Suchergebnisse

International audience ; Le nationalisme méthodologique est la tendance à prendre l'Etat-nation pour l'unité naturelle de l'analyse des phénomènes sociaux. Mais comment ce biais affecte-t-il les théories de la justice distributive? Pour répondre, on distingue d'abord trois versions de nationalisme méthodologique, pour montrer ensuite que la théorie de Rawls endosse les trois versions. Les arguments fondés sur la justice en pâtissent.

International audience ; Le nationalisme méthodologique est la tendance à prendre l'Etat-nation pour l'unité naturelle de l'analyse des phénomènes sociaux. Mais comment ce biais affecte-t-il les théories de la justice distributive? Pour répondre, on distingue d'abord trois versions de nationalisme méthodologique, pour montrer ensuite que la théorie de Rawls endosse les trois versions. Les arguments fondés sur la justice en pâtissent.

International audience ; Le nationalisme méthodologique est la tendance à prendre l'Etat-nation pour l'unité naturelle de l'analyse des phénomènes sociaux. Mais comment ce biais affecte-t-il les théories de la justice distributive? Pour répondre, on distingue d'abord trois versions de nationalisme méthodologique, pour montrer ensuite que la théorie de Rawls endosse les trois versions. Les arguments fondés sur la justice en pâtissent.

The first globalisation coincided with the establishment of the nation as a legitimate basis for political sovereignty. Globalisation and the expansion of the nation state are the result of the same ideological, technological and economic developments. The nation is a new universalism, resulting in the formation of distinct but relatively equivalent political and cultural units. The formation of nation states takes place within a strictly transnational framework and quickly opens up the issue of international affairs. The term refers not only to the organisation of relations between nation states but also to the union of social groups across national borders. Nineteenth century Europe reinforces its hegemonic position in the first globalisation by establishing itself as the central place of modern universalism, as the place where its political and cultural norms are established, and as the home for their challenge. ; International audience The first globalisation coincided with the consecration of the nation as the legitimate foundation for political sovereignty. Globalisation and the expansion of the Nation-State in fact emerge out of the same ideological, technological and economic developments. The nation is a new form of universalism, which translates into the formation of distinct but relatively similar cultural and political units. The formation of Nation-States took place against a transnational background, but rapidly raised the issue of its international dimension. This involves the organisation of relations between Nation-States, but also the unity of social categories beyond national frontiers. 19th century Europe comforted its hegemonic position in the first globalisation by instituting itself as the major pole of modern universalism, as the locus for the institutionalisation of its political and cultural norms, and as the heart of any contestation against them. ; The first globalisation coincided with the establishment of the nation as a legitimate basis for political sovereignty. Globalisation and ...

American economic nationalism was not born in 2018. While the United States is often rightly presented as the sanctuary of capitalism, its government has been a strong advocate of free trade only in rhetoric and not in practice. Today, Donald Trump is at least partially breaking with this untold and is committed to a policy of protecting national firms, in particular by developing protectionist weapons, renegotiating international agreements and calling for preference to be given to national production. As a supporter of benign neglect and beggar thy neighbour (America first), he clearly unveils a nationalist economic policy that calls into question the very idea of an economic science capable of defining and driving optimal solutions for the economic development of all nations. ; International audience American economic nationalism was not born in 2018. Although the United States is often rightly presented as the sanctuary of capitalism, its government has been a staunch supporter of free trade only in rhetoric and not in practice. Today, Donald Trump at least partially breaks with this unspoken and engages in a policy of protection of national firms, including developing protectionist weapons, renegotiating international agreements and calling for a focus on domestic productions. A proponent of "benign neglect" and "beggar thy neighbour" (America first), he clearly unveils a nationalist economic policy, which calls into question the very idea of an economic science capable of defining and leading the optimal solutions for the economic development of all nations. ; American economic nationalism was not born in 2018. While the United States is often rightly presented as the sanctuary of capitalism, its government has been a strong advocate of free trade only in rhetoric and not in practice. Today, Donald Trump is at least partially breaking with this untold and is committed to a policy of protecting national firms, in particular by developing protectionist weapons, renegotiating international agreements and ...

American economic nationalism was not born in 2018. While the United States is often rightly presented as the sanctuary of capitalism, its government has been a strong advocate of free trade only in rhetoric and not in practice. Today, Donald Trump is at least partially breaking with this untold and is committed to a policy of protecting national firms, in particular by developing protectionist weapons, renegotiating international agreements and calling for preference to be given to national production. As a supporter of benign neglect and beggar thy neighbour (America first), he clearly unveils a nationalist economic policy that calls into question the very idea of an economic science capable of defining and driving optimal solutions for the economic development of all nations. ; International audience American economic nationalism was not born in 2018. Although the United States is often rightly presented as the sanctuary of capitalism, its government has been a staunch supporter of free trade only in rhetoric and not in practice. Today, Donald Trump at least partially breaks with this unspoken and engages in a policy of protection of national firms, including developing protectionist weapons, renegotiating international agreements and calling for a focus on domestic productions. A proponent of "benign neglect" and "beggar thy neighbour" (America first), he clearly unveils a nationalist economic policy, which calls into question the very idea of an economic science capable of defining and leading the optimal solutions for the economic development of all nations. ; American economic nationalism was not born in 2018. While the United States is often rightly presented as the sanctuary of capitalism, its government has been a strong advocate of free trade only in rhetoric and not in practice. Today, Donald Trump is at least partially breaking with this untold and is committed to a policy of protecting national firms, in particular by developing protectionist weapons, renegotiating international agreements and ...