formation to the nation-state formation, others compare the E.U. to the United States of America and many more indicate that the E.U. structure with its specific multi-level governance looks like a neo-medieval empire. What we can see in this empire is a network of overlapping systems of powers and areas of loyalty. The author points out that structurally the E.U. can be visualised as a model of multilevel governance and as such can be defined as a sui generis political system. So it is not analogous to the nation state but rather to a system of governance without a formal governing body. This notion is the result of a growing level of interdependence one can see in the international arena. In the second part of article, the author addresses the sovereignty issues which relate to the E.U. member states as well as the E.U. as a separate body. He reviews the theories which variously explain the process of European integration and its influence on internal policies within member states.

In the European Union (EU), there are four Baltic Sea Region (BSR) states – Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland – which are interlinked by the following facts: the common moment of obtaining EU membership, a common historical path from communism to democracy, and being part of the BSR. Although the selected countries share common roots, it seems that, in terms of the economic development, they may follow a different path. Investment development path (IDP), a concept developed by J.H. Dunning, stresses that the development of a country is a result of being an active exporter of capital. This paper aims to evaluate the progress of the four selected economies in terms of their IDP. The analysis takes into consideration their peculiar economic determinants. The methods used include quantitative and qualitative methods. Among the qualitative methods, a literature review briefly presents Dunning's IDP paradigm. The review of existing empirical research highlights the contributions of the paper. The quantitative methods cover the statistical data illustrating the progress of the selected countries in terms of the IDP. The data were obtained from United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTADStat) and Eurostat. The BSR states under investigation differ in terms of their economic growth. However, they share a common denominator of maintaining the role of importer of capital. The highest dynamics of the growth of the outward stock of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) was observed in Poland and Lithuania. It is Poland and Estonia, however, that seemingly will climb on the ladder of IDP faster than Latvia and Lithuania. In all cases, these countries deal with higher dynamics of annual growth of Outward Foreign Direct Investment (OFDI) than Inward Foreign Direct Investment (IFDI), which suggests that all are at the third stage of IDI. However complex analysis reveals differences that shed new light on the progress of development paths of these BSR states.

Rada Unii Europejskiej jest jedną z najważniejszych instytucji Unii Europejskiej. Ma złożoną strukturę i odgrywa kluczową rolę zarówno w stanowieniu prawa UE jak i jego wykonywaniu. Rada jest również forum, na którym państwa członkowskie mogą wyrażać i uzgadniać swoje interesy. Mimo to przyciąga mniejsze zainteresowanie ze strony badaczy niż na to zasługuje. Ostatnia monografia na temat Rady w języku angielskim ukazała się w 2006 roku. Od tego czasu prowadzono wiele badań nad różnymi aspektami działania Rady, a traktat z Lizbony wprowadził istotne dla tej instytucji zmiany. Choć w podręcznikach można znaleźć zaktualizowane rozdziały dotyczące Rady, brakuje szerszego przeglądu spraw, które powinna mieć na uwadze osoba chcąca badać tę instytucję. Niniejsza książka stara się wypełnić tę lukę, proponując szeroki choć zwięzły przegląd tematów dotyczących organizacji i działania Rady. Książka podzielona jest na pięć rozdziałów. W pierwszym rozdziale przedstawiono treść książki i omówiono metody i podejścia do badania Rady. Drugi rozdział przybliża złożoną strukturę Rady: jej liczne warstwy i aktorów instytucjonalnych, którzy je przekraczają. W trzecim rozdziale przeanalizowano rolę Rady w systemie politycznym UE, zwłaszcza jej relacje z innymi instytucjami. W czwartym rozdziale wprowadza elementy teorii negocjacji, które mają znaczenie dla Rady i podkreśla szczególne cechy podejmowania decyzji w tej instytucji. Ostatni, piąty rozdział podkreśla znaczenie czynników społecznych i personalnych dla funkcjonowania Rady – opisano w nim warunki i mechanizmy socjalizacji, która ma miejsce w Radzie. ; The Council of the European Union is one of the most important institutions of the European Union. It has a complex, multi-layered and multi-sectorial structure. It plays a crucial role in both legislative and executive policies of the Union and serves the Member States as a forum to express and negotiate their interests. However, it seems to draw less interest from the academic community than it deserves. The most recent monograph on the Council in English was published in 2006. Since then much research has been conducted on different facets of the organisation and functioning of this institution, and the Treaty of Lisbon introduced several important changes that affected the Council, especially its relationship with the European Parliament and the European Council. While there are some up-to-date introductory publications (mostly chapters in textbooks), what is lacking is a more extensive survey of the issues that should be the focus of attention to anyone wishing to study the Council. This book attempts to fill this gap, offering broad, yet concise overview of both the organisation and functioning of the Council. The book is divided into five chapters. The first chapter introduces the content of the book and surveys the methods and approaches that might be applied in the study of the Council. The second chapter takes a closer look at the Council's complex structure – its many layers and institutional actors who cross them. The third chapter analyses the role of the Council within the political system of the EU, especially its relationship with other main institutions. The fourth chapter introduces elements of negotiation theory relevant to the Council and emphasises the specific features of the decision-making process in this institution. The final, fifth chapter stresses the importance of the social and the personal for the functioning of the Council by describing the conditions and mechanisms of socialisation that takes place within the Council's structure.

The article discusses the shape of the Turkish political scene in the period from the death of Mustafa Kemal to the loss of power by the People's Republican Party, ruling since 1923. The author focuses mainly on the attempts to introduce a multi-party system and the reasons for the change of government in Turkey. The article was prepared based on source analysis (archival and press)and studies on the period under study. The conducted query clearly shows that the main reason for the loss of power by the Kemalists was the economic problems of the state, the lack of a formulated program that would include the interests of peasants and workers, and the lack of interest in their situation, as well as the loss of authority enjoyed by Mustafa Kemal. All these factors led to the election being lost in 1950. ; Artykuł szczegółowo omawia ukształtowanie tureckiej sceny politycznej w okresie od śmierci Mustafy Kemala do utraty władzy przez rządzącą od 1923 r. Partię Ludowo-Republikańską. Autorka skupia się w szczególności na próbach wprowadzenia ustroju wielopartyjnego oraz przyczynach zmiany władzy w Turcji. Tekst został opracowany na podstawie analizy źródłowej (archiwalnej oraz prasowej) oraz analizy opracowań dotyczących badanej epoki. Z przeprowadzonej kwerendy jednoznacznie wynika, iż głównymi powodami utraty władzy przez kemalistów były problemy ekonomiczne państwa, brak sformułowanego programu, który obejmowałby interesy chłopów i robotników, oraz brak zainteresowania ich sytuacją, a także utrata autorytetu w stosunku do tego, jakim cieszył się Mustafa Kemal. Te wszystkie czynniki doprowadziły do przegrania wyborów w 1950 r.

Publikacja poświęcona została wyborom do Parlamentu Europejskiego w oparciu o kampanię wyborczą na Lubelszczyźnie. Rozdziały kolejno poświęcone zostały genezie i specyfice Parlamentu Europejskiego, ukazaniu wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego jako miernika rozwoju społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Polsce, nakreśleniu aksjologicznego tła analizowanej kampanii, pokazaniu rywalizacji wyborczej przez pryzmat problematyki ukraińskiej, problematyce kreacji wizerunku liderów list wyborczych do Parlamentu Europejskiego na Lubelszczyźnie, perswazji retorycznej ukazanej na tle innych sposobów kreowania wizerunku, prezentacji kandydatów na łamach prasy regionalnej, w mediach społecznościowych, a także przy użyciu wizualnej reklamy zewnętrznej oraz reklamy w internecie. Wieloaspektowe ujęcie tematu kampanii wyborczej do Parlamentu Europejskiego na Lubelszczyźnie w 2014 roku, zdaniem redaktorki, pozwala na lepsze zrozumienie specyfiki tej kampanii. ; The publication was devoted to the elections to the European Parliament on the basic of the election campaign in Lublin voivodeship. The chapters are devoted to the genesis and specifications of the European Parliament, showing the elections to the European Parliament as a measure of the development of civil society in Poland, outlining the axiological framework of the analysed campaign, showing the election rivalry through the prism of Ukrainian issues, the issue of creating leaders to election list to the European Parliament in Lublin voivodeship, rhetorical persuasion shown against the background of other methods of creating an image, presenting candidates in the regional press, in social media as well as using visual and internet advertising. A multi-aspect take on the election campaign to the European Parliament in Lublin voivodeship in 2014 allows for a better understanding of the specificity of this title according to the editor.

Publikacja poświęcona została wyborom do Parlamentu Europejskiego w oparciu o kampanię wyborczą na Lubelszczyźnie. Rozdziały kolejno poświęcone zostały genezie i specyfice Parlamentu Europejskiego, ukazaniu wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego jako miernika rozwoju społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Polsce, nakreśleniu aksjologicznego tła analizowanej kampanii, pokazaniu rywalizacji wyborczej przez pryzmat problematyki ukraińskiej, problematyce kreacji wizerunku liderów list wyborczych do Parlamentu Europejskiego na Lubelszczyźnie, perswazji retorycznej ukazanej na tle innych sposobów kreowania wizerunku, prezentacji kandydatów na łamach prasy regionalnej, w mediach społecznościowych, a także przy użyciu wizualnej reklamy zewnętrznej oraz reklamy w internecie. Wieloaspektowe ujęcie tematu kampanii wyborczej do Parlamentu Europejskiego na Lubelszczyźnie w 2014 roku, zdaniem redaktorki, pozwala na lepsze zrozumienie specyfiki tej kampanii. ; The publication was devoted to the elections to the European Parliament on the basic of the election campaign in Lublin voivodeship. The chapters are devoted to the genesis and specifications of the European Parliament, showing the elections to the European Parliament as a measure of the development of civil society in Poland, outlining the axiological framework of the analysed campaign, showing the election rivalry through the prism of Ukrainian issues, the issue of creating leaders to election list to the European Parliament in Lublin voivodeship, rhetorical persuasion shown against the background of other methods of creating an image, presenting candidates in the regional press, in social media as well as using visual and internet advertising. A multi-aspect take on the election campaign to the European Parliament in Lublin voivodeship in 2014 allows for a better understanding of the specificity of this title according to the editor.

The aim of the article is a multi-level analysis of the strategic management system of development policy in Poland, with particular emphasis on the challenges faced, and recommendations concerning its improvement. The article consists of eight parts: an introduction (definition of the development policy management system and the concept of strategy), an historical outline (the formation of development policy in Poland after 1990), the institutional context (an indication of the main actors of development policy in Poland), the legal basis (an overview of the key regulations on which the Polish system of development strategies is based), strategic documents (analysis of the major strategic guidelines and development strategies: national and sectoral), and the implementation instruments (mainly programmes: operational, long-term and provincial). In the penultimate section, I present 10 challenges facing the Polish system of development policy management, together with recommendations, which will allow these challenges to be faced. ; Celem artykułu jest wielopoziomowa analiza systemu strategicznego zarządzania polityką rozwoju w Polsce ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem wyzwań, przed którymi stoi, oraz rekomendacji w zakresie jego usprawnienia. Artykuł składa się z ośmiu części: wprowadzenia (zdefiniowanie systemu zarządzania polityką rozwoju i pojęcia strategii), rysu historycznego (formowanie się polityki rozwoju w Polsce po roku 1990), kontekstu instytucjonalnego (wskazanie na głównych aktorów polityki rozwoju w Polsce), podstaw prawnych (omówienie najważniejszych regulacji, na których opiera się polski system strategii rozwoju), dokumentów strategicznych (analiza najważniejszych wytycznych strategicznych oraz właściwych strategii rozwoju: ogólnopolskich i sektorowych) oraz instrumentów wdrożeniowych (głównie programów operacyjnych, wieloletnich i wojewódzkich). W przedostatniej części, poprzedzającej zakończenie, przedstawiono 10 wyzwań, przed jakimi stoi polski system zarządzania polityką rozwoju, wraz z rekomendacjami, które pozwolą na stawienie im czoła.

This article highlights the positive impact that local governments have exerted on the rural development in Poland. At first, the author presents the basic features of Polish rural areas and examines what rural development means to Polish policy makers. Furthermore, the author concludes that the main ideas which lie at the core of rural development are sustainability, multi functionality and competitiveness. One of the main foundations is also the grassroots approach which involves local community in the development process – the method that is used by many nonprofit or nongovernmental organizations to energize rural areas. Thanks to this strategy their role is still increasing. However, the author gives strong arguments to support the idea that the role of local governments is also crucial in stimulating development, and that this role should be referred to more often. In Poland after '89, thanks to the changes in the law, local governments have the real possibility to run, support or effectively engage in rural development. Moreover, their workings, as often as not, are the major impulse for positive action taken in rural areas. The author examines this on the basis of the LEADER Programme and Polish Solectwo (the basic level of the Polish local government system). This article also provides examples of the best practices (from 4 municipalities: Limanowa, Baltowa, Bodzechowa, Maslowa) focusing on the successful initiatives implemented by the local governments. The examples show that, in spite of their weakness, local governments could play an important part in rural development. They make the inhabitants aware of the fact that they are indispensable for everyday life and economic growth to the same extent as NGO's and private enterprises.