Suchergebnisse

Cet article tente de situer l'apparition et la définition de la nation parmi les quelques formes politiques des sociétés humaines (tribu, cité, empire). L'évolution de ces formes est en cours. L'article évalue les positions pour et contre la valeur des nations aujourd'hui, analyse quelques arguments pour et contre leurs rôles possibles, diagnostique l'état des formes politiques concurrentes (un monde d'empires ou de nations), prévoit quelques chemins possibles. Il est peu probable qu'un monde sans nations ressemble à ce qui a longtemps été défini comme le seul progrès possible de la liberté politique.

Minority nations within multinational States often evolve within a context of great uncertainty when it comes to the protection of their distinctive political and cultural characteristics. While their minority condition in no way limits their existence as nations, it can nevertheless come with a certain feeling of national fragility and even a fear of disappearing. These minority nations, when the State to which they belong refuses to recognize their particularism and to allow them the necessary tools to defend it, can then quickly become fragile nations. In this article, we discuss, define and specify the meaning of the concept of fragile nations, putting the emphasis on its theoretical and normative dimensions.

Minority nations within multinational States often evolve within a context of great uncertainty when it comes to the protection of their distinctive political and cultural characteristics. While their minority condition in no way limits their existence as nations, it can nevertheless come with a certain feeling of national fragility and even a fear of disappearing. These minority nations, when the State to which they belong refuses to recognize their particularism and to allow them the necessary tools to defend it, can then quickly become fragile nations. In this article, we discuss, define and specify the meaning of the concept of fragile nations, putting the emphasis on its theoretical and normative dimensions.

Tout oppose apparemment les traditions française et américaine en matière d'intégration des migrants et des minorités. Au credo français de la nation unitaire, répond l'ethnicisation des minorités et la prégnance du concept de race aux USA. Tandis que la société française intègre des individus, la société américaine, elle, négocie l'adaptation de groupes ethniques hétérogènes. De même, les Français se méfient beaucoup des effets pervers de l'Affirmative Action, une politique qui prend pourtant tout son sens dans le contexte américain, marqué par de très fortes discriminations, au moins jusqu'aux années 60.

Nationalism as ideology in modern Greece answered a challenging task: establish the link between Modern and Ancient Greece and by so doing create a definite relationship with the Western democracies, heirs of the Athenian polis of the 5th century BC. This article looks into this process by analysing the use of two fundamental terms in contemporary Greek: genos and ethnos. Genos, (from the verb gignomai, to be born, to become), a key word within a patrilineal -and Mediterranean- kinship system, stands as the equivalent of "nation" in Ottoman times, when genos referred to the Rum millet, the greek-orthodox religious minority, a category involving both kinship and religious ties. Ethnos takes over from genos during the 19th century, as notions of territory, citizenship and state authority become constitutive of collective identity. Hence self-representations opposing Balkan=traditional to European=modern social and cultural systems inform contemporary conflicts involving ethnic identity in the Balkans.

Nationalism as ideology in modern Greece answered a challenging task: establish the link between Modern and Ancient Greece and by so doing create a definite relationship with the Western democracies, heirs of the Athenian polis of the 5th century BC. This article looks into this process by analysing the use of two fundamental terms in contemporary Greek: genos and ethnos. Genos, (from the verb gignomai, to be born, to become), a key word within a patrilineal -and Mediterranean- kinship system, stands as the equivalent of "nation" in Ottoman times, when genos referred to the Rum millet, the greek-orthodox religious minority, a category involving both kinship and religious ties. Ethnos takes over from genos during the 19th century, as notions of territory, citizenship and state authority become constitutive of collective identity. Hence self-representations opposing Balkan=traditional to European=modern social and cultural systems inform contemporary conflicts involving ethnic identity in the Balkans.

Nationalism as ideology in modern Greece answered a challenging task: establish the link between Modern and Ancient Greece and by so doing create a definite relationship with the Western democracies, heirs of the Athenian polis of the 5th century BC. This article looks into this process by analysing the use of two fundamental terms in contemporary Greek: genos and ethnos. Genos, (from the verb gignomai, to be born, to become), a key word within a patrilineal -and Mediterranean- kinship system, stands as the equivalent of "nation" in Ottoman times, when genos referred to the Rum millet, the greek-orthodox religious minority, a category involving both kinship and religious ties. Ethnos takes over from genos during the 19th century, as notions of territory, citizenship and state authority become constitutive of collective identity. Hence self-representations opposing Balkan=traditional to European=modern social and cultural systems inform contemporary conflicts involving ethnic identity in the Balkans.

Nationalism as ideology in modern Greece answered a challenging task: establish the link between Modern and Ancient Greece and by so doing create a definite relationship with the Western democracies, heirs of the Athenian polis of the 5th century BC. This article looks into this process by analysing the use of two fundamental terms in contemporary Greek: genos and ethnos. Genos, (from the verb gignomai, to be born, to become), a key word within a patrilineal -and Mediterranean- kinship system, stands as the equivalent of "nation" in Ottoman times, when genos referred to the Rum millet, the greek-orthodox religious minority, a category involving both kinship and religious ties. Ethnos takes over from genos during the 19th century, as notions of territory, citizenship and state authority become constitutive of collective identity. Hence self-representations opposing Balkan=traditional to European=modern social and cultural systems inform contemporary conflicts involving ethnic identity in the Balkans.

International audience ; What kind of relationship between the citizens and the European political system do we expect? Should it be a new kind of relationship, or will it be of the same kind than the relationship citizens have with their nation? In this later case, how do the citizens of Europe manage the duality of identification, towards Europe and their nation? This article confirms that far from the periods of sustained public debate on Europe, the antagonism between the variables of commitment to Europe and to its nations is weak; while the relationship becomes strongly negative during notably the European electoral campaigns. This contextual effect is stronger for people not interested in politics that for politically involved people. Moreover, a close observation of the relationship between the declarations of national and European pride shows that the core of this first dimension is not the choice between levels of legitimacy but the disposition to organize them into a hierarchy. As a conclusion, the author underlines the consequences of this analysis on the way Europe should be taught to its young future citizens. ; Ce texte s'inscrit dans la lignée des travaux menés en commun avec André-Paul Frognier depuis bientôt une quinzaine d'années . Il se propose de revisiter l'aspect conceptuel de l'approche des attitudes des citoyens à l'égard de l'Union Européenne qui a été la nôtre. Je partirai de la constatation que, en l'espace d'une décennie, les travaux portant sur les relations entre les citoyens et le système politique nées de l'intégration européenne ont globalement troqué une approche par les attitudes et le soutien à une interrogation sur l'identité. Or il me semble que, sur le plan conceptuel, les conséquences de ce changement d'approche n'ont pas suffisamment été prises en compte par la science politique. Mon objectif sera en conséquence d'esquisser une définition de l'identification à l'Europe telle que la notion d'identité soit effectivement adaptée à l'objet qui est le sien, à savoir, la ...

International audience ; What kind of relationship between the citizens and the European political system do we expect? Should it be a new kind of relationship, or will it be of the same kind than the relationship citizens have with their nation? In this later case, how do the citizens of Europe manage the duality of identification, towards Europe and their nation? This article confirms that far from the periods of sustained public debate on Europe, the antagonism between the variables of commitment to Europe and to its nations is weak; while the relationship becomes strongly negative during notably the European electoral campaigns. This contextual effect is stronger for people not interested in politics that for politically involved people. Moreover, a close observation of the relationship between the declarations of national and European pride shows that the core of this first dimension is not the choice between levels of legitimacy but the disposition to organize them into a hierarchy. As a conclusion, the author underlines the consequences of this analysis on the way Europe should be taught to its young future citizens. ; Ce texte s'inscrit dans la lignée des travaux menés en commun avec André-Paul Frognier depuis bientôt une quinzaine d'années . Il se propose de revisiter l'aspect conceptuel de l'approche des attitudes des citoyens à l'égard de l'Union Européenne qui a été la nôtre. Je partirai de la constatation que, en l'espace d'une décennie, les travaux portant sur les relations entre les citoyens et le système politique nées de l'intégration européenne ont globalement troqué une approche par les attitudes et le soutien à une interrogation sur l'identité. Or il me semble que, sur le plan conceptuel, les conséquences de ce changement d'approche n'ont pas suffisamment été prises en compte par la science politique. Mon objectif sera en conséquence d'esquisser une définition de l'identification à l'Europe telle que la notion d'identité soit effectivement adaptée à l'objet qui est le sien, à savoir, la naissance d'une nouvelle communauté politique démocratique.