Suchergebnisse

Scholars associated with theories of "nation-building" have tended either to ignore the question of ethnic diversity or to treat the matter of ethnic identity superficially as merely one of a number of minor impediments to effective state-integration. To the degree that ethnic identity is given recognition, it is apt to be as a somewhat unimportant and ephemeral nuisance that will unquestionably give way to a common identity uniting all inhabitants of the state, regardless of ethnic heritage, as modern communication and transportation networks link the state's various parts more closely. Both tendencies are at sharp variance with the facts, and have contributed to the undue optimism that has characterized so much of the literature on "nation-building."

The state of res on nation-building in the Maghreb is described. The aim is to discover the structural (ie, SH) foundations of nation-building within a relatively uniform regional context (the 3 former French colonies of the Maghreb: Morocco, Algeria & Tunisia). In order to understand Maghrebian society & its particular history, we must consider the Maghreb against its natural background, the Mediterranean world. 2 widely accepted interpretations of this phenomenon exist: (a) that of the classical orientalists, united at the time when the colonial system was at its zenith; & (b) that of the anti-colonialist Marxist, uniting towards the end of the colonial era. Most representative of the orientalists is E. F. Gautier, who states that the marked disparity in the twin processes of nation-building to the north & south of the Mediterranean occurred from the 11th cent onwards because the Arab nomads had put down the first attempt on the part of settled Berber peasant communities to set up an autochtonous nat'l State based on an alliance between peasantry & townsfolk. The Marxists hold that the evolution of Maghrebian society towards modern nationhood was to a very large extent conditioned by the balance of pol'al forces within the Mediterranean zone. They also resusitated the notion of an Asian form of production. The contribution of French ethnologists & English speaking anthrop'ts is also discussed. It is pointed out that it is in patrilineage that we meet with the basic pol'al unit of all the peasant communities of the Maghreb. It is shown that in all 3 countries, it was the union of forces between the peasants & the Ur elites that made the movement for nat'l liberation irreversible. Independence & the reactivation of the segmentary structures is discussed, & it is demonstrated why on the eve of colonization, the 3 countries were not in the same situation as far as nation-building was concerned. E. Weiman.

I. Introduction -- II. The pre-statehood foundations of the new society and its land settlement sector -- III. The Moshav Ovdim as model for the Moshav Olim -- IV. Organization of land settlement after the establishment of the new state -- V. The phase of rationalization -- VI. A burgeoning bureaucracy and the new society -- VII. Jews in the High Atlas Mountains of Morocco: a partial reconstruction -- VIII. Ometz: the first year of a successful Moshav Olim -- IX. Variability in village development -- X. Epilogue: nation-building and the new society

Die Entkolonialisierung hat Nigeria noch lange keine wirkliche Unabhängigkeit gebracht: Nigerianische Politiker, Großhändler, Bürokraten, Unternehmer und Akademiker gebären sich immer noch als Stellvertreter der ehemaligen Kolonialmacht Großbritannien. Nur eine antiimperialistische Politik, die sich auf Arbeiter, Kleinbauern, fortschrittliche Intellektuelle und soziale Randgruppen stützt, kann dies ändern. (DÜI-Spe)