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The paper examines tourism as a tool of public diplomacy, an open diplomacy of governments on the world stage throught to the use of mass media. In the era of global communication, the power of a state is also defi ned by their reputation and their image in the international public opinion. Today, the governments use the tools of soft power rather than hard power to achieve their objectives. All nations use a marketing operation to «sell» their brand to attract economic investment, to form political alliances, to attract tourists. The tourist image of a country is essential and must be carefully constructed. In this paper there are several examples of branding operations (from Israel to the former communist countries of Central Europe) and particular attention is to defining and distinguishing between the terms used in this new field of study, halfway between sociology, marketing, politics and tourism.

The title, States of Conservation, deliberately references the two "states" that now occupy critical yet oppositional nodes within UNESCO's 1972 Convention and its conservation agenda. It recalls the State of Conservation (SOC) reports commissioned by the World Heritage Center in conjunction with its Advisory Bodies that relay the condition of World Heritage properties to the UNESCO World Heritage Committee. But more critically, "states" here also refers to the most powerful, emergent players in World Heritage Site inscription and protection processes—the States Parties of the 1972 Convention. Many researchers have debated the merits and consequences of World Heritage. While this work remains critical, my own contribution specifically traces the international political pacting, national economic interests, and voting blocs through which particular states increasingly set the World Heritage agenda and recast UNESCO as an agency for global branding rather than global conservation. I contend that as the rush for World Heritage inscription increases and economic and geo-political pacting between nations intensifies, the resources, concerns, and commitments for conservation of sites already inscribed potentially declines. The politics of inscription has now spilled over into the politics of conservation and endangerment. But whereas the former seeks international status and socio-economic benefits through global branding, the latter may jeopardize protection of those same sites through the unhindered interventions of conflict, mining, exploitation, and other infrastructural developments. Whether describing World Heritage, the environment, or manufacturing, denationalized economic life goes hand in hand with renationalized political life. I draw World Heritage case studies from around the world, with a particular focus on the Historic District of Panama—one example of what happens with the cutting of conservation, and concomitantly communities, from the Convention.

Indian movies shot overseas have attracted the attention of not only advertising agencies keen to see their clients' brands appearing on-screen, but also government tourism commissions eyeing India's growing middle classes as potential visitors. Australian federal and state
governments offer Indian film producers financial incentives to film in Australia, and Australian cities now regularly supply Indian movies with backdrops of upmarket shopping malls, stylish apartments and exclusive restaurants. Yet in helping to project the lifestyle fantasies of India's
new middle classes, Australian government agencies are supporting an Indian view of Australia. While this image may attract Indian tourists to Australia, it presumes Australia is culturally White and British, and as a result Australian agencies market an Australian cosmopolitanism defined
not in terms of cultural diversity but in terms of the availability of global brands. The absence of cultural diversity in how Australia is branded in Indian movies is at heart a political rather than a marketing issue and one that can be challenged effectively only by holding to account those
who are politically responsible for branding the nation.

Anniversaries provide moments for taking stock. In the wake of the so-called Supergedenkjahr of 2014—the year of numerous significant commemorative events for Germany, including the fall of the Berlin Wall and of German unification—it seems particularly timely to engage with debates about what it means to be German. Such retrospection is now an established and widespread part of the German habitus, and the number of organized moments of contemplation—moments that say as much about the present as the past—has multiplied since unification. Within Germany and beyond, the question of what it means to be German is frequently being asked by those who want to define local, national and international agendas for the future and to redefine agendas of the past. Representing an individual, a community or a nation involves the construction of narratives and identities, a process now often informed by sophisticated understandings of image and audience, of beliefs and branding. In fact, the numerous facets that make up an image of "Germany" have, for the most part, been perceived affirmatively; in recent international polls Germany has been the country seen as most likely to have an overwhelmingly positive influence on the world.

Table of Contents Acknowledgements v Transliteration vii Introduction 1 An Overview of Qur'anic Exegetical Activity in Indonesia 4 A Biographical Sketch of Muhammad Quraish Shihab 7 Constructions of Quraish Shihab's Authority 15 An Overview of Previous Studies 17 Theoretical Framework 19 Research Methods and Structure 27 Chapter 1 30 Quraish Shihab's Hermeneutical Approach to the Qur'an 30 Privileging the Qur'anic Text 31 Guidance-oriented Interpretation 35 A Quest for Meaning 41 The Fixed Text and the Changing Reality 45 The Qur'an and the Challenge of History 52 The Qur'an and Scientific Findings 55 Western Hermeneutics 57 Conclusion 63 Chapter 2 65 In the Footsteps of a New Scholasticism 65 Construction of Religious Authority 66 New Directions of Islamic Legal Thought in Modern Indonesia 69 A New Scholasticism and al-Azhar 73 In the Footsteps of the New Scholasticism 82 a. Maṣlaḥa 83 b. Taisīr 84 Legal Reasoning based on the Principles of Qur'anic Exegesis 86 a. Bank Interest 86 b. Adultery Punishment 90 c. The Ruling of Silk and Gold for Men 91 Advocating Ikhtilāf as a Mercy 92 a. The Moon-sighting Controversy 94 b. Finding Mercy in Ikhtilāf 97 Crossing School Boundaries 99 Muslim Women's Veiling, Between Religion and Custom 100 Conclusion 107 Chapter 3 108 Interpreting the Qur'an in the Context of the Indonesian Nation-state 108 Religion, Indonesian Nation-State and National Common Good 110 Islamizing the Common Good 122 Nation-state in the light of the Qur'an 125 Delegated Sovereignty 132 Seedlings of 'Islamic' Democracy 138 Defending the National Common Good 142 Formal Implementation of Sharīʿa 145 Conclusion 148 Chapter 4 150 Staging Qur'an-based Religious Virtues 150 Media Revolution and a New Sense of the Public Sphere 151 Marketing Piety in the New Public Sphere 154 Branding Religious Intellectualism 160 The Making of Religious Intellectualism 165 Projecting the Good of Moderate Islam 168 Public Intellectual of the Qur'an 175 Opening New Horizons for Religious Civility 178 Conclusion 183 Chapter 5 185 ...

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Introduction -- 1. Corporate transnationalism: the us Hispanic and Latin American television industries -- 2. Converging from the south: Mexican television in the united states -- 3. Nuvotv: will it withstand the competition? -- 4. One language, one nation, and one vision: nbc Latino, fusion, and fox news Latino -- 5. The gang's not all here: the state of Latinos in contemporary us media -- 6. Latinos at the margins of celebrity culture: image sales and the politics of paparazzi -- 7. Anatomy of a protest: Grey's anatomy, Colombia's a corazón abierto, and the politicization of a format -- 8. Colombianidades export market -- 9. The role of media policy in shaping the us Latino radio industry -- 10. Lost in translation: the politics of race and language in Spanish-language radio ratings -- 11. The dark side of transnational latinidad: narcocorridos and the branding of authenticity -- 12. "No papers, no fear": dream activism, new social media, and the queering of immigrant rights -- 13. Latina/o audiences as citizens: bridging culture, media, and politics -- 14. Un desmadre positivo: notes on how jenni rivera played music -- 15. Marketing, performing, and interpreting multiple latinidades: los tigres del norte and calle 13's "américa" -- 16. Latinos in alternative media: Latinos as an alternative media paradigm -- 17. On history and strategies for activism -- About the contributors -- Index

AbstractImmigration control, widely regarded the sovereign right of nation states, has often been pursued at the expense of civil and human rights. More than a century ago, nativists legitimated a punitive approach to immigration control that treated migrants' rights as secondary by branding millions of newcomers to the United States as a "dangerous class". In many ways, recent policies similarly criminalize immigrants and deploy crime control strategies in response. This article reviews the most significant of these policies at the federal and local state level, including: border security measures, detention and deportation, the 287(g) program, anti‐immigrant city ordinances, and the Arizona law (SB1070). Each initiative has been framed as necessary to protect American citizens from serious crime. We focus on four ways in which these policies violate human rights: first, border security measures that result in migrant deaths violate the right to life; second, detention and deportation violate the right to liberty; third, detention and deportation punish unlawful residents as though they were guilty of criminal rather than civil violations of the law, imposing penalties that are arbitrary and disproportionately harsh; and fourth, local state policies to counter illegal immigration encourage racial profiling, a practice that violates the right to freedom from discrimination.

It is increasingly acknowledged that in order to reach global and regional sustai nabi l ity goals, economic growth and consumption levels in wealthy developed nations will need to stabilize or reverse. Organizations and projects of a wide variety have emerged and expanded to take on this challenge, and shape the so-called, "new economy". The purpose of this research is to gain a clearer picture of the impacts of efforts to develop a shared new-economy knowledge framework on the broader sustai nabi l ity conversation, and to assess the intellectual institutionalization of same. This thesis focuses in on the influence of four U.S.-based organizations with missions centered on developing and promoting a new economy as a solution to intertwined systems-level crises. Data was collected through interviews of nine individuals affiliated with "new economy organizations" via telephone using a semi-standard questionnaire. Analysis showed a paradigm, rooted in decades-old economic ideas, emerging but underdeveloped. To date, it has not had any noticeable influence on mainstream sustai nabi l ity discourse or dominant economic thinking, and remains politically irrelevant. Recent events present the thrust for a scaling-up of efforts to fully-develop the theoretical framework, a viable model, and proceed with steps to further institutionalize the field. Strategic action, including a concerted branding and messaging effort, and improved coordination with outside groups is recommended so that the paradigm can progress with institutionalization, and garner increased funding and popular relevancy.

Introduction -- Part 1: Identity -- 1. Competing Narratives of Religious and Cultural Identity in Cornwall, Garry Tregidga (University of Exeter, UK) -- 2. Mediated Science, Genetics and Identity in the U.S. African Diaspora, Elonda Clay (Lutheran School of Theology at Chicago, USA) -- 3. DIY Spiritual Community: From Individualism to Participatory Culture, Lee Gilmore (Holy Names University, USA) -- Part 2: Integration -- 4. Creating Deeper Connections, Carol Bliss (California State Polytechnic University, Claremont, USA) -- 5. Communication, Reconciliation and the Human Spirit, John Hochheimer (Southern Illinois University, USA) -- 6. Middle East Youth, Rebecca Self (Independent scholar, Switzerland with Esra'a Al-Shafei, founder, MidEast Youth, Kuwait) -- Part 3: Charity -- 7. The Politics of 'Empowerment' in Oprah Winfrey's Global Philanthropy, Janice Peck (University of Colorado, Boulder, USA) -- 8. Branding Compassion, Mara Einstein (Queens College, CUNY Flushing, N.Y., USA) -- Part 4: Capitalism -- 9. Branded Wellness in the Medicated Public Square, Claire Badaracco (Marquette University, USA) -- 10. Spiritual Tourism, Curtis Coats (Millsaps College, USA) -- 11. [Re]Vision: The Role of Graphic Design[ers]..., Samantha Lawrie (Auburn University, USA) -- Part 5: Community -- 12. Media, Religion, and Citizenship in the Mosque-Building Debates in Europe, Sharif Islam (University of Illinois, Urbana Champaign, USA) -- 13. The Blogosphere of Resistence Solomon Schimmel (Hebrew College, Newton Centre, Mass. USA) -- Part 6: Nature -- 14. Media Representation and the Cultivation of Social Conciousness, Lionel Wee (National University of Singapore) -- 15. Environmental Crisis and Religious Rhetoric in Is God Green?, Jen Schneider (Colorado School of Mines, Golden, Col. USA) -- Part 7: Nations -- 16. Spirituality in Flight, Ann Hardy (University of Waikato, New Zealand) -- 17. Media, Citizens and Space Exploration, Linda Billings (NASA Astrobiology Program, USA) -- Conclusion, Stewart Hoover & Monica Emerich (University of Colorado, Boulder, USA) -- Bibliography -- Notes -- Index.

Imaging Communities critically examines the cultural politics of location shooting practices and their resulting cultural representations in Chinese and Taiwanese art cinemas since the late 1970s. It focuses on fiction films shot on-location in rural and developing communities by nine contemporary Chinese and Taiwanese film auteurs, including Chen Kaige, Jia Zhangke, and Hou Xiaoxian. Existing research demonstrate that Chinese and Taiwanese filmic representations reflect contemporary social changes in the region. However, little is known about how the social effects of these changes in the production environments affect the ways films are made, much less the social impact of filmmaking on the communities in which they were shot. To amend these theoretical oversights, this work draws from industrial authorship studies, production culture studies, post-structural cultural geography, and environmental psychology to engage in discourse and formal analysis of production narratives and filmic representations of place – settings experienced by filmmakers and spectators as sites of symbolic, affective, and emotional meanings. These examinations show how filmic place-making, or experiential processes of emplacement and cognitive practices of imaging that shape shooting locations into places, both impact and are informed by the institutional politics, social contestations, and cultural performances occurring within Chinese and Taiwanese production environments.More specifically, this dissertation argues that Chinese location shooting developed from an institutionalized mode of collective ethnography aligned with Maoist notions of socialist labor into an auteurist practice of nation-building more inclusive of Chinese "others," including migrant laborers and the rural poor. In contrast, Taiwanese filmmakers grew conscious of location shooting as a historiographical and place-making practice belatedly when indigenization and community consciousness movements burgeoned in the mid-1980s. A case study of productions in Jiufen further demonstrates how Taiwanese filmmakers revised their location shooting practices to contest controversial practices of branding and consuming place as a commodity, thus engaging in production as a form of environmental activism. The final chapter explores the geopolitical ambiguities of cross-strait filmmaking, the practice of shooting on-location in both the P.R.C. and Taiwan. Acting as cultural ambassadors, Chinese and Taiwanese filmmakers perform cultural identities that aspired towards the emergence of a pan-Chinese imagined community, yet were confronted by continued allegiances to disparate nationalities. Neither "major" nor "minor," the resulting representations of place in cross-strait films constitute ambivalent cultural performances that neither fully comply with nor oppose national ideologies, thus complicating claims that globalization has led to the irrelevance of nation-states.

Societal responses to mitigating climate change have so far been governed with market-based practices. The Kyoto Protocol was the first agreement institutionalising this approach. The Russian Federation, one of the key net emitters participated in this framework mostly through project-based JI mechanism that subordinates concrete actions for business. The investigation through a neo-Gramscian political economy lens on climate governance will show that the mechanism preserved the position of the carboniferous historical bloc consisting of Russian elite interests that are dependant on the use of fossil fuels. The focus is on how the global agreement is translated into domestic institutional development and how corporations and non-governmental organisations try to stabilise the new politico-economic field based on the trade of carbon credits. The process is studied with the use of argumentative discourse analysis, as it links actors and the storylines they pursue with organisational aspects of power. The key sources for the analysis are media articles and expert interviews. In terms of media, the Russian business newspaper Kommersant , news agency Ria Novosti, and international carbon market specific journal Point Carbon are the key sources. As the JI is a highly expert-based sphere, six interviews with Russian and foreign experts on carbon trading provide a more comprehensive picture. The investigation shows that debate was mostly centered between the discourses of nation and market civilisation that may interact together, but may also be in conflict with one another, especially when the perceived economic benefits are high. The research conducted shows that a small coalition mostly of business actors and environmental organisations, and some civil servants in Russian government emerged during the JI process that advocates for climate change mitigation with the use of market-based mechanisms. The JI projects did not provide a significant incentive towards a low carbon economy neither for Russian governmental or business actors, but rather it mostly preserved the priviledges of carboniferous historical bloc. The most remarkable change in corporate activities mostly occurred in the discursive sphere in terms of branding and marketing.

Slovakia is on route for searching its development model. It required courage to take bridge programs for invention, innovation and creativity. A new culture is created in relation to the third industrial revolution. It relies on the dispersion potential, universally available energy sources, energy storage using hydrogen, and the new association energy and information technologies. Slovakia has a chance within 20 to 25 years to achieve energy self-sufficiency. A major reconstruction will be difficult to source and change approaches, i.e. knowledge society. The company has to learn the fact that the advent of the era of non-waste is a possible theory living planet Gaia can be translated into reality. The mental system becomes more 'people oriented system - the human-oriented system and earth centered system - the planet Earth concentrated economics'. M. Albert promotes participatory democracy (Parecom) and D. Schweickart economic democracy, in which much or all classes of the population that the operation involved in the economic system. An important role will play an innovative, creative center (Ideopolises). Noteworthy is the connection of classical genius loci of a new morfic resonance. A significant amount of innovation is transforming creative environment. Without its support function starts outflow inventive and creative people from the territory of the region state. After leaving their lack of capital formation, or transfer of capital. Regions of emigration are changing for place of poverty. Creating a successful, sustainable social model is not creative and inventive talents of people difficult and hardly feasible. Stability, and independence self government. State may be endangered. Slovakia is undoubtedly a vital country, able to go forward with a dynamic European nations and states. Located in the heart of Europe and is a natural crossroads and ideas. It has resources, talents, social and technical infrastructure, but must be used properly. Slovakia can create own image, own branding developed countries, to demonstrate its genius loci, its ability to gain cooperation with foreign countries and support from abroad. It has all the prerequisites to handle a challenge of a new model of its innovative development in the spirit of the requirements of the World Summit Rio +20.

Foreign merchants were the lifeblood of 'golden-age' Antwerp. Already in the fifteenth century, the city promoted itself as the 'Mercatorum Emporium', a meeting place for worldly merchants. It was not until global trade networks expanded during the sixteenth century that Antwerp truly earned its moniker. As contact with Asia, Africa, and the New World intensified, merchants looked to Antwerp as a place to exchange their exotic cargo for other goods. By organizing themselves into various trading nations, merchants improved their access to Antwerp's relatively unrestricted commerce, and in the process, to the cultural riches of Flanders. Strong domestic luxury industries in paintings, tapestries, and other crafts counterbalanced the foreigner-lead commodities trade. For so long as foreigners profited from wholesale, they spent small fortunes on artworks readily available in Antwerp, which they purchased for personal use and resale abroad. Because art historians have traditionally studied producers rather than consumers, a distorted and oddly localized image of Antwerp's golden age has emerged. By repositioning the function of Flemish art within early modern international relations, my dissertation seeks to revise this picture. Drawing upon the methodologies of Michael Baxandall, my dissertation studies how artistic patronage satisfied the social and political needs of foreign merchant communities—and how Antwerp's artistic culture responded to its international audiences. Antwerp's success as an international hub during its greatest commercial era depended not only on sustaining a diverse pool of trading partners, but also on the city's manifold efforts to forge an inclusive, outward-looking civic culture. For nearly a century, this literary and pictorial branding of Antwerp as the merchant's metropolis was promulgated not just by Brabantine burghers but also by travelers, fair-time traders, and expatriate merchants. While the first half of the dissertation explores the city's self-fashioning as an encompassing marketplace for merchants, considering how the city conscripted foreigners into furthering these messages, the second half tells a story about the kinds of artworks individual merchants commissioned for themselves and for others, and the cultural connections they facilitated between Antwerp and the wider world. Even as I explore the social function of artworks in mediating community and international relations, I attend to the practical experiences of merchants, that is, how their knowledge of specific commodities shaped their connoisseurial habits as collectors. Underlying the inquiry that draws my dissertation together is an interest in exploring the incipient topologies of mobility that shaped the visual and textual representations of Antwerp as a commercial metropolis. From the experience of traveling as form of socio-spatial connectivity to the transcultural communicativeness of artworks produced in Antwerp, artists and cultural producers in Antwerp set themselves upon the task of giving discernible visual form to the commercial and cultural mobility that was reshaping their city. One of the overarching theses of this study is that the responsiveness of Antwerp artists to the transformational dynamics of global trade engaged foreign merchants as patrons, offering them alternative ways of imagining or perceiving their experiences of both spaces and places.

The statehood's maturity always correlates with the strength of the nation's identity. The quality of such correlation becomes crucial and often being improved during the tests. Events late 2013 - early 2014 in Ukraine exposed the conflict between state and society, which resulted in the destruction of the country's integrity, the war in Donbass, identity's trauma of border territories and challenges for local communities. It is necessary to realize the social assets and liabilities of Maidan for subsequent modernization of the country.During the years of independence, Ukraine has almost never carried out the policy of forming a unified national (political) identity. The state should reconsider the policy of recreating the Ukrainian's political nation, including ethnic and regional specifications in order to overcome these trends. World without war did not exist yet, and world development was stable in the course of its change in the cycles of colonization (the approval of empires / confederations, the movement towards bipolarity, the strengthening of the man-made manpower potential, the global economy and identity) and decolonization (territorial reconstruction of the world, shifting the emphasis of development towards social capital, branding of "comfortable places", peripherality of capitalism). Each socio-political shift (war and coup d'état, terrorism and AIDS, natural disasters and changes in social display), as attractors of such cycles, raise the issue of the maturity of relations between the State and the Society. The format of such relationships can be religion, political regime, social contract, setting the system rules of the game, by which the political support of the state institutions of the masses is converted into an increase in the income of the population of various kinds (economic stability, legal, material and social protection of the population, expansion of opportunities and ensuring prospects of growth the system as a whole, its symbolic and social capital). The chosen format of relations between the states and the Society serves as the basis for modernization of the system, responsibility of key actors (power, community, business, media environment) and their correspondence to the single strategic model that the system seeks is the main factor in its successful upgrade. The control points of the relationship between the state and society reflect the media space. The quality of the latter (both national and global - external to the transforming system) establishes the role of media representatives from professionals who are capable of creating an adequate picture of the world for "vultures" against all, and the service of individual actors, their horns and writers. ; Зрілість державності завжди корелюється з міцністю самоідентифікації нації. Якість такої кореляції стає визначальною й часто вдосконалюється під час випробувань. Події кінця 2013 – першої половини 2014 рр. в Україні викрили конфлікт між Державою та Суспільством, який мав наслідками руйнацію цілісності країни, війну в Донбасі, травму ідентичності прикордонних територій та виклик для територіальних громад. Рік після Майдану результує втратою території, наявністю невизнаної офіційним Києвом війни, внутрішнім конфліктом державної еліти, неузгодженістю функцій ВСУ та Нацгвардії., поширенням впливу антидержавних течій на південно-східних територіях та загрозою цілісності України. Невирішеність долі, статусу та перспектив окупованих територій в Україні загострює конфлікт Суспільства і Держави, активізує внутрішні непорозуміння між суспільними групами, владою та опозицією, аутентичними міфами та ситуативними стереотипами, політичним дизайном та соціальною реальністю. ; Зрілість державності завжди корелюється з міцністю самоідентифікації нації. Якість такої кореляції стає визначальною й часто вдосконалюється під час випробувань. Події кінця 2013 – першої половини 2014 рр. в Україні викрили конфлікт між Державою та Суспільством, який мав наслідками руйнацію цілісності країни, війну в Донбасі, травму ідентичності прикордонних територій та виклик для територіальних громад. Рік після Майдану результує втратою території, наявністю невизнаної офіційним Києвом війни, внутрішнім конфліктом державної еліти, неузгодженістю функцій ВСУ та Нацгвардії., поширенням впливу антидержавних течій на південно-східних територіях та загрозою цілісності України. Невирішеність долі, статусу та перспектив окупованих територій в Україні загострює конфлікт Суспільства і Держави, активізує внутрішні непорозуміння між суспільними групами, владою та опозицією, аутентичними міфами та ситуативними стереотипами, політичним дизайном та соціальною реальністю.