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First edition, published 1909, by Frank J. Goodnow. ; Mode of access: Internet.

AbstractAlthough torn by revolution, China still finds time to devote to improvments in municipal government. Problems of administration and city planning are receiving attention. Mr, Chang has studied at Michigan, Columbia, Harvard and Syracuse Universities and at the National Institute of Public Administration.

Municipal governments play a vital role in American democracy, as well as in governments around the world. Despite this, little is known about the degree to which cities are responsive to the views of their citizens. In the past, the unavailability of data on the policy preferences of citizens at the municipal level has limited scholars' ability to study the responsiveness of municipal government. We overcome this problem by using recent advances in opinion estimation to measure the mean policy conservatism in every U.S. city and town with a population above 20,000 people. Despite the supposition in the literature that municipal politics are non-ideological, we find that the policies enacted by cities across a range of policy areas correspond with the liberal-conservative positions of their citizens on national policy issues. In addition, we consider the influence of institutions, such as the presence of an elected mayor, the popular initiative, partisan elections, term limits, and at-large elections. Our results show that these institutions have little consistent impact on policy responsiveness in municipal government. These results demonstrate a robust role for citizen policy preferences in determining municipal policy outcomes, but cast doubt on the hypothesis that simple institutional reforms enhance responsiveness in municipal governments.

Municipal governments play a vital role in American democracy, as well as in governments around the world. Despite this, little is known about the degree to which cities are responsive to the views of their citizens. In the past, the unavailability of data on the policy preferences of citizens at the municipal level has limited scholars' ability to study the responsiveness of municipal government. We overcome this problem by using recent advances in opinion estimation to measure the mean policy conservatism in every U.S. city and town with a population above 20,000 people. Despite the supposition in the literature that municipal politics are non-ideological, we find that the policies enacted by cities across a range of policy areas correspond with the liberal-conservative positions of their citizens on national policy issues. In addition, we consider the influence of institutions, such as the presence of an elected mayor, the popular initiative, partisan elections, term limits, and at-large elections. Our results show that these institutions have little consistent impact on policy responsiveness in municipal government. These results demonstrate a robust role for citizen policy preferences in determining municipal policy outcomes, but cast doubt on the hypothesis that simple institutional reforms enhance responsiveness in municipal governments.

Municipal governments play a vital role in American democracy, as well as in governments around the world. Despite this, little is known about the degree to which cities are responsive to the views of their citizens. In the past, the unavailability of data on the policy preferences of citizens at the municipal level has limited scholars' ability to study the responsiveness of municipal government. We overcome this problem by using recent advances in opinion estimation to measure the mean policy conservatism in every U.S. city and town with a population above 20,000 people. Despite the supposition in the literature that municipal politics are non-ideological, we find that the policies enacted by cities across a range of policy areas correspond with the liberal-conservative positions of their citizens on national policy issues. In addition, we consider the influence of institutions, such as the presence of an elected mayor, the popular initiative, partisan elections, term limits, and at-large elections. Our results show that these institutions have little consistent impact on policy responsiveness in municipal government. These results demonstrate a robust role for citizen policy preferences in determining municipal policy outcomes, but cast doubt on the hypothesis that simple institutional reforms enhance responsiveness in municipal governments.

Under the broad title of this paper I propose to deal with some legislative and administrative aspects of municipal government rather than the more political phases, although, of course, these matters cannot be definitely segregated. It is my intention to note some points in connection with the present structure of municipal government in this province, to raise certain problems for discussion—problems which are vital even if obvious—and to make some suggestions.These matters have interested me for some time both because of an academic interest, and because of the experience of seven or eight years' active participation in municipal affairs. I have held municipal office—both by appointment and election—and I have learned much about what is and what is not possible in the political processes. But I hasten to add that I have also been defeated for municipal office and probably that has taught me the most. However, I will not labour these points here.The first elementary point that I should like to make is the constitutional one that in this country the municipality is the creature of the province. Our constitution establishes only the federal and provincial governments, and such power as municipalities have is delegated by the province. This means that changes in municipal structure depend on no complicated constitutional negotiations or charter but simply upon the willingness of the legislature to make changes which are believed to be generally acceptable.