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The legitimacy authority of kiai's diversity it's nothing for the Indonesian muslim communities. even for some people, the figure of kiai gets the title as a holy person, wise along with other attributes that are embedded to the kiai. Whereas lately, the picture of politics continues to be torn apart and degenerates so that you are in an uncomfortable zone, thas is a negative view of dirty world. So is there a synergistic meeting point betwen these two poles ? so that both of them can be in tune to become a single. This study aims to determine the publics of kiai, by using the type field qualitative reasearch when the reasearcher conducts reseacrh in the Somber Bentong hamlet, Karang Cempaka Village, Bluto District, Sumenep regency. to get understanding description, public percepstion and dakwah from political kiai. The techniques used in this research are observation, interview and documentation which are then analyzed by data reduction, data presentation and data verification. The conclusion of this study is that the term kiai undergoes a transformation of function that is only intended for a person with religious understanding who is considered capable. While public perception of kiai figures involved in politics practically does not result in a shift in community compliance. As well as the public's view of da'wah kiai politics remains in the optimistic space of healthy and clean politics.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the contributions of L.W.C. Van Den Berg in Dutch colonial legal politics on the development of religious courts through the theory of reception in complexu. The focus of this research are: what are the contributions of Van Den Berg in the development of religious justice in Indonesia? Why did the Dutch colonial government accept this idea? Was it to protect the colonized people or protect their power? This type of research is a library research by focusing on sources of information originating from legal politics books, articles, journals and literature that are relevant and in sync with the object of this research. The results show that Van Den Berg had contributed to the development of religious courts in Indonesia through the receptie in complexu theory which stated that the law that applies to Muslims is Islamic law. This theory emerged after the Dutch colonial saw the reality of the application of Islamic law to society. As an implementation of this theory, Islamic law legislation was made known as the Compendium Freije. Religious courts were given the authority to carry out their legal jurisdiction according to and based on Islamic law. With this theory, the existence of the Netherlands could be accepted by the people of the Nusantara

The main models of rationalization formed in the classical period of the Arab-Muslim culture (VIII–XV centuries) have had a notable impact on Modern polit­ical discourse in Iran. The paper presents an analysis of the political concept of the ideologist of the Islamic revolution in Iran in 1979 Ayatollah Khomeini (1902–1989). Applying the categorical model "explicit – hidden" (ẓāhir – bāṭin) to the analysis of Khomeini's argumentation makes it possible to identify the most important references to the major philosophemes of mature Sufism in his main work "Governance of the Jurist: Islamic Government" (Vilāyāt-i faqīh: hukumat-i islāmi). The paper explores Khomeini's views on the phenomenon of Islamic rule, personal qualities and duties of the ruler-jurist (faqīh). The result shows how the concept of the "Perfect Human Being" (insān kāmil), of the greatest Sufi thinker Ibn 'Arabi (1165–1240) is realized and fundamentally re­considered in Khomeini's political manifesto. In Ibn 'Arabi's philosopheme the unity of God-and-world is manifested by the "Perfect Human Being". The gov­ernance of Khomeini's "Righteous Jurist" helps maintain God-and-people "con­nection" at state level. A comparison of Ibn 'Arabi's philosopheme and the polit­ical concept the "Governance of the Jurist" sheds light on the ways the "Perfect Human Being" concept increasingly associated with the figure of "Righteous Ju­rist" in socio-political reality of pre-revolutionary Iran

Soon after the creation of Pakistan, the Islamization process started. The Objectives Resolution 1949, and the Islamic provisions of the constitutions of Pakistan 1956, 1962, and 1973 provided sufficient materials for the Islamization of laws in Pakistan. The Council of Islamic Ideology examined the laws and submitted its recommendations to the Parliament. The Federal Shariat Court declared several laws repugnant to the injunctions of Islam. The Federal Shariat Court was established on May 26, 1980. It had the mandate to strike down existing as well as future laws, except the constitution, Muslim Personal Law, any law relating to the procedure of any court or tribunal. Fiscal laws were debarred for ten years from the jurisdiction of this Court. The Court was also vested with the powers of hearing appeals or revisions against the decisions passed by any criminal court relating to the enforcement of ḥudūd. Appeals against the judgments of the Federal Shariat Court can be filed before the Shariat Appellate Bench of the Supreme Court of Pakistan. The paper concludes that the Federal Shariat Court is unique in judicial history. It played a significant role in introducing Islamic laws in Pakistan and offered solid interpretations to various laws to remove the ambiguity in the laws. It critically evaluated a considerable number of laws and directed the government to Islamize them.

This thesis aims to analyze Indonesia's foreign policy in the era of President Jokowi in resolving the humanitarian crisis in the Rohingya from 2014 to 2019. This research is based on the ethnic conflict that occurred in Myanmar, namely between the Rohingya ethnicity who is predominantly Muslim and the Rakhine ethnic Buddhist. does not recognize the population of the Rohingya minority living in Rakhine as citizens of Myanmar because they do not have a clear identity and are considered refugees. This problem has been going on for years because the problem is very complex. This research was written using qualitative descriptive writing techniques, and the data obtained were not directly from the object of the field research. Researchers get data from existing literature such as books, journals, articles, news. By using the perspective of Kegley and Wittkopf that in making foreign policy using the rational choice model, there are four steps that must be followed by policy makers, namely Problem Recognition and Definition, Goal Selection, Identification of Alternatives, and Choice. The result of this research is that the Government of Indonesia takes a decision which considers the costs and benefits of the national interest. In the end, Indonesia adopted a policy of providing humanitarian assistance, a policy of assistance to refugees, a policy of carrying out Indonesia's bilateral diplomacy towards Myanmar.

Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) was a classical Muslim scholar and the author of Mukaddimah books which contains both naqli and aqli branches of science, include political science. Then, in the Western, there is a dichotomy paradigm of political-public administration (1900-1926) and public administration as administration science (1956-1970), and this science were developed until now. It was shown, there is relevance both political and public administration. So it can be assumed, the Mukaddimah book also contains a concept that has relevance with public administration science. Therefore, a study was conducted with a problem formulation, how did Ibn Khaldun's thoughts on public administration science? The research objective was to identify the concepts of Ibn Khaldun's thoughts on public administration science and its categories on the micro aspect. This research uses library research with focusing on public administration science as a research object, and Mukaddimah books as a data source namely research subject. The results are shown, Ibn Khaldun's concept of thought on the micro aspects, namely personnel, organization and government management in his time which has relevance to contemporary public administration science. Stakeholders need to apply public administration sourced from the al-Qur'an and Hadith as well as Islamic legacy, and proposes to reward Ibn Khaldun as the founding father of public administration.

The outbreak of Coronavirus Disease 2019 (Covid 19) engulfing the world including Indonesia has an impact on all aspects of life, both in the economic, socio-political and religious fields. Indonesia, the majority of which is Muslim, has also experienced the impact of the corona virus in worship, such as congregational recommended at home, maintaining distance, no activities that gather masses of people and various regulations and policies set by the government. But there are some people who have the view that Covid-19 is God's destiny that must be accepted, as a test and a warning. This understanding appears among those who adhere to the Jabariyah, Qodariyah and Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jama'ah schools. The method in writing this paper uses descriptive qualitative. The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of the implementation of worship during the pandemic and post-covid-19 pandemic. So the perception says that first, as God's destiny that must be accepted, it is closer to the Jabariyah view. Second, as a test that must be addressed. The perspective of the qadariyah school. Third, the amalgamation of effort and trust, the Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jamaah perspective. 2) The practice of Islam during a pandemic can change according to the emergency conditions, if conditions return to normal, then the implementation of worship applies the original law.

Modern migration discourse contributes to the securitization of migration in France: it is transferred to the security field, endowed with threat connotations, and thus is becoming the direct cause of the security deficit. The agents of securitization (representatives of the country's supreme power or right-wing political movements, or writers and essayists who recognize themselves as independent from any political party's influence and who, however, still share the anti-immigration mood of the right-wing political movement. They use elements of the discourse of fear to achieve their own political goals; they present immigrants as a mortal threat not only to the national identity of the state and the integrity of its society, but also to its public and national security. In the discourse of these agents, there is a clear tendency to create an image of a France "abandoned" by the government and "besieged" by immigrants, a France as a subject to "colonization" by Islam that is incompatible with the secular principle the country that supports republican ideals. Analysis of the migration discourse of securitization agents reveals bold metaphors and emotionally charged expressions that generate a sense of fear in society and give rise to misconceptions about the scale of immigration and the size of the Muslim population in the country.

In recent years one could observe a trend towards "civilizationism" within the European far-right. Civilization seems to be a transnational umbrella concept covering different subjects, such as racist, anti-Muslim, anti-migration stances as well as the defense of a heteronormative-patriarchal moral and gender order. While German-speaking right-wing actors usually refer to the concept of "Abendland" (Occident), in Poland "Latin Civilization" and "Civilization of Death" are popular terms. The article explores the ideological roots, sources and semantics of far-right civilizational ideas in Poland, Germany, and Austria. On the basis of such an approach it is possible to show how the idea of civilizational decline functions as an element of a metapolitical far-right strategy within separate national discourses and how the concept is part of a transnational transfer of ideas. The paper will also discuss to what extent the concept of (Western) civilization can serve as a common rightwing paradigm across different countries. While attempts at concrete collaboration by right-wing actors from different countries and their joint political practices reach their limits rather quickly, the transnational and entangled aspect of civilizationism consists primarily in a transfer of ideas, a common horizon of perception, and a mutually complementary, affirming yet ambivalent, East-West imagination.

Clothing style and the extent of body revealing in public are cultural and social factors that can influence one's beauty investments and assessments of attractiveness. To explore this further, we recruited 99 Polish women from Poland (perceived to represent a western approach to dress and body) and 100 Iranian women from Iran (perceived to represent a Muslim culture with a more modest approach to dress). We asked these women to respond to questionnaires to test whether cultural norms regarding one's clothing are linked to investments in one's beauty and self-perceived attractiveness. In line with our hypotheses, Polish women (who have more freedom to reveal their bodies publicly) spent more time caring for their bodies than Iranian women. Polish women also spent more time caring for their bodies than their faces. However, contrary to our predictions, Iranian women did not spend more time caring for their faces than their bodies. In fact, Iranian women did not spend more time caring for their faces than Polish women. Furthermore, we observed that older participants spent less time thinking about their attractiveness and owned fewer care products than younger participants. We further discuss our findings in the context of cultural norms regarding female body dressing and how it might relate to beauty investments.

In this article, I ask three key questions: First, what is the relationship between militarism and race? Second, how does colonialism shape that relationship to produce racial militarism on both sides of the imperial encounter? And, third, what is the function of racial militarism? I build on Fanon's psychoanalytic work on the production of racial hierarchies and internalization of stigma to argue that militarism became a means through which the European imperial nation-state sought to mitigate its civilizational anxiety and assert itself at the top of a constructed hierarchy. In particular, I argue that European militarism is constituted by its colonization and historical constructions of the so-called Muslim Orient, stigmatized as a rival, a threat and an inferior neighbour. However, this racial militarism and civilizational anxiety is not only a feature of the colonial metropole, but also transferred onto colonized and postcolonial states. Drawing on examples of racial militarism practised by the Syrian regime, I argue Europe's racial-militarist stigmas are also internalized and instrumentalized by postcolonial states via fleeing and transferral. Throughout the article, I demonstrate that racial militarism has three main functions in both metropole and postcolony: the performance of racial chauvinism and superiority; demarcation of boundaries of exclusion; and dehumanization of racialized dissent in order to legitimate violence.

Sheikh Lokeman Hazli Azali, a Sheikh in Malaysia, is a great religious thinker of the present era. His thoughts should be examined in the middle of a society to offset the social stress which exists on account of COVID-19, although previously the teachings of Islam are seen and understood by the local community as deviant teachings. Of course, such views are not acceptable only to the truth of teachings they convey. His students come from a variety of backgrounds, including educators, government officials, and speakers. The study uses qualitative research approaches, namely the Historical approach and the Islamic theory approach. The ultimate aim is to study and examine the biography of Sheikh Lokeman Hazli Azali and his thoughts on Sufism in the Contemporary Era. With the objective to analyse and identify the history and life of Sheikh Lokeman Hazli Azali and to express the role of his thinking on the directions of Sufism as a way to combat the stress of Covid-19. The findings of this research shows that Sheikh Lokeman Hazli Azali is a famous scholar who has fought with his missionary activities inviting the Muslim community in Malaysia to practice the teachings of Islam in accordance with the law of the Prophet Muhammad (SAW).

The article deals with the problem of religious freedom in Crimea after the occupation of the Peninsula by Russian military forces in February 2014 and the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation. The subject matter of the study is religious freedom in Crimea during the Russian occupation since 2014. The systematic and the structural approach allow the authors to see the entire picture of religious freedoms violation on the Peninsula. The study hypothesizes that with the occupation and annexation of Crimea, Russia brought the collapse of the religious pluralism and freedom that Ukrainians had experienced since 1991. In this paper, the authors cover a wide range of issues such as torture of religious activists, destruction and the illegal seizure of religious property, persecution of Ukrainians on political and religious grounds, deportation of Crimea's population to the mainland of Ukraine. The research establishes that the occupiers created unbearable conditions for religious freedom, the lives of many clergymen and believers appeared to be in great danger. Different religious communities, especially the representatives of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (the OCU), Crimean Muslim Tatars, suffered significantly from applying Russia's severe criminal and administrative requirements. The analysis allows seeing the complete picture of religious discrimination of different denominations and cruel religious persecution in the annexed Crimea beginning from February 2014 till nowadays.

Background: There has been a noticeable increase in the number of studies concerned with mental health literacy (MHL), specifically among students. Still, very few studies have examined MHL among students of non-Western minority groups. Aims: This study examined MHL among Arab students in Israel based on Jorm's conceptual framework. Methods: Twenty-eight Arab students in Israel took part in semi-structured, in-depth interviews. Most were single and Muslim, in their second year of studies, and most reported low socioeconomic status. The data were analyzed thematically, guided by the Jorm's six MHL dimensions. Results: Different levels of literacy were found in the various MHL dimensions. The participants identified severe mental disorders more easily than mood disorders; reported a variety of possible causes of mental disorders; were well aware of available professional help (apart for rehabilitative services); identified significant barriers to mental health help seeking, as Arabs; and reported the internet as a major source of information about mental health problems and their treatment Conclusions: The participants' MHL appeared to be associated with their unique sociocultural characteristics. This study stresses the need to raise MHL among Arab students in Israel, and in particular to promote positive attitudes to seeking professional help. It also highlights the need to develop culturally adapted mental health interventions for the Arab population in Israel.

This study discusses the relation of Islam with economic development. Based on Islamic values, the study aims to create an alternative international economic development index. The variables used were chosen as proxy variables representing the principles and values derived from the Quran and Sunnah, the two primary sources of Islam. The data were obtained from international databases and were statistically standardized. The index was prepared over two main categories, material and spiritual development, and a composite index called the Islamic Development Index (IDI) was obtained by taking the averages of both. The international ranking covers 148 countries for which data could be obtained for 2018. In the research, the level of development is measured over the universal values and principles provided by the Islamic belief. The study does not have a purpose or pursuit of which country/society is Muslim and by how much. This paper has not been discussed with creed, religious rituals, and belief practices of societies and individuals. The research revealed a significant gap between theory and practice. Islamic belief is theoretically a critical resource for economic development. However, in practice, Islamic countries cannot benefit from this resource sufficiently. According to the results obtained, the Islamic development ranking of Islamic countries is lower than non-Islamic states in both material and spiritual development.