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The article considers macroeconomic aspects of conscription. The authors provide macroeconomic data, doing cost-benefit analysis of different variants of reforms in this sphere, and come to the conclusion that there are opportunities to significantly improve the existing strategy of reforms in that domain as proposed by the Ministry of Defense.

A multi-level framework of analysis- macro, meso and micro- is used as a mechanism to localise a discourse of workplace diversity in New Zealand and Australia contexts. At a macro level the demographic patterns, historical and socio-political influences, legislation and labour market all affect the societal positioning and organisational voices of historically disadvantaged groups. Influences are more variable at meso levels but examples are drawn from organisational culture and surveys of attitudes to EO /diversity. Micro levels factors include individual characteristics and dyadic interaction between supervisors and employees. The discussion relates local discourses to the conference theme.

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of figures -- List of tables -- List of contributors -- Acknowledgement -- Introduction -- PART I: Migration Governance in Historical Perspective -- 1. Moving towards the North: Internal migration in Modern Japan -- 2. The origins of "good governance" in Europe: The case of Serbian refugees in France during World War One -- PART II: Migration Governance at Local, National and Regional Levels -- 3. Issues on refugee acceptance in Japanese society -- 4. Poverty of migrants in Japan -- 5. Nationalism in exile: Burmese and Tibetan refugees in India -- 6. Do sanctuary cities protect unauthorised immigrants?: Intergovernmental disputes between the Trump administration and sanctuary cities over immigration policies -- 7. Between the hammer of non-interference and the anvil of third-party influence: ASEAN, APT and EAS vis-à-vis the Rohingya migration crisis -- 8. Euro-Mediterranean experiences on management of migration governance -- PART III: Towards global migration governance -- 9. Migration and the nation-state: The contradictions of globalisation -- 10. Governance related to human migration -- Index.

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to operationalize context in diversity management research.Design/methodology/approach– A case analysis provides an example of the influences of context at macro, meso and micro levels. Country context (macro) and professional and organization contexts (meso) are analysed in relation to the micro individual experiences of gender and indigeneity at work.Findings– Tensions and inconsistencies at macro and meso levels impact on diversity management at a micro level. The authors demonstrate how power and context are intertwined in the biopolitical positioning of subjects in terms of gender and indigeneity. The contested legacy of indigenous-colonial relations and societal gender dynamics are "played out" in a case from the accounting profession.Research limitations/implications– Within critical diversity studies context and power are linked in a reciprocal relationship; analysis of both is mandatory to strengthen theory and practice. The multi-level analytical framework provides a useful tool to understand advances and lack of progress for diversity groups within specific organizations.Originality/value– While many diversity scholars agree that the analysis of context is important, hitherto its application has been vague. The authors conduct a multi-level analysis of context, connecting the power dynamics between the levels. The authors draw out implications within one profession in a specific country socio-politics. Multi-level analyses of context and power have the potential to enhance the theory and practice of diversity management.

Since 2000, following the ratification of article I on parity between men and women in the constitution, national level laws have been adopted to put into place progressive sanctions given to parties that do not present an equal number of men and women candidates in the legislative elections (2002, 2007, 2012, 2017). The implementation of these sanctions have taken place at at the national level for the laws, the sub-national level – districts-- and within the parties. In this Paper, we analyze first the sanctions process at the national level then present a research design to study the process in two districts through qualitative interviews with aspirants, candidates and the selectorate in all of the parties that present candidates. The detailed protocol for the interviews will be presented as well as the specific actors who will be interviewed. Here, we discuss the advantage of taking this multi level approach and discuss how the subnational qualitative case analyses will contribute to enhancing our understanding of the implementation process.

Since 2000, following the ratification of article I on parity between men and women in the constitution, national level laws have been adopted to put into place progressive sanctions given to parties that do not present an equal number of men and women candidates in the legislative elections (2002, 2007, 2012, 2017). The implementation of these sanctions have taken place at at the national level for the laws, the sub-national level – districts-- and within the parties. In this Paper, we analyze first the sanctions process at the national level then present a research design to study the process in two districts through qualitative interviews with aspirants, candidates and the selectorate in all of the parties that present candidates. The detailed protocol for the interviews will be presented as well as the specific actors who will be interviewed. Here, we discuss the advantage of taking this multi level approach and discuss how the subnational qualitative case analyses will contribute to enhancing our understanding of the implementation process.

Since 2000, following the ratification of article I on parity between men and women in the constitution, national level laws have been adopted to put into place progressive sanctions given to parties that do not present an equal number of men and women candidates in the legislative elections (2002, 2007, 2012, 2017). The implementation of these sanctions have taken place at at the national level for the laws, the sub-national level – districts-- and within the parties. In this Paper, we analyze first the sanctions process at the national level then present a research design to study the process in two districts through qualitative interviews with aspirants, candidates and the selectorate in all of the parties that present candidates. The detailed protocol for the interviews will be presented as well as the specific actors who will be interviewed. Here, we discuss the advantage of taking this multi level approach and discuss how the subnational qualitative case analyses will contribute to enhancing our understanding of the implementation process.

Based on findings of the multidisciplinary three-year TRANS-NET research project, this book examines the complex and multi-level processes of migrant transnationalism in four examples: India-United Kingdom, Morocco-France, Turkey-Germany and Estonia-Finland.

This study explores how individual level and team level social capital characteristics manifest their joint influence on knowledge transfer, considering team social capital as a moderator between individual social capital and knowledge transfer. Situated in a post-training context, a survey of 390 individuals from 30 teams in a Chinese bank was conducted. Our results revealed that team social capital interacted with individual social capital in influencing knowledge transfer. At the individual level, distance and structural equivalence between the knowledge seeker and the knowledge source influenced how much knowledge was transferred between them. Furthermore, team network density mitigated the negative effect of distance on knowledge transfer, and team learning culture reduced the positive effect of structural equivalence on knowledge transfer. Theoretical implications based on the findings are drawn.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine and reinterpret information ecology in the context of the changing environment of services, which has been strongly affected by digitalisation and increasing citizen engagement. Here, information ecology refers to the interaction and co-evolution of technologies, human beings and the social environment.Design/methodology/approachThe data consist of 25 thematic interviews conducted in a public Finnish organisation responsible for organising welfare services, and in its collaborating organisations. The interviews were analysed qualitatively. The analytical framework is based on Nardi and O'Day's five components of information ecology: system, diversity, co-evolution, keystone species and locality.FindingsThe analysis shows that these basic components still exist in the digitalisation era, but that they should be interpreted and highlighted differently, for example, stressing the openness of the information system instead of closed systems, as well as emphasising the increasing meaning of diversity amongst digitalisation, and the dynamic co-evolution between the elements of the system. New capabilities, such as the ability to combine various kinds of information and knowledge, are needed in this adaptation.Research limitations/implicationsThe study illustrates a wider, updated information-ecology concept with the help of empirical research. Technology affects care organisations' information ecologies in numerous – often invisible – ways, which this study brings into light.Originality/valueSo far, information-ecology research has overlooked social and healthcare, but this study provides findings concerning this societally important sector.

The aim of this article is to examine the link between the quality of social protection and citizens' satisfaction with the functioning of democracy - an association that has received very limited attention in the rich body of empirical research on popular satisfaction with democracy. To test the hypothesis that social protection levels influence citizens' satisfaction with democracy, the article conducts a multi-level regression analysis using European Social Survey (2008/9) data from 24 countries. The results of the analysis demonstrate that between-country differences are linked to variation in social protection levels, and within-country differences depend on individual satisfaction with social provision, while controlling for other relevant factors. The findings indicate that people do expect democratic regimes to provide social protection along with economic performance and thus suggest that democratic governments face a challenge in meeting simultaneous demands for social protection and economic prosperity. Altogether, the study contributes to debates about the implications of welfare policies and citizen satisfaction with regime performance. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of this article is to examine the link between the quality of social protection and citizens' satisfaction with the functioning of democracy — an association that has received very limited attention in the rich body of empirical research on popular satisfaction with democracy. To test the hypothesis that social protection levels influence citizens' satisfaction with democracy, the article conducts a multi-level regression analysis using European Social Survey (2008/9) data from 24 countries. The results of the analysis demonstrate that between-country differences are linked to variation in social protection levels, and within-country differences depend on individual satisfaction with social provision, while controlling for other relevant factors. The findings indicate that people do expect democratic regimes to provide social protection along with economic performance and thus suggest that democratic governments face a challenge in meeting simultaneous demands for social protection and economic prosperity. Altogether, the study contributes to debates about the implications of welfare policies and citizen satisfaction with regime performance.

Previous research, using standard regression analyses, suggests that national context affects citizens' satisfaction with democracy. We note that these standard techniques are inappropriate for examining the interaction between national and individual-level data, and we show empirically that these techniques have in fact led to severely biased findings in past studies. We therefore utilize a multi-level model to reassess existing theoretical claims. We find support for the claim that a consensual political system reduces the difference in democratic satisfaction between winners and losers. We do not find support, however, for existing arguments that citizen satisfaction is influenced by economic growth, corruption, democratic longevity, or changes in political freedoms. More generally, we argue that the bias produced by traditional statistical techniques is so severe that scholars must discontinue their use in future research.