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This chapter discusses urban developments in two major cities in Serbia, Belgrade and Novi Sad, influenced by the Balkan political crisis of the 1990s. Belgrade is the national capital of Serbia, with a dominantly Serbian population. Novi Sad is the capital of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, and home to a population of more than 20 different ethnicities. The seemingly bipolar relationship between these two cities started to emerge during the fall of Yugoslavia and has intensified during the subsequent shrinkage of the country into the current state of Serbia. The effects of war as well as migration have left their mark on the urban situation of both cities. Both cities are not old by European standards, Belgrade emerging before the rise of the Ottoman Empire and Novi Sad being a product of the eighteenth century and the rise of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. These two cities traditionally vary in size and ethnic make up from almost mono-ethnic Belgrade to multi-ethnic Novi Sad. This paper will explore the idea that national capitals such as Belgrade can give rise to "un-national capitals" such as Novi Sad. This will be viewed through a lens of the role of architecture and design in affecting the realities of both cities. Adapted from the source document.

This chapter discusses urban developments in two major cities in Serbia, Belgrade and Novi Sad, influenced by the Balkan political crisis of the 1990s. Belgrade is the national capital of Serbia, with a dominantly Serbian population. Novi Sad is the capital of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, and home to a population of more than 20 different ethnicities. The seemingly bipolar relationship between these two cities started to emerge during the fall of Yugoslavia and has intensified during the subsequent shrinkage of the country into the current state of Serbia. The effects of war as well as migration have left their mark on the urban situation of both cities. Both cities are not old by European standards, Belgrade emerging before the rise of the Ottoman Empire and Novi Sad being a product of the eighteenth century and the rise of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. These two cities traditionally vary in size and ethnic make up from almost mono-ethnic Belgrade to multi-ethnic Novi Sad. This paper will explore the idea that national capitals such as Belgrade can give rise to "un-national capitals" such as Novi Sad. This will be viewed through a lens of the role of architecture and design in affecting the realities of both cities.

This article points out the need for the Government and individuals to work on ensuring a better participation of Nigerian languages in national development.

The purpose of the article is to test the relationship between national identities and modernisation. We test the hypotheses that not all forms of identity are equally compatible with modernisation as measured by Human Development Index. The less developed societies are characterised by strong ascribed national identities based on birth, territory and religion, but also by strong voluntarist identities based on civic features selected and/or achieved by an individual. While the former decreases with further modernisation, the latter may either decrease or remain at high levels and coexist with instrumental supranational identifications, typical for the most developed countries. The results, which are also confirmed by multilevel regression models, thus demonstrate that increasing modernisation in terms of development contributes to the shifts from classical, especially ascribed, identities towards instrumental identifications. These findings are particularly relevant in the turbulent times increasingly dominated by the hardly predictable effects of the recent mass migrations.

In what ways do national currencies contribute to a sense of national identity? Building on the insights of 19th-and early 20th-century observers, the author suggests that national currencies might foster national identities in five ways: (a) providing a vehicle for nationalist imagery that constructs a sense of collective tradition and memory, (b) acting as a common medium of social communication that may facilitate the "communicative efficiency" of members of the nation and encourage similar frameworks of thought, (c) creating collective monetary experiences that can bolster the feeling of membership in a national community of shared fate, (d) contributing to a sense of popular sovereignty, at least insofar as the national currency is managed in a way that corresponds with the people's wishes, and (e) strengthening the kind of quasi-religious faith that is associated with nationalism, especially when the currency is managed in a stable manner.

The purpose of the article is to test the relationship between national identities and modernisation. We test the hypotheses that not all forms of identity are equally compatible with modernisation as measured by Human Development Index. The less developed societies are characterised by strong ascribed national identities based on birth, territory and religion, but also by strong voluntarist identities based on civic features selected and/or achieved by an individual. While the former decreases with further modernisation, the latter may either decrease or remain at high levels and coexist with instrumental supranational identifications, typical for the most developed countries. The results, which are also confirmed by multilevel regression models, thus demonstrate that increasing modernisation in terms of development contributes to the shifts from classical, especially ascribed, identities towards instrumental identifications. These findings are particularly relevant in the turbulent times increasingly dominated by the hardly predictable effects of the recent mass migrations.

"Separatabdruck aus dem zweiten Hefte des XXXV. Bandes des 'Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik'. Die Seiten 1-52 entsprechen den Seiten 366 bis 417 im 'Archiv'."--T.p. verso. ; Criticism of: Das nationale System der Politischen Oekonomie / von Friedrich List. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Sollte der Staat mittels einer aktiven Industriepolitik, die die Belange der Wettbewerbspolitik hintan stellt, Unternehmen "züchten", die im Wettbewerb auf dem Weltmarkt bestehen können? Für Prof. Dr. Juergen Donges, Universität zu Köln, stoßen staatliche Initiativen zum Champions-Building oder Champions-Defending sehr schnell an Grenzen der Wirksamkeit. Der bessere Weg sei die Schaffung von Rahmenbedingungen, bei denen die Unternehmen einen starken Anreiz haben, im Inland in Forschung und Entwicklung zu investieren und eine rasche Umsetzung von Forschungsergebnissen in neue, marktfähige Produkte zu erreichen. Nach Ansicht von Dr. Dieter Heuskel, Boston Consulting Group, "steht (es) außer Frage, dass die Entwicklung international wettbewerbsfähiger Unternehmensstrategien in erster Linie Aufgabe des Managements ist. Dazu zählt auch die Entscheidung über Investitionen und Standorte. Es bleibt jedoch Aufgabe der Politik - sowohl der nationalen wie vor allem der europäischen Wirtschaftspolitik -, die Wettbewerbsbedingungen so zu gestalten, dass europäische Unternehmen im internationalen Wettbewerb wie auch an ihrem Ausgangsstandort "bewegungsfähig" sind und strategisch agieren können." Für Dr. Kurt Christian Scheel, Bundesverband der Deutschen Industrie, Berlin, ist die Frage nicht, ob wir nationale Champions brauchen, sondern: "Natürlich sind Champions wünschenswert. Aber: Diese sollen sich aus eigener Kraft nach den Gesetzen des Marktes entwickeln. Nur der Markt kann entscheiden, welches Unternehmen wächst und welches scheitert. Die Aufgabe des Staats ist es, durch geeignete Rahmenbedingungen dafür zu sorgen, dass Deutschland für Investitionen attraktiv bleibt, die Grundlage dieses Wachstums sind."

"October 6, 1931." ; "These regulations supersede regulations for the national military parks, July 30, 1915, which have been completely revised"--P. 1. ; Mode of access: Internet.