Suchergebnisse

This article examines the reputational management strategies of national nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) involved in peace-building work in Sri Lanka between 2006 and 2007, a transitional period when the cease-fire was unraveling and the NGO sector was facing a "crisis of legitimacy." It traces the structural and proximate causes of the crisis and analyzes some of the ways in which NGOs were able to counteract the negative impacts that this criticism had on their legitimacy. This analysis challenges the mainstream view of NGO legitimacy as stable, unidimensional, and capacity-based by emphasizing the contested, highly politicized, and politically symbolic nature of NGO legitimacy in the Sri Lankan context. It also highlights the way in which national NGOs reframed and adapted peace-building agendas of international actors, challenging the popular view that liberal peace building functions hegemonically and that NGOs are compelled to follow the strategies of their international funders. (Crit Asian Stud/GIGA)

The National Council of NGOs was established the 22nd April 1993, in accordance with the Non-Governmental Organizations Co-ordination Act, 1990. This collection includes the following documents: a list of NGOs registered with the Council up to September 15, 1994; the rules and regulations of the Council; audited accounts; the strategic plan for the period 1994-1999; the NGOs Co-ordination Act, 1990; and the first five issues of the Council's Bulletin. (DÜI-Hff)

An estimated 120 national NGOs (non-governmental organizations) are active in Mozambique today. The author believes that these NGOs appear caught in an increasingly awkward position between international donors and the community they serve. He takes a critical look at how 180 or so international agencies, NGOs and bilateral donors influence the organizational form, philosophy and development strategies of the community of national NGOs of this country, difficulties of these NGOs to cultivate meaningful links with rural communities, lack of a civil society in Mozambique etc. (DÜI-Sen)

This thesis explores how NGOs have reacted and adapted to the recent Taliban takeover in Afghanistan on the 15th of August 2021, and how the impact of the changing relationships between the international NGOs, the national NGOs and the Taliban have helped or hindered their ability to work in the country. Using a qualitative method for data collection, primary data was collected using in-depth interviews with informants working for NGOs that are operating in Afghanistan. The thesis uses social exchange theory as a theoretical framework to better understand the changing relationships between these actors. Emerging from interviews were four key themes that were identified to look at the legitimacy of the de facto government, economic challenges, bureaucratic impediments, and women participation in work and society. While INGOs and national NGOs all have been forced to work in humanitarian assistance through donor conditionalities, there are still differences in how they have adapted to the current situation. Though the IEA remain unrecognized by the international community, there has clearly been a consensus to continue working with them. Both national and international NGOs see communication with the Taliban as an opportunity to get the Taliban to recognize the importance of their work. Both INGOs and national NGOs suffer from the economic sanctions and the ability to transfer funds. INGOs have had better access to funds than the national NGOs which has allowed them to be able to adapt and increase humanitarian assistance quickly. INGOs have had a more legitimate line of communication with the Taliban compared to national NGOs which have allowed them to respond more effectively with bureaucratic interference. Lastly, despite increasing restrictions by the Taliban administration on mobility, participation in society and education for girls, INGOs have been able to show more adaptation due to flexible budgeting. Despite the constantly changing restrictions being imposed on INGOs and national NGOs by the Taliban, ...

In this article, which is based around two case studies of extractive multinationals in Bangladesh we show how the multinationals concerned worked with states, local elites and national NGOs in order to gain access to land and resources. In negotiating these complex relationships the multinationals often found themselves in potentially contradictory positions, requiring the muscle of the state where land had to be forcibly acquired but also the partnership of national NGOs in order to carry out development programmes as part of their policies of 'community engagement' or 'uplift'. As this implies, whilst the state-corporate nexus is central to land appropriation in South Asia, we must also consider the role of NGOs and other development agencies, especially in a context such as Bangladesh where NGOs have taken on the role of 'shadow state' (Karim, 2011: xviii) . Indeed, the growing links between NGOs, private finance and corporate interests requires urgent attention.