Suchergebnisse

Russia presents specific mosaic, consisted from many peoples. They are different in size and in strength of inner connections, in economic and social characteristics, level of political organization, language and culture, spiritual features and national character. In such context the problem of multi-cultural education becomes very actual and complicated in terms of polyethnical Russian society.

This article analyzes multi-shift schooling and its effect on the quality of education in the city of Ulaanbaatar in Mongolia. Highlighted are the features, advantages and shortcomings of multi-shift schooling, achievements of middle-school pupils, satisfaction of parents and pupils with the quality and accessibility of education. Also evaluated are opinions on multi-shift schooling. After the downfall of socialism and a transition towards a free market, multiple migratory flows from provinces to the country's capital city have led to a specific increase of the population, and as a result of government policy to admit all 6-year old children into schools, as well as an increased strain on account of transitioning from a 10-year education system to a new 12-year one, schools have encountered a lack of funds, as well as a shortage of teachers and equipment. In an attempt to solve these issues, some schools have increased the amount of pupils attending one class to 45 or more, while also instituting a third shift, which has become common practice among many of Ulaanbaatar's middle-schools. Within the framework of a 2016 research project, the Mongolian State University's department of sociology and social work has conducted research and evaluated the multi-shift schooling system, while utilizing various research methods (survey, interview, observation, content analysis). Under the guise of a study called "Multiple shifts in Ulaanbaatar's secondary schools and the quality of education", conducted in 2016-2017, scientific approaches were used such as structural functionalism, phenomenology and exchange theory in order to analyze qualitative and quantitative data. A multi-shift schooling system, especially one with three shifts, creates some serious problems. Based on our research, the main parties concerned (teachers, parents and pupils) for the most part see it as detrimental to the quality of education, and as a liability when it comes to pupils' opportunity to enroll into the highest tier universities, given that those who go to schools working three shifts receive 20% less learning hours compared to schools working two shifts. Three shifts were introduced mainly in schools attended by children from vulnerable social groups. Such a practice creates social discrimination and violates children's rights to an equal and quality education. 17.9% of respondents who took part in our study receive an income of less than 185,000 tugriks a month (which is less than 80 USD), while 5.4% have no income at all. A three shift system of schooling has a negative effect on health and safety in the school environment, with an increase in the disease rate among children and the number of absences.

The Department of Business, Enterprise and Innovation plays a key role in implementing the Government?s policies of stimulating the productive capacity of the economy and creating an environment which supports job creation and maintenance. The Department also has a remit to promote fair competition in the marketplace, protect consumers and safeguard workers.

Исследованию российской многопартийности положила начало конференция 1990 г., состоявшаяся в 1990 г. в Институте марксизма-ленинизма, важнейшими моментами его можно считать конференцию 2003 г. в Институте истории РАН в ноябре и международный круглый стол Российская многопартийность и российские кризисы XXXXI вв. (Москва, 27 марта 2015 г.). Основными системными принципами многопартийности на первых порах называли целостность, структурность, иерархичность; обусловленность развития системы ее отношениями с окружающей средой, а складывание системы политических партий датировали концом 1905 г. началом 1906 г. Считалось, что партии выражали интересы определенных социальных групп-классов и были связаны с массами. В последующем исследователи пришли к заключению, что чисто классовых партий ни по своему социальному составу, ни по социальным группам и слоям, интересы которых декларировались в программах и лозунгах, в России не существовало, а характерной чертой российской многопартийности являлось то, что ее творцом и основным действующим лицом была интеллигенция. В дальнейшем ряд авторов настаивали на чисто интеллигентской сути отечественных партий, называя российскую многопартийность мифом; большинство авторов, отмечая ведущую роль интеллигенции в организации и функционировании партий, были связаны с определенными массами. В целом российская многопартийность существенно отличалась от многопартийной системы развитых стран. ; The study of the Russian multi-party system was laid by the 1990 conference held in 1990 at the Institute of Marxism-Leninism, the most important points of it can be considered the 2003 conference at the Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences in November and the international round table Russian multi-party system and Russian crises of the XXXXI centuries (Moscow, March 27, 2015). At first, the main systemic principles of a multi-party system were called integrity, structurality, hierarchy; conditionality of the development of the system by its relations with the environment, and the folding of the system of political parties was dated from the end of 1905 the beginning of 1906. It was believed that parties expressed the interests of certain social group classes and were associated with the masses. Subsequently, the researchers came to the conclusion that there were no purely class parties either in terms of their social composition or social groups and strata, whose interests were declared in programs and slogans; and a characteristic feature of the Russian multi-party system was that its creator and main character was the intelligentsia. Subsequently, a number of authors insisted on the purely intellectual essence of domestic parties, calling the Russian multi-party system a myth; most authors, noting the leading role of the intelligentsia in the organization and functioning of parties, were associated with certain masses. In general, the Russian multi-party system was significantly different from the multi-party system of developed countries.

In this article the analysis of process, tendencies of change of unipolar model of a world order on multipolar is carried out. The most essential characteristics of liberalism as the most characteristic expression of the unipolar model of the world order are given. In the course of the study, special attention is paid to the analysis of the most significant events that mark the process of changing the model of the world order. The "Order of Large Spaces" as a supposed concept of legitimacy of the new world order is presented as a proposed structure of the world order. The author pays special attention to the potential of Russia to consolidate the Large Eurasian space and to the existential necessity of this process. The result of this study can be considered the justification of the Eurasian project as an expression of the essence of a Large space, the process of integration of the post-Soviet space, the key civilizational and foreign policy of Russia.

В статье рассматривается участие Европейского союза в урегулировании международных конфликтов в рамках многосторонних переговорных форматов. Выявлены особенности участия ЕС в урегулировании ближневосточного и приднестровского конфликтов. Рассмотрена эволюция подхода Европейского союза к урегулированию международных конфликтов в процессе развития европейской интеграции. Выявлены внешние и внутренние факторы, которые оказали влияние на формирование позиции ЕС и его деятельность. Определены особенности включения Европейского союза в состав многосторонних переговорных форматов по урегулированию ближневосточного и приднестровского вопросов: Квартета и переговоров «5+2». Дана оценка эффективности деятельности ЕС в их составе. Определена роль, которую Европейский союз отыгрывает в процессе урегулирования, а также факторы, которые препятствуют полной реализации потенциала ЕС. На основании проведенного исследования автор проводит сравнительный анализ участия ЕС в Квартете и переговорах «5+2» по Приднестровью. В результате были выявлено, что подход Европейского союза к этим переговорным форматам и роль, которую ЕС играет в них, во многом идентичны. Автором обозначены общие черты и различия в подходе Европейского союза к урегулированию международных конфликтов в рамках многосторонней медиации. ; The article considers EU participation in international conflict settlement in the framework of multi-party negotiation formats. The main features of European Union involvement in the settlement of Middle East and Transnistrian conflicts were out-lined. The author analyses the evolution of European Union approach towards inter-national conflict settlement in parallel to the development of European integration and the formation of common foreign and security policy. Both external and internal factors influencing the EU position and its activities were defined. The article explains the reasons for the inclusion of the EU in the negotiation formats using the examples of Middle East Quartet and «5+2» negotiations on Transnistria. Their analysis has allowed to conclude the efficiency of European Union"s activities in multi-party negotiations. The author defines the EU role in conflict settlement, and outlines the factors impeding the full realization of EU potential. Based on this research the comparative analysis of EU participation in the settlement of the Middle East and Transnistrian issues was conducted. It revealed that the approach and the role of the EU in these multi-party negotiation formats is in many ways identical. In the end, the author explores commonalities and differences of EU participation in Middle East Quartet and «5+2» negotiations on Transnistrian issue.