FUNKCIJA POLITICKOG MITA. O KORISTI MITSKOG ZA DEMOKRACIJU
In: Anali Hrvatskog Politološkog Društva: Annals of the Croatian Political Science Association, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 7-19
ISSN: 1845-6707
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In: Anali Hrvatskog Politološkog Društva: Annals of the Croatian Political Science Association, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 7-19
ISSN: 1845-6707
In: Anali Hrvatskog Politološkog Društva: Annals of the Croatian Political Science Association, Band 9, S. 7-20
ISSN: 1845-6707
In: Suvremene Teme / Contemporary Issues, Band 3, Heft 1
In: Politicka misao, Band 48, Heft 4, S. 113-132
This essay comparatively analyzes post-Yugoslav ethnic nationalist movements in Croatia and Serbia focusing on political uses of ethnic diasporas. The author examines the role of ethnic diasporas in the reconstruction of nationhood and legitimating new regimes; in new political discourses and also in the new political competition including internal competition within political arenas of the new nations, but also in the context of the rivalry between Serb and Croat nationalisms which did not end with the ending of the wars of Yugoslav succession. In addition, the author provides a brief genealogy of the Diaspora myth and concludes that, like all myths utilized in politics, this myth also entails contradictions that produce effects and outcomes which the initial political benefactors from this myth could not incalculate or fully control and eventually had to face certain undesirable consequences. Twenty years after the collapse of Yugoslavia, the political uses of ethnic diasporas still can be observed in the discourses and politics of ethnic nationalistic parties, although it is also clear that the appeal of the myth is diminishing. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 51, Heft 2, S. 184-200
With the new concept that he invented and promoted - 'Life-World' ('Lebenswelt') - Husserl for the first time in the history of philosophy problematized something that had not been seen as a particular problem before him. The world, as something primary and self-evident, was simply overlooked as a problem. This is the result of the fact that we forever live in some world, and the world is thus for us always something self-evident. It is thus an unquestioned area full of our many questions and considerations. This is so because all our academic achievements have been made within the Life-World: they receive meaning from it. Husserl's main aim was to understand this self-evidentness, with which we have always been viewing the world's Sein. It is from this position that we establish the existence of the 'world as it is', the one which we live in. Thus, all interpretations - whether they are myths, or science, or philosophy - are grounded in the Life-World, and they return and belong explicitly or implicitly into this concrete World. The aim of phenomenology is to interpret and analyse this self-evidentness of the essence of the concrete World, and this is what Husserl tries to do through the idea of one ontology of the Life-World. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 48, Heft 4, S. 113-132
This essay comparatively analyzes post-Yugoslav ethnic nationalist movements in Croatia and Serbia focusing on political uses of ethnic diasporas. The author examines the role of ethnic diasporas in the reconstruction of nationhood and legitimating new regimes; in new political discourses and also in the new political competition including internal competition within political arenas of the new nations, but also in the context of the rivalry between Serb and Croat nationalisms which did not end with the ending of the wars of Yugoslav succession. In addition, the author provides a brief genealogy of the Diaspora myth and concludes that, like all myths utilized in politics, this myth also entails contradictions that produce effects and outcomes which the initial political benefactors from this myth could not incalculate or fully control and eventually had to face certain undesirable consequences. Twenty years after the collapse of Yugoslavia, the political uses of ethnic diasporas still can be observed in the discourses and politics of ethnic nationalistic parties, although it is also clear that the appeal of the myth is diminishing. Adapted from the source document.
In: Polemos: časopis za interdisciplinarna istraživanja rata i mira ; journal of interdisciplinary research on war and peace, Band 7, Heft 1-2, S. 177-188
ISSN: 1331-5595
In: Anali Hrvatskog Politološkog Društva: Annals of the Croatian Political Science Association, Band 5, S. 483-508
ISSN: 1845-6707
In: Politicka misao, Band 41, Heft 4, S. 122-145
This essay comparatively examines explanations of American foreign policy after 9/11. After introductory reviewing chronology of events, concurring evaluations of American foreign policy & justifications given by the public officials of the Bush administration, author describes six different approaches in explaining american foreign policy & position of USA in the world. Explanations search for causes of current American foreign policy in: myths of American culture, crusading mentality of Americans paired with legitimacy problem of American federal government, ideology of American neoconservatives, war for oil & attempt to geopolitically control the Middle East, logic of capitalist imperialism, & the decline of the capitalist world system. 27 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 35, Heft 3, S. 46-63
The maxim that the people are the agent of the constituent power has, since the French revolution, been a universally accepted answer to the issue of the origin & the degree of validity of constitutional law, which, as the ultimate norm of a state's legal order, has no other higher positive law norm. But that maxim disregards political reality. Neither is it convincing from the point of view of the theory of state. The people are not the subject of activity but only of reference. The maxim on the constituent power of the people is a democratic myth. As such it is polyvalent: the reinforcement of revolution or its prohibition determine whether the existing constitutional regime is to be overthrown or legitimized. The doctrine of the constituent power of the people is not cognitively rewarding as a theory of legitimation, either, since the effectiveness of a constitution does not depend on its provenance but on the reception it gets here & now from its addressees: state agencies & citizens. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 51, Heft 2
With the new concept that he invented and promoted - 'Life-World' ('Lebenswelt') - Husserl for the first time in the history of philosophy problematized something that had not been seen as a particular problem before him. The world, as something primary and self-evident, was simply overlooked as a problem. This is the result of the fact that we forever live in some world, and the world is thus for us always something self-evident. It is thus an unquestioned area full of our many questions and considerations. This is so because all our academic achievements have been made within the Life-World: they receive meaning from it. Husserl's main aim was to understand this self-evidentness, with which we have always been viewing the world's Sein. It is from this position that we establish the existence of the 'world as it is', the one which we live in. Thus, all interpretations - whether they are myths, or science, or philosophy - are grounded in the Life-World, and they return and belong explicitly or implicitly into this concrete World. The aim of phenomenology is to interpret and analyse this self-evidentness of the essence of the concrete World, and this is what Husserl tries to do through the idea of one ontology of the Life-World. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 45, Heft 3-4, S. 201-220
The paper gives a comparative overview of the politics of history that were characteristic for the HDZ's government in Croatia & HZDS's government in Slovakia (during the 1990s). Those politics worked to overcome the democratic deficit of the two regimes. Firstly an overview of the discipline is given, with subsequent emphasis on the importance of the comparative perspective, especially with respect to the role of the politics of history in legitimizing the political regimes of Central & Southeast European. The comparison of the Croatian & Slovakian cases is in the focus since both countries share similar history, & hence a similar structure of the national collective memory. The discourse analyses show that both regimes used very similar self-legitimating historical discourse: the myth of the thousand-year uninterrupted statehood finally accomplished in the 1990s, & the twentieth century nations' victimization by Serb/Czech hegemony, contested by the partial rehabilitation of the Croat & Slovak World War II states. Moreover, the analyses show differences originating from the different historical experience during the period of the common Hungarian rule, as well as the different experience of the Yugoslav & the Czechoslovak federation, with final differences of the role of the political actors in the two countries. The author points to a gap in the relevant research of the nexus between historical narratives & political power. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politička misao, Band 56, Heft 2, S. 41-65
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