Suchergebnisse

Der Begriff "multilevel governance" bzw. Steuerung und Koordinierung im Mehrebenensystem wird in der politikwissenschaftlichen Literatur erst seit einiger Zeit häufiger gebraucht. Mehrebenensysteme der Politik entstehen, wenn zwar die Zuständigkeiten nach Ebenen aufgeteilt, jedoch die Aufgaben interdependent sind, wenn also Entscheidungen zwischen Ebenen koordiniert werden müssen. Die in der Föderalismusdiskussion vielfach negativ bewertete "Politikverflechtung" stellt somit ein wesentliches Merkmal von "multilevel governance" dar. Gegenstand der vorliegenden politikwissenschaftlichen Analyse sind die Ursachen, die Formen und die Folgen der Verflechtung. Ein zentrales Merkmal der Mehrebenenpolitik ergibt sich aus der Tatsache, dass mit Ebenen eine bestimmte Organisation von Politik, sei es einer Gebietskörperschaft oder einer internationalen Form der Staatenzusammenarbeit oder der Staatenverbindung, umschrieben wird. Es handelt sich damit um komplexe Konfiguration, die aus der Verbindung von Strukturen und Prozessen innerhalb von Ebenen (intragouvernemental) und zwischen Ebenen (intergouvernemental) gebildet werden. Die konkrete Form eines Mehrebenensystems resultiert aus der Kombination von institutionellen "Regelsystemen" der jeweiligen Ebenen und den Beziehungen zwischen ihnen. Diese Regelsysteme erzeugen bestimmte Funktionslogiken der Politik, die mehr oder weniger miteinander kompatibel sind. (ICA2)

Transnational policy networks appear to be an attractive common subject of both public policy & international relations, if we are interested in the consequences of globalization on public policy-making capacities. The article focuses on the confrontation between approaches that propose these networks as a new governance instrument & a more critical analytical perspective. Based on a theoretical model that analyzes transnational policy networks as interorganizational resource exchanges, empirical illustrations from the following research areas are presented: cooperation in border regions, transnational advocacy NGOs in human rights protection, & multilevel governance in the European Union. The article concludes that transnational policy networks are only relevant under very specific empirical conditions. Furthermore, the possibility to regulate these networks is severely limited. Finally, transnational policy networks raise important questions of democratic legitimacy. Adapted from the source document.

Since its very beginning, European integration has been accompanied by conflicts with isolated partners. In some cases, as de Gaulle's "empty chair" policy reveals, they have led to crises of the integration process itself. Conflicts with isolated partners are quite common in the European Union & increase as the EU is deepened & widened. While most of them are resolved without causing public attention, some do bear the potential for escalation & crisis like, for example, the struggle over BSE. Interestingly enough, while there has been a growth in the heterogeneity of interests -- which in turn has led to the steadily growing potential for conflict -- there has not been an increase in disintegrative spill-overs, such as GB's "non-cooperation policy," or lasting blockades. The article argues that this can be explained by the EU's growing ability to resolve conflicts, which is largely based on asymmetric multilevel governance. The analysis of conflicts with isolated partners reveals that the European political system's growing potential for conflict resolution can best be understood by applying a multilevel-governance approach founded on neoinstitutionalist insights. 1 Table, 75 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article analyzes changing patterns of mobilizing political protest in the multilevel governance polity of the EU. It is shown that the emerging European political opportunity structure is providing a new transnational context for collective action. Under these conditions, civic mobilization shifts from "loud protest" to silent lobbyism, information politics, & monitoring. Avoiding the polarizing forces of civic protest & contentious politics, social movements emerge in the European sphere mainly as advocacy coalitions applying & diffusing consensual word discourses. Antiracism mobilization in Europe illustrates these dynamics. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

The European Union is becoming increasingly important for national governance. It especially challenges federal states as we can see in the case of the Federal Republic of Germany. This article will show that the complexity of the European multilevel system can be described as "nested games." We focus on the role of the German "Lander" as generators of ideas in the European reform process -- covering the period from the International Governmental Conference in 2000 to the European Convention. Based on their own empirical surveys, the authors answer the question of how the German "Lander" have been dealing with the objective & subjective limitations to their scope of action as a consequence of increased Europeanization. We assume that the German "Lander" are following the strategy of maximizing their options: In principle, all channels of the European multilevel system are used to represent their own interests -- both at a multilateral or unilateral level & to signal political resistance. The full picture of the empirical "Lander" activities can only be shown by focusing on the European & transnational channels of regional interest representation. 54 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article tries to classify the "new open method of co-ordination" ("new OMC") in terms of the perspective of European integration theories. It illustrates the extent to which Scharpf's (2000 & 2002) "notes towards a theory of multilevel governing in Europe" & his "modes of Europeanization" on which his classification of the OMC is based, stand up to an empirical analysis. The establishment of the "new OMC" in the area of social inclusion will be used as the empirical example, which can explain why Scharpf changed his judgment in relation to the classification of the OMC from 2000 to 2002. Thus, it will be stressed that Scharpf's "modes of Europeanization" cannot cover the new modes of governance in the social realm of the EU. An alternative set of classifications will be offered & research perspectives elaborated. 31 References. Adapted from the source document.

In the 1980s, international banking regulation was considered a good example of successful regime activities. National regulators engaged in intergovernmental negotiations that led to an international standard of protection against financial risks. During the 1990s, a multilevel system of regulation developed that stresses the cooperation of public & private actors & the interplay between domestic & international levels. The article deals with the reasons for the transition from the first to the second institutional setting. It is argued that regulators choose different regulatory models depending on the type of regulatory problem they have to solve & on the strategic situation they face. In the 1980s, the strategic situation resembled a distributional conflict that could be solved by intergovernmental negotiations. In the 1990s, more complex types of financial risks have evolved that are turning regulation into a "game against nature." Negotiations are gradually being replaced by communication-based learning processes. Adapted from the source document.

In den letzten Jahrzehnten sind nicht nur vielfältige internationale Institutionen zur Regelung von Problemen und Konflikten entstanden, die sich aus den Globalisierungsprozessen herleiten. Auch haben sich die Akteurskonstellationen erweitert und schließen nicht-staatliche Akteure ein. Dies alles hat in zahlreichen Politikfeldern Formen transnationaler Governance hervorgebracht. Doch trotz deren Heterogenität überwiegen in der politikwissenschaftlichen Forschung politikfeldunspezifische und häufig auch normativ und institutionell-fixierte Ansätze. Nach einer Skizze einiger Aporien der theoretischen Diskussion werden wir dieses Problem am Beispiel des Konfliktfelds internationaler Arbeitsregulierung behandeln. Empirischer Bezugspunkt ist die Wirkungsanalyse des 'North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation' - es ist dies ein junges Arbeitsregime, das 1994 als Nebenabkommen zum nordamerikanischen Freihandelsvertrag in Kraft trat. Die Untersuchung zeigt, dass die strukturellen und institutionellen Eigensinnigkeiten der politischen Mehrebenenprozesse internationale Arbeitsregulierung als Konfliktfeld in spezifischer Weise strukturieren. Notwendig für eine umfassende Analyse internationaler Arbeitsregulierung, so die zentrale These, ist die Entwicklung eines politik- und konfliktfeldspezifischen Zugangs zu den transnationalen Governance-Prozessen, der es erst ermöglicht, komplexe innergesellschaftliche Widersprüche und Dynamiken und schließlich deren Widerspenstigkeit gegenüber internationalen Beziehungen zu erfassen. ; During the last decades, an ongoing process of international institution building has developed that responds to problems and conflicts generated by globalization. As, simultaneously, the spectrum of political actors has been extended including private actors, we perceive new complex forms and processes of transnational governance in many politicy areas. Despite of the obvious heterogeneity of these processes, the political-science debate is dominated by approaches that do not take account of the logics of the specific policy areas and are normative and institutionally-fixed. After sketching some crucial theoretical apories of the debate, we focus on international labor regulation as a specific policy area. Our argument is empirically based on the analysis of an international labor regime, the North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation, which in 1994 was signed by the USA, Canada and Mexico as a NAFTA side agreement. We argue that political multilevel processes specific to international labor regulation are stamped - and blocked - by the structural and institutional particularities of this policy area. An adequate and comprehensive analysis - so the main argument - needs a more policy- specific approach that permits to grasp contradictions and dynamics of domestic (labor) relations as well as their shielding from international relations.

Mit der ökonomischen Globalisierung geht auch eine Internationalisierung des Konfliktfelds der Arbeitsregulierung einher. Sie findet ihren Ausdruck in der Debatte um internationale Arbeits- und Sozialstandards, die sowohl Menschenrechtsverletzungen als auch den Deregulierungsdruck einer Abwärtsspirale, eines 'race to the bottom', Einhalt bieten sollen. In den Mittelpunkt der kontroversen Diskussion ist die Forderung nach Sozialklauseln gerückt - Klauseln in Handelsverträgen, die Handelsvorteile an die Einhaltung von Arbeitnehmerrechten binden. Befürworter sehen vor allem in ihrem Sanktionspotenzial ein wirksames Mittel der Durchsetzung internationaler Arbeits- und Sozialstandards. In unserem Artikel setzen wir uns kritisch mit den verbreiteten Wirkungsannahmen zu Sozialklauseln auseinander. Wir beziehen uns dabei auf die Ergebnisse eines empirischen Forschungsprojekts zum North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation, einem der beiden NAFTA-Nebenabkommen. Es ist dies das erste multilaterale, zwischen Mexiko, den USA und Kanada - also höchst heterogenen Staaten - vereinbarte Abkommen dieser Art. Unsere Ergebnisse stärken letztlich Zweifel an den verbreiteten Begründungen für Sozialklauseln. Wir zeigen auf, dass diese überwiegend ökonomistisch verkürzt sind, die soziale und politische Logik nationaler Arbeitsbeziehungen und auch die Machtassymetrien auf internationaler Ebene vernachlässigen. Problematisch ist auch das einfache Ursache-Wirkungs-Modell internationaler Arbeitsregulierung, das der sozialen Dynamik in einem widersprüchlichen Mehrebenenprozess von transnational governance zwar zugrunde gelegt, letztlich aber nicht gerecht wird. Was somit als effektives Verfahren angesehen wird, könnte sich in der Praxis als Hemmschuh internationaler Arbeitsregulierung erweisen. Es bleibt die Aufgabe politologischer und auch soziologischer Forschung, Erfahrungen existierender Ansätze internationaler Arbeitsregulierung auszuwerten und differenziertere Modelle und Konzepte zu entwickeln. ; Along with economic globalisation there is a visible trend towards a internationalisation of labor regulation as indicated by the debate about international social and labor standards designed and implemented to prevent human rights abuses as well as a 'race to the bottom' of deregulation. One of the central issues in this debate is that of social clauses - clauses in trade agreements that link trade preferences to compliance with international labor standards. Advocates of the concept stress especially the importance of sanctions as an effective means of enforcement of labor standards. In our article, we discuss critically the assumptions regarding the effectiveness of social clauses. Our argument is supported by the results of an empirical research project on the North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation, one of the two NAFTA-side agreements. It is the first multilateral agreement of that kind negotiated between the U.S.A., Canada and Mexico - i.e. between very heterogeneous states. Our findings further a sceptical view on the effectiveness of social clauses: The concept suffers from an economistic bias and ignores the social and political logic of domestic labor relations as well as power asymmetries in international relations. Most important, it assumes a simple cause-effect model of international labor regulation that does not takes into account the social dynamic of the contradictory and multilevel process of transnational governance. What is seen as a suitable instrument could, finally, turn out to be a bar for effective international labor regulation. Indeed, it remains a challenge for the political and sociological debate to evaluate the experience from existing forms of international labor regulation and to develop more differentiated models and concepts.