Compares the content and structure of the US national ideology with those of Hungary, Bulgaria, and Norway; based on surveys of 2,755 domestic and foreign students. Implications of national outlook for peace.
Hopes for an international order and global peace seem shattered as we face the 21st century. The nation-state supported by the national outlook is not withering away. On the contrary, in the identity vacuum which followed the system collapse of Stalinism, new virulent forms of mini nationalisms and ethnic chauvinisms are observed. Clearly, peace research must devote more attention to the understanding of the ideological and identity components of the national outlook. The current studies contribute a step toward outlining the components of the national outlook. Phase 1 focused on components and structure of the US national outlook. 1867 US, international students, and domestic group respondents participated in the 60-item check-off survey. Few differences were found between groups, supporting the presence of a common national outlook with shared content and structure. In phase 2, 755 social science students from the USA, Bulgaria, Hungary and Norway responded to each of the 60 items on a five-point response category varying from completely meaningful (5) to completely meaningless (1). Differences in ratings by the samples were determined, and varimax rotated factor analyses were completed. The greatest overall differences were found, as predicted, between US and Bulgarian respondents, and the greatest similarities between US and Norwegian participants. Finally, the relationship of the national outlook to peace is discussed.
This paper unpacks the ideological framing of the National Outlook (NO) parties in Turkey, focusing on the National Order Party and the National Salvation Party during the 1970s, and the Welfare Party between the years 1983 and 1991. Rejecting violence for the purpose of bringing about a regime in line with Islamic principles, the NO parties formulated a synthesis of conservative-rightist and tawḥīdi Islamist thought. The first part of this paper examines the overlap between the political discourse of the NO parties and the ideological pillars of conservative-rightist thought. The second part examines the internalization of the tawḥīdi framing and its utilization within the discourse of the NO parties. The paper argues that an in-depth analysis of these two elements is integral to understanding the NO parties' underlying political philosophies.
Abstract Islamophobia is a cultural based discrimination which targets the Muslim community. This research tries to be evaluate Islamophobia is from the viewpoint of Islamists in Turkey. As an Islamist group the National Outlook movement is chosen since they are the most prominent and effective Islamist group in Turkish society and politics. The National Outlook movement's view of Islamophobia has common features about Islam with Islamophobic groups. And while discussing Islamophobia, they direct the same evil to Christian and Jewish society as Islamophobic groups direct towards Islam.
The Circular Economy (CE) is generally understood as an opportunity to transform the current unsustainable linear economic system by redesigning the way organisations provide goods and services rethinking how society consumes and uses those resources. In this context, the public sector is mainly recognised as an actor enabling the implementation of a sustainable CE through governmental interventions and policy initiatives. However, there is a lack of studies considering the public sector at an organisational level. CE in organisations includes a wide range of different practices that are important to examine in order to analyse the CE implementation process. Consequently, this study aims to characterise the current state of implementing circular practices and supporting strategies in central public sector organisations. To fulfil this aim, a questionnaire survey was sent to the organisations pertaining to the Portuguese Central Public Administration, as surveys are valuable tools to systematically collect information on various topics. The results demonstrate a relatively low level of implementation. Circular practices such as purchasing remanufactured or used items, using sharing platforms, increasing the efficiency of buildings, adopting green human resources and collaborative initiatives for circularity, and assessing and communicating about CE activities have presented low levels of adoption. At the same time, waste collection for recycling and dematerialisation practices showed good implementation levels. There is, thus, immense potential for further implementation of circularity in central public sector organisations in Portugal. This research contributes to deepening the understanding of the extent to which circular practices are embedded in public sector organisations and identifying the main implementation strengths and weaknesses. This research has the potential to help practitioners and researchers in the transition towards circularity in identifying circular opportunities in their organisations and ...
Abstract This article discusses the cultural and ideological representation of the Jewish Polish poet Władysław Szlengel in historical and historiographic research. The author maintains that while many researchers have described Szlengel as universal, cosmopolitan, sympathetic to assimilation, with socialist leanings, or, at least, apolitical or indifferent toward the national issue, the "Warsaw Ghetto poet" in fact had firm Zionist-Revisionist leanings before the war, and was connected to the Betar-founded1 Jewish Military Union (Żydowski Związek Wojskowy, ŻZW) underground during the war and Warsaw Ghetto uprising. Thus, the author presents evidence and quotations previously unexplored in the field, which shed new light on the life and works of Szlengel.
* Ömer Çaha. Prof. Dr., İstanbul Sabahattin Zaim Üniversitesi, İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Fakültesi, Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü, İstanbul, Türkiye. * Ömer Baykal. Dr., omrbaykal@gmail.com ; Milli Görüş hareketi, Necmettin Erbakan'ın Müstakiller Hareketi sonrasında 1970 yılında kurdukları Milli Nizam Partisi (MNP) ile başlayıp günümüze kadar Türk siyasal hayatı içerisinde iktidar mücadelesi veren ana akım İslamcı hareketin temsilcisidir. Milli Görüş partileri, ideoloji, insan kaynağı, örgüt ve politika açısından bir sürekliliği barındırmakla beraber, her biri müstakil, dönemin siyasi şartlarına ve politik düşüncesine koşut olarak değişiklikler ihtiva eden politik aktörlerdir. MNP, kurucu parti olması ve siyasi ömrünün kısalığı nedeniyle, mücadele ettiği sağ siyasetten kendisini yeterli düzeyde özerkleştirmeyi başaramamıştır. Buna karşın halefi konumunda olan Milli Selamet Partisi'ne (MSP) önemli bir politik miras devretmiştir. Çalışmamız temel düzeyde, Türk siyaseti ve Milli Görüş hareketi içerisinde MNP deneyimini incelemeyi hedeflemektedir. Öncelikle, Necmettin Erbakan'ı siyasal alana dahil eden politik mücadele ve Türk siyasal hayatı içerisinde MNP'nin kuruluş süreci tetkik edilecektir. MNP'nin ideolojik söyleminin yer aldığı bölümde, partinin kendisini konumlandırdığı siyasal pozisyon, ekonomi politikası ve siyasi söylemi incelenecektir. Son bölümde ise 12 Mart muhtırası ve devamında partini kapatılma süreci ortaya konulacaktır ; National Outlook movement is the representative of the mainstream Islamist movement that started with the National Order Party (NOP) which they established in 1970 after Necmettin Erbakan's Movement of Independent Movements and gave a power struggle in Turkish political life. National Outlook are political actors, each of which is independent, incorporating changes in the political conditions and political thought of the time, as well as a continuity in terms of ideology, human resources, organization and politics. Because NOP is a founding party and has a short political life, it has not succeeded in securing itself from the right politics that it has struggled with politically. On the other hand, the National Salvation Party, which is in the position of successor, has transferred an important political heritage. Our study aims to examine the NOP experience at the basic level in the Turkish politics. First, the political struggle that includes Necmettin Erbakan in the political sphere and the process of setting up NOP in the Turkish political life will be examined. In the section where NOP 's ideological discourse takes place, the political position that the party positions itself, political policy discourse will be examined. In the last part, the process of closing the party on 12 March will be revealed
1. A report of the National Petroleum Council's Committee on U.S.Energy Outlook. III,381 S.; 2. A summary report of the National Petroleum Council. III,134 S
The article deals with the world outlook basis of the national idea and reveals the main factors of formation of Ukrainian national idea. It is shown that despite the large number of national scientific and political books devoted to this subject in our time Ukrainian do not have this idea that would consolidate society fractured by political speculations. Against this background, it is emphasized that the establishment of the national idea is closely correlated with the concept of «nation» dominating in a social and cultural space. The theoretical differences between traditionalist and modernist approach and understanding of the nation are highlighted and their theoretical and practical potential in the process of construction of national idea is shown. Particular attention is paid in the article to the specifics in the formation of Ukrainian national idea, the birth of which had taken place in the nineteenth century in the creative legacy of Taras Shevchenko. However, due to political and cultural circumstances of that time Ukrainian (political and cultural) elite was not able to form a consolidating idea for the entire population. This task, once again, was undertaken by the Ukrainian people, including Ukrainian students, who formed the Ukrainian national idea as Ukraine's European choice.