Employment policies and multilevel governance
In: Bulletin of comparative labour relations 71
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In: Bulletin of comparative labour relations 71
In: The British journal of politics & international relations: BJPIR, Band 22, Heft 4, S. 820-826
ISSN: 1467-856X
Multilevel governance describes the diffusion of authority away from the central state. In this contribution, we recount how an archaic term, governance, became part of the vocabulary of political science. We then outline three building blocks of a postfunctionalist theory of multilevel governance. The first is that multilevel governance is cooperation to provide collective goods at diverse scales. The second is that the form governance takes depends on the sociality of the participants. The third is that conflict over community enables or impedes multilevel governance.
In: Elgar research agendas
Front Matter -- Copyright -- Contents -- Figures -- Contributors -- Introduction: What is multilevel governance? -- PART I STRUCTURES AND INSTITUTIONS -- 1 Multilevel governance and the coordination dilemma -- 2 Democratizing multilevel governance -- 3 Administrative structures of multilevel governance -- 4 The role of law in multilevel governance: Four conceptualizations -- 5 Digitalization and multilevel governance -- PART II ACTORS AND POWER -- 6 Regional and global multilevel governance between and beyond states -- 7 Parliaments and parties in multilevel governance
In: Gushchina, Kristina and Kaiser, Andre . Multilevel governance and women's legislative representation. Eur. J. Polit. Res. HOBOKEN: WILEY. ISSN 1475-6765
Research shows that electoral systems, gender quotas and a country's socio-economic development affect women's legislative representation (WLR). Less attention is paid to the effects of the rise of regional political arenas and multilevel politics on WLR. Due to less costly and competitive electoral campaigns, women can have easier access to regional legislatures. We argue that this relationship is mitigated by the distribution of competences between the different levels of the political system and that decentralization's effect on WLR at the regional level is dependent on the regions' political power. To test this, we use an original dataset on WLR in 383 regional parliaments in 19 European countries from 1970 to 2018. Results of the three-level models show that more political authority vested into regions leads to a lower level of WLR in the legislatures of the more politically powerful regions in comparison with not only the regions possessing less authority but also with the national parliament. Possible explanations for this effect, such as the attractiveness of these positions to the mostly male political elite and, consequently, increased costs and competitiveness of electoral campaigns, are suggested.
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In: Soziopolis: Gesellschaft beobachten
Renate Mayntz (Hrsg.): Negotiated Reform: The Multilevel Governance of Financial Regulation. Frankfurt am Main: Campus 2015. 9783593505510
In: The Oxford Handbook of Transformations of the State
In: European view: EV, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 97-103
ISSN: 1865-5831
In the current economic and social crisis affecting Europe, dialogue is of great importance. The reaction of the EU to the present situation is evident from various discussions and documents. Following the ambitious Lisbon Strategy, a document created during a period of economic growth for most of the Member States, we now have before us the Europe 2020 Strategy. In this article, the author explores the contents of this strategy in light of the implementation of its goals of multilevel governance.
In: Regulation & governance, Band 16, Heft 3, S. 621-633
ISSN: 1748-5991
AbstractThis article makes four claims: First, tax systems at the national, regional and global level are regulatory systems. They can and should be studied as that. Second, taxation is an important extension to regulatory scholars' empirical field of inquiry. It is a hard case to test prominent theories of new, softer modes of governance. Third, in the era of liberalization and globalization tax governance exhibits similar institutional changes as regulatory governance. It has changed (1) from national to multi‐level governance, (2) from public and direct to indirect with increased involvement of private actors, and (3) from hierarchical and coercive to cooperative and responsive. Fourth, since the global financial crisis, the new sites of tax governance have increasingly been involved in the fight against tax evasion and avoidance and have become more politicized. These claims are substantiated by reference to the contributions to the special issue that this article introduces.
In: Territory, politics, governance, Band 7, Heft 2, S. 250-264
ISSN: 2162-268X
In: OECD Territorial Reviews: France 2006; OECD Territorial Reviews, S. 133-201
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 60, Heft 4, S. 934-953
ISSN: 1475-6765
AbstractResearch shows that electoral systems, gender quotas and a country's socio‐economic development affect women's legislative representation (WLR). Less attention is paid to the effects of the rise of regional political arenas and multilevel politics on WLR. Due to less costly and competitive electoral campaigns, women can have easier access to regional legislatures. We argue that this relationship is mitigated by the distribution of competences between the different levels of the political system and that decentralization's effect on WLR at the regional level is dependent on the regions' political power. To test this, we use an original dataset on WLR in 383 regional parliaments in 19 European countries from 1970 to 2018. Results of the three‐level models show that more political authority vested into regions leads to a lower level of WLR in the legislatures of the more politically powerful regions in comparison with not only the regions possessing less authority but also with the national parliament. Possible explanations for this effect, such as the attractiveness of these positions to the mostly male political elite and, consequently, increased costs and competitiveness of electoral campaigns, are suggested.
In: From Global to Grassroots, S. 48-75
In: The European journal of development research, Band 18, Heft 2, S. 299-318
ISSN: 1743-9728
In: The European journal of development research: journal of the European Association of Development Research and Training Institutes (EADI), Band 18, Heft 2, S. 299-318
ISSN: 0957-8811