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本研究旨在探索台灣自一九九零年代末推行之母語復興運動及其影響。作為使用者為數最多的本土語言,閩南語一度沒落;隨著母語復興措施當中、鄉土語言教學政策的廣泛開展,閩南語自「方言」一逕躍升為台灣文化的象徵,更被從政者甚至政府利用作對外宣傳之用。 ; 作者通過語言人類學田野考察方法,試圖以閩南語作為案例,釐清及解讀以下幾點:(一)台灣民眾當今的語言選擇及使用狀況;(二)他們的語言態度,與其文化認同之對應關係;(三)語言在台灣族群認同政治所扮演的角色;(四)語言政治在各社會文化層面所引起之角力;(五)方言(或語言,如原住民語言)群之競爭,如何掀起語言及文化傳統之再造和復興,以圖合理化其族群作為台灣文化象徵的地位。 ; 研究結果顯示,雖然巴赫汀 (Bakhtin) 的「眾聲喧嘩」(heteroglossia) 理論在實務層面與台灣的多語、多元文化相呼應,但當地政府所提倡之文化多元論、以及各持份者之間的隱性競爭,若以布迪厄 (Bourdieu) 的文化複製理論和傅柯(Foucault) 的權力知識理論解讀,當更適切。總的來說,台灣的母語復興運動,乃一項與昔日保守政權的抗衡行為賦權,控制兼具的政治行動,更是多元政治文化的象徵。 ; This thesis looks into the government-led language revitalization campaign in Taiwan with special reference to the case of Hokkien, one of the "bensheng" (local) vernacular with Han Chinese roots, in terms of language rights, ethnogenesis, and cultural legitimacy. Tracing the rise and development of concepts such as cultural heritage, ethnic identity and democracy in the region, the focus is placed on the recent changes in Taiwan's language ideology and the intricate emergence of Hokkien as one of the "national" languages and symbols apart from the official language, i.e. Mandarin Chinese. ; Against the backdrop where contesting discourses on language and culture discourses co-exist and crossbreed with each other, there are a number of closely-related issues that this thesis examines in particular: (1) the ways in which language choices are made and perceived in various contexts; (2) implications of such language choices as related to one's cultural identities; (3) the role of language politics in self and group identification and ethnic classification in Taiwan; (4) the power dynamics in various socio-cultural spheres; and (5) the resulting competition of multiple speech groups in Taiwan for authenticity, legitimacy and superiority in the political arena by means of reconstruction and reinvention of ethnic languages and traditions. ; The findings reveal that despite the practical relevance of Bakhtin's theory of heteroglossia to Taiwan's current ethnogenesis against the backdrop of multilingualism and ...

有關臺灣邊地的拓墾研究,往往傾向研究土地拓墾的過程與組織。其基本論述架構是漢墾戶向官方申請墾照後,官府將界外未墾的荒埔提供給漢人開墾,漢人如何自力或與官方合作經營的結果。這類的研究論述忽略了原來早已存在的非法拓墾行動一直沒有消失。拓墾的申請與其說是新的程序,不如說是一種合法化的過程。也正是這樣一種認知脈絡下,內山設隘開墾的組織就不是表面上所認識的是一批為官方守邊,或是因生番擾害而防番的一支武力組織。十九世紀初隘的設防已逐漸成為一種界外開墾的管道,清代官方檔案也提醒我們注意這些界外開墾的墾戶不僅沒有防番,可能還一直與生番有貿易來往關係。換言之,這些以防番為名的墾戶其實是假借防番為名,掩護越界開墾之實,其向官府強調「生番擾害」的原因只是為自己取得更大界外土地開墾的正當性。 ; 道光年間以前這類非法開墾早已經存在,官方也早已發現界外越墾的問題,因此如何控制界外開墾乃成為官方邊地控制的一大課題。為了處理這些問題,官府不斷調整其政策與設定邊界,從乾隆到道光年以後,這些邊界的浮動,與其說是官方主動規畫計議的結果,不如說是漢人與熟番通過各種途徑越界開墾,建構地權主張、操弄挪移既有的邊界後,官府最終追認的結果。臺灣邊界的變動以及隘墾區的拓墾顯示清代官方政策的實踐是不斷在向地方社會的現實妥協中逐漸調整的,而地方社會也在官方政策的模糊空間中,藉由官方的名義與權威,尋求自己利益的伸張與庇護。這便是臺灣邊地所顯現的一幅國家與地方互動的景象。臺灣作為清王朝帝國的邊疆,其邊地社會的建構,除了幫助我們把握臺灣整體歷史進程的理解外,也提供我們從一側面掌握清帝國擴張的內在軌跡與多元族群統治下的彈性策略。 ; Existing studies on land cultivation in Taiwan's frontier have the focus on its process and organizations. The most popular narrative is that the Han Chinese cultivators were granted the right to the waste land from the government. What is missed out in the narrative is the fact that illegal cultivation that had lasted for so long had never disappeared; therefore the application for license was little more than a move of self-legitimating. In light of this, the organizations which set up forts and managed land cultivation should not be taken on surface value that their purpose was to safeguard the border for the government or defend against the harassment of the aborigines. The forts became a system of land cultivation beyond the border, and the official documents evidenced the fact that cultivators did not defend against the aborigines, rather, they kept doing businesses with them. In other words, the cultivators in the name of self-defending were actually to cover their illegal activities and to grabbing more land, and for that purpose they emphasized the "harassment of the raw aborigines". ; Illegal activities had already existed before mid-Qing. The government was aware of this border control issues and had adjusted its cultivation and border policies. The line was not planned by the government; it was just government ...

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 행정학과(행정학전공), 2012. 2. 정광호. ; 사회가 민주화되고 가치가 분화됨에 따라 각종 국책사업을 둘러싼 공공갈등이 심화되고 있다. 단순한 이익갈등뿐만 아니라 가치갈등 또는 복합갈등이 빈번하게 발생하고 있으며, 갈등범위도 전국적으로 확대되고 있다. 본 연구는 국책사업 중에서 '세종시 수정안'을 사례로 선정하여 정책결정 과정을 둘러싼 갈등에 대해 분석하고자 하였다. 특히 세종시 수정안 정책결정을 둘러싼 갈등의 배경과 성격은 무엇이고, 그 갈등을 관리 또는 해결하기 위해 정부에서 선택한 의사결정 방안이 적정하였는지 등을 참여적 의사결정 하의 갈등관리시스템의 틀로 분석하였다. 이를 통해 향후 세종시 수정안 추진과 유사한 대형국책사업 추진에 있어서의 성공적인 갈등관리를 위한 시사점을 도출할 수 있을 것으로 기대하였다. 제1장에서는 연구의 목적과 필요성, 연구의 대상과 범위에 대해서 설명하고 연구에서 사용한 사례연구방법과 자료수집방법에 대해 밝혔다. 제2장에서는 공공갈등의 개념과 유형 등 이론적 논의를 한 후, 참여적 의사결정이론을 소개하였다. 이러한 이론적 배경과 선행연구 등을 바탕으로 연구의 분석틀을 설정하였다. 제3장에서는 세종시 수정안 갈등의 발생배경과 갈등의 성격, 갈등의 쟁점과 이해관계자 분석, 갈등시기별 전개과정 등을 살펴보았다. 제4장에서는 연구의 분석틀에 따라 참여적 의사결정 요인과 정치 환경 요인에 따라 세종시 수정안 사례를 분석하였다. 주요 분석결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 우선 참여적 의사결정 요인에 따른 분석결과, 세종시 수정안 사례는 전반적으로 참여적 의사결정 방법에 의한 갈등관리가 미흡하였다고 평가할 수 있다. 첫째, '여론수렴 및 정보제공'이 미흡한 것으로 나타났다. 초기부터 여론수렴 및 정보제공 보다는 정부주도의 일방향적인 의사결정 추진 및 설득에 치중함으로써 갈등관리에 부정적인 영향을 미쳤다고 볼 수 있다. 둘째, '참여적 의사결정 활용' 측면 또한 미흡한 것으로 나타났다. 관련분야의 학식과 경험이 풍부한 전문가들을 민간위원으로 포함시켜 '세종시 민관합동위원회'를 구성ㆍ운영하였으나, 인적구성에서 찬성의견과 반대의견에 대한 균형을 이루지 못하여 활동결과에 대한 신뢰도를 저하시키는 원인이 되었다. 셋째, '협력규칙의 적용 여부'를 살펴보면, 우선 참여규칙, 분해규칙 적용 측면에서 미흡하였다. 그리고 자원확대규칙 측면에서는 원안보다 큰 경제적 보상이라는 인센티브를 제공하였으나, 이해관계자들에게 정치적 신뢰를 얻지 못함으로써 큰 효과를 발휘하지 못하였다. 마지막으로 '결과의 공개 및 정책에의 반영 여부' 측면에서 볼 때, '세종시 발전방안'을 언론 브리핑 형태로 발표함으로써 결정결과의 공개 자체는 투명하게 이루어졌다고 할 수 있으나, 수정안 마련 과정이나 발표 이후 국민의견수렴 절차를 거치는 과정은 미흡했다고 볼 수 있다. 정치환경 요인에 따른 분석결과는 다음과 같다. 우선, 여당내 대통령의 리더십이 수정안 찬성집단과 반대집단으로 분절된 결과, 정책의제 설정 및 정책결정과정의 추진력이 약화되었다. 둘째, 야당이 타협의 의사 없이 세종시 수정 추진에 무조건 반대하는 방식으로 진행되어 갈등이 증폭되었다. 셋째, 핵심 어젠다 제기의 정치적 타이밍과 관련, 5년 단임제의 특성을 고려할 때 집권 2년이 다 되어 갈 무렵 세종시 수정이라는 어젠다가 공식 제기됨으로써 유리한 타이밍을 놓쳤다고 볼 수 있다. 이와 같이 불리한 환경적 요인들은 참여적 의사결정에 의한 갈등관리에 부정적인 제약요인으로 작용하였다고 볼 수 있다. 제5장에서는 이와 같은 연구결과를 요약하고, 다음과 같은 시사점을 도출하였다. 첫째, 갈등과 갈등 당사자의 특성, 갈등이슈 유형 등에 따라서 갈등관리방식의 선택 또한 달라져야 한다는 것이다. 특히, 극단적인 대립과 갈등이 예상되고 그 파급효과가 매우 큰 세종시 수정안과 같은 사례일수록, 사전에 갈등영향분석 등을 통해 갈등의 요인을 사전예측ㆍ분석하여 관리대책을 마련하고, 정책의제설정 및 정책결정과정에서 참여적 의사결정 수단의 적극적인 활용이 필요하다고 볼 수 있다. 둘째, 정책대상집단과 이해관계자에 대한 사회적 인식(social construction of target populations)에 따라 갈등관리의 구체적인 수단 또한 달라져야 한다는 점을 알 수 있다. 따라서 향후 유사한 갈등사례에 있어서 정부의 갈등관리 전략 마련시 대상집단에 대한 사회적 인식에 대한 관심을 바탕으로 유ㆍ무형의 인센티브를 적절히 활용하는 것이 필요하다고 할 수 있다. 셋째, 참여적 의사결정기법 활용을 위한 구체적인 법적ㆍ제도적 장치 마련이다. 세종시 수정안 사례에서 전반적으로 참여적 의사결정방법의 구체적인 수단 활용이 미흡했던 것은 이러한 방안을 준비하고 실행할 수 있는 제도적 뒷받침이 부족했던 점에서도 그 원인을 찾을 수 있다. ; As society is democratized and the value is divided, public conflict surrounding the various national projects is growing. Value conflicts or compound conflicts, as well as simple interest conflicts occur frequently, and conflict is expanding nationwide scope. This study selected the case of amendment of Sejong city among various national projects as a case study, and tried to analyze conflict over the decision-making process of the case. Especially, this analyzed over the background and characteristic of conflict on the amendment of Sejong city, and appropriateness of the system of conflict management selected by the government in order to manage or solve the conflict through the frame of conflict management system under participative decision-making. This promotion is similar to the amendment during the next three kinds of large national projects in promoting the success of the implications for conflict management was expected to be drawn. Through this study, it is expected to reach to an implication for the successful conflict management on the similar case of the amendment of Sejong city. Chapter 1 explains the purpose, necessity, range and target of the research, and it defines a method of case study as well as the method of collecting data that are used for the case study. Chapter 2 explains the theory of participative decision making after introducing a theoretical review such as concept and kinds of public conflict, and establishes a framework of the study by referencing previous studies. Chapter 3 reviews the background and nature of conflict on the amendment of Sejong city, conflict issues and stakeholders, and development process of conflict. Chapter 4 analyzes the case by the factors of participative decision making and the political-environmental factors through the framework. The summary of main analysis is as follows: First of all, the case of amendment of Sejong city can be evaluated that the conflict management through participative decision making is insufficient, as a result of analysis by the factors of participative decision making. First, the 'collection of public opinion and provision of information' was insufficient. From the beginning, the government focused on a one-way decision-making and persuasion rather than collection of public opinion and provision of information, and it negatively influenced on conflict management. Second, the 'use of participative decision-making' was also insufficient. Even though various experts participated in the Sejong city committee, the composition was biased. Therefore it was one of the main cause of declining the reliability of the results. Third, 'participating rule' and 'factoring rule' were not sufficiently utilized. In terms of 'resource expanding rule', the government suggested more incentive of amendment plan than one of original plan, but it was not effective because of distrust of the government. Finally, in terms of announcement of the result and feedback of policy', amendment of Sejong city was openly publicized through giving a briefing. However the process of collecting extensive opinions was insufficient. The result of analysis by means of political-environment factor is as follows: First, the leadership of President was divided into supporting groups and opposition groups. Therefore the momentum of agenda-setting and policy-making was weakened. Second, the opposition party opposed to the amendment of Sejoing city without any condition. Third, the political timing of agenda-setting was not timely. The government missed the advantageous timing because the agenda was proposed during second year of a 5-year term of presidency. These adverse environmental factors negatively effected on conflict management of participative decision making. Chapter 5 summarizes the results of these studies, and the following implications were drawn. First, the method of conflict management should be selected according to the nature of conflict and the conflict parties, conflict type of issue. In particular, when the extreme conflict is anticipated and the result of the policy is wide, the government should pre-establish measures of conflict management through conflict effect analysis, and participative decision making should be actively utilized. Second, the specific means of conflict management should be selected by social construction of target populations. Third, the government should prepare the specific legal and institutional means for the use of participative decision making. ; Master

Ng Hoi Lam. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 138-149). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ix ; Acknowledgments --- p.xi ; List of Abbreviations,Tables and Figures --- p.xii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: Summit in Sino-American relations --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Magic Figure --- p.1 ; Chapter - --- 30th Anniversary of Rapprochement between the US and China ; Chapter 1.2 --- Puzzle --- p.3 ; Chapter - --- The Central question ; Chapter 1.3 --- Layout --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Argument --- p.6 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review: Linking the internal politics to decision-making process of foreign policy Rational model VS Power model in High politics --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.1 --- What is a Summit? --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Who is/ are the person(s) in-charge of foreign policy making process? --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Foreign Policy decision making model(s) ; Chapter - --- Rationality model VS Power model --- p.16 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Linking internal and external politics ; Chapter - --- Two-level game instead of realism --- p.21 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Value of summitry --- p.25 ; Chapter - --- A photo-taking arena ; Chapter - --- Symbolism or substance? ; Chapter 2.6 --- Summitry in APEC --- p.32 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Methodology & Theoretical Framework: Summitry for settling legitimacy dilemma by two-level game --- p.34 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Focusing the subject --- p.34 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Research Method and Data --- p.38 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Nature of Sino-American relations --- p.39 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Summitry under two-level game --- p.47 ; Chapter 3.5 --- Pattern in APEC summits --- p.53 ; Chapter 3.6 --- "Modeling in 3 'I's´ؤInternational, internal and individual" --- p.55 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- A Year of Presidential Elections: The case of 1996 --- p.61 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Manila APEC --- p.61 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Jiang's Taiwan Policy ; Chapter - --- How did the 'Eight Points' work under internal politics --- p.62 ...

China's hyper-speed modernisation process generates complex problems demanding new approaches to designing equitable, integrated, liveable, urban and rural places. The Chinese hinterland city of Chongqing's vast urban and rural area provides rich opportunities for investigating how art and design can help address related liveability and place-making challenges. This research aims to use Sino-Australian co-design to test how participatory urban media (large and small interactive screens, installations, façades, and devices) can act as a dialogic interface between diverse community, industry, and government stakeholders to increase our capacity to manage regional urban place-making problems. Our paper presents three empirical perspectives critically reflecting on a two-day co-design workshop conducted in Chongqing during December 2019 prior to the COVID19 pandemic. Informed by our own observations, and insights contributed by participating urban planners, architects, artists, designers, local government, academics, and students, we take a multi-vocal approach to evaluating the workshop methods, outcomes, and interactions. The unfolding narrative illustrates how transcultural and interdisciplinary co-design processes are entangled in language, local knowledge and traditions, socio-cultural hierarchies, different disciplinary fields and levels of professional status, as well as assumed Western design histories and local understandings of the role of art and design in relation to society. We argue these factors also influence the presentation of knowledge in academic writing about design. This highlights the urgent need for pluriversal modes of co-design, research through design, and scholarship about design which can inclusively impact and respond to the diverse needs of the new international situation and our shared urban futures.

Abortion has become a common practice in modern China since the implementation of birth limitation policy in the 1950s. In recent decades, the growing prevalence of abortion among young unmarried migrant workers has aroused public concern. Socially, abortion among this group of young women is often seen as a reproductive health problem or anomalous phenomenon that needs to be managed and handled; at the individual level, abortion is singled out as a behavioural misconduct of young women, which signifies their moral failure. However, these indiscreet and injudicious perceptions fail to acknowledge the complexity and structural dynamics behind their choices.While past studies have examined abortion through perspectives including law, morality, policy and reproductive health, or analyzed its impact on macro politics and institutions at a societal level, few of them have looked into the authentic experiences of these women and examined the whole issue from the perspective of interpersonal and gender dynamics. To fill the gap of knowledge, the present study aims at comprehending this distinctive life event of women and reflecting women's agency. Through conducting intensive ethnographic observation and in-depth interviews with 20 unmarried female migrant workers aged from 17 to 28 years old with diverse background, the underlining forces behind the occurrence of abortion are revealed, such as the influence of state family planning policy, the complex changes of lifestyle under market reform,and the heavy influence of partners and families on the decisions concerning marriage and childbirth. This study also traces the process within which abortion decisions are made, from sexual contacts, contraceptive uses, abortion decision-making,to the negotiation between partners, depicting women's responses to structural constraints and how their choices are made under the influence of migration. ...

随着我国城镇化的发展和城乡迁移人口的大幅增加,越来越多进城务工人员选择让子女随迁进入城市。在城乡教育水平存在差异的情况下,让子女随迁或留守反映着家庭对高质量教育的需求,同时也有可能改变家庭中教育资源的分配状况。政府是基础教育总成本的主要承担者,政策上可以通过增加政府教育的投入来减轻家庭的私人负担。因此,家庭负担的私人成本大小与政府的供给具有密切的关系。 ; 本研究主要采用2008年CHIP(Chinese Household Income Project)数据,从需求的角度考察随迁选择及其对教育支出的影响。研究进一步加入了流出老家和流入城市两地的县级的宏观教育财政数据来反映政府教育供给状况,并探讨了家庭支出和政府供给的相关关系。研究首先采用Probit 回归对随迁选择影响因素进行分析发现,除了个体、家庭和地区因素外,城市教育财政支出是家庭进行随迁选择的拉动力,城乡间教育支出的相对差异也显著地促进随迁选择;研究的第二部分采用倾向得分匹配法寻找随迁与家庭教育支出的因果关系。结果发现,与留守相比,随迁会导致家庭校内教育支出的显著增加,其中进入公办学校的家庭支出增加62%至64%左右。最后,结合政府供给水平对家庭需求的影响,作者发现,流入地政府的教育支出有助于提高流动儿童进入公办学校的机会,与家庭教育支出存在着挤入效应,随着政府支出的增加,家庭需要负担更多的私人成本。 ; 研究首次将政府供给水平与随迁子女的教育需求进行结合,具有一定的创新意义。 结论中关于城乡教育支出差异对随迁选择的积极作用,有助于中央或地方政府通过促进城乡均衡发展对随迁过程进行引导;而随迁家庭需要承担高额教育支出的客观事实,也有利于家庭进行随迁选择时充分地考虑成本因素;研究最后发现的挤入效应反映了流入地县级政府教育财力的缺陷,明确了中央政府承担责任的必要性。 ; Whiles urbanization and rural-urban migration in China have been increased rapidly in recent years, more and more migration workers have chosen to bring their children to urban migration destinations. Because of the huge rural-urban gap in education funding, the choice of migrating with children versus leaving them behind in rural areas reflects demand of high educational quality by families. Further, different migration behaviors could also affect households' resource allocation on education. Since government plays a major role on the total cost of basic education, policies can be implemented to release family's budget constraint by raising the education finance. As a result, the extent to which private education cost by migrant households is closely related to the level of public funding. ; Using the 2008 Chinese Household Income Project (CHIP) data, my thesis attempts to investigate the determinants of family migration decision on children and the impact of children migration on educational expenditure. I merge the CHIP data with the macro educational fiscal data in migrants' place of origin and destination to to indicate the public fiscal support, and explore the relationship between household expenditure and governmental funding on education. I ...

Fu Gang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2001. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 71-72). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; ABSTRACT OF THESIS ENTITLED --- p.I ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENT --- p.III ; TABLE OF CONTENT --- p.IV ; LIST OF FIGURES --- p.VII ; LIST OF TABLES --- p.VIII ; Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- A Third-party E-commerce Logistics Center in Need --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Difficulty in Designing the Logistics Center --- p.2 ; Chapter 1.3 --- AHP and ANP --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Scope of the Study --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Organization of the Thesis --- p.5 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- BACKGROUND AND LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.7 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Third-party E-commerce Logistics Center --- p.7 ; Chapter 2.2 --- "Government, Investors, and Users" --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Center Design --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Information and Physical Infrastructure --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Ownership Arrangement --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Design Alternatives --- p.13 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Evaluating Design Alternatives --- p.17 ; Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- AHP MODEL --- p.19 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction of AHP --- p.19 ; Chapter 3.2 --- AHP Models for Government --- p.20 ; Chapter 3.2.1 --- Benefit to Government --- p.20 ; Chapter 3.2.2 --- Cost to Government --- p.23 ; Chapter 3.2.3 --- Risk to Government --- p.24 ; Chapter 3.3 --- AHP Models for Investors --- p.25 ; Chapter 3.3.1 --- Benefit to Investors --- p.25 ; Chapter 3.3.2 --- Cost to Investors --- p.28 ; Chapter 3.3.3 --- Risk to Investors --- p.29 ; Chapter 3.4 --- AHP Models for Users --- p.32 ; Chapter 3.4.1 --- Benefit to Users --- p.32 ; Chapter 3.4.2 --- Cost to Users --- p.34 ; Chapter 3.4.3 --- Risk to Users --- p.36 ; Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- RISK SHARING IN CENTER DESIGN ´ؤ USING AHP MODEL --- p.38 ; Chapter 4.1 --- "Solution Methodology of Aggregating Benefit, Cost and Risk in AHP" --- p.38 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Aspects in Determining an Agreeable Solution --- p.40 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Sensitivity ...

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 행정학과, 2012. 2. 김상헌. ; 중앙정부는 지방정부의 부족한 재원을 지방교부세, 국고보조금과 같은 지방재정조정제도를 통해 보전하고 있다. 우리나라의 경우 지방 재정조정제도의 하나인 지방교부세에 보통교부세와 특별교부세가 있 다. 특별교부세는 보통교부세의 경직적 산정에 따른 배분의 한계를 보완하여 각 지방재정력의 격차를 고려하여 보전한다는 방침으로 행 정안전부에서 운영하고 있다. 그러나 특별교부세는 배분의 기준과 결 정이 모호하고 불투명하여 그 결정이 정치적으로 이루어진다는 문제 점을 지적하는 연구가 있다. 선행연구로 이루어진 특별교부세 배분에 관한 실증분석에서는 배분의 결정에 영향을 미친다고 상정한 정치적 행위자를 국회 행정안전위원회 소속, 지역구 국회의원 수 등 의회의 영역으로만 한정하였다. 본 논문은 정치적 요인에 의회의 행위자뿐만 아니라 정부의 행위자 를 포함시켜 분석하였다. 본 논문은 전국 234개 시‧군‧구의 2003~2006년도 4개년도의 특별교부세 자료를 이용하여 특별교부세 배분의 결정에 영향을 미치는 요인들에 대해 정부 정무직 공직자를 포함하여 실증분석을 시도하였다. 그 결과 정부 정무직 공직자로 상 정한 변수가 배분의 결정에 영향을 미친다고 파악되었고, 정부 정무 직 공직자 중에서도 국무총리와 국무조정실‧차장이 다른 정무직 공직 자에 비해 더 큰 영향을 미친다고 파악되었다. 특별교부세 배분에 정무직 공직자가 자기 출생지에 더 많이 배분하 려 결정 과정에 영향을 미치는 것뿐만 아니라 정무직 공직자가 임기 후 선출직에 출마할 경우 특별교부세 배분의 결정에 더 큰 영향을 미 친다는 것을 보았다. 이로써 특별교부세 배분의 결정에 정부의 정무 직 공직자가 영향을 미친다는 것을 확인할 수 있었다. ; The national government makes up for any shortfall in finance of the local governments by the local finance coordination system, which includes local revenue sharings and national subsidies. The local revenue sharing, as a kind of the local finance coordination system, consists of an ordinary revenue sharing and a special revenue sharing. The latter is introduced to remedy the shortcomings of the former's allocation system caused by the rigidity of its calculation, and is currently operated by the Ministry of Public Administration and Security. There are some literature criticizing the problem that the SRS allocation is decided politically due to the fact that the principles for its allocation are equivocal and the decisions are arbitrary and not transparent. In previous studies analyzing the SRS allocation empirically, the scope of the political actors who are assumed to exert influences on the allocation decision is limited to the legislative area, such as the members of the National Assembly Public Administration and Security Committee and the number of lawmakers in each electoral district. This study presents a further analysis with a new political factor, the government actors, in addition to the existing legislative actors. Specifically, using the SRS data for the period of 2003 ~ 2006 for the entire 234 cities- counties-districts in the country, the present study attempts to analyze the factors, which affect SRS allocation decisions, including the new variable, the government's political masters. The results demonstrate that the new variable indeed affects the allocation decisions and that, among the political masters, prime ministers and directors generals and deputy directors in the Prime Ministers Office are shown to exert greater influences than others. Moreover, it is also shown that they exercise their power in the SRS allocation decision making process to provide more sharings to their places of birth, and in particular, their intervention is even greater when they decide to run for an elective office from their places of birth after the termination of their government offices. As such, this study verifies that the government's political masters exert influences on the SRS allocation decision. ; Master