Suchergebnisse

This paper examines the concept of banal nationalism as often unconscious,
routine processes that nations reproduce on a daily basis. Banal nationalism is
recognisable in the use of national symbols but also in language and culture. The
purpose of this paper is to determine whether Slovenian folk-pop music is one of
these processes, and in which ways and strategies we can detect its reproductive
role in banal nationalism that on a daily basis reminds its listeners of their national
identities. Methodologically, the article is based on the content and a textual
analysis of compositions by three of the most often listened to folk-pop ensembles,
demonstrating that the national narrative can be identified in a smaller proportion
of all analysed compositions in three sections: the idea of nation as an imaginary
community or home(land), national (auto)stereotypes, and patriotic feelings.

The narrative hero Peter Klepec is known (and laid claim to) by the inhabitants of the Čabranka-Osilnica valley, the border area on the Croatian and Slovenian side of the border. There circulate a number of quite similar stories about him, in which a frail illegitimate child Peter becomes a strong man, whose supernatural powers help the needy and drive the enemies from these regions. This paper shows the changing role and diversity of interpretations of myth in time and space using the example of folk and literary hero Peter Klepec. It focuses on the historical changes in the perception of Peter Klepec: namely, on his (local) function at the time of the Hapsburg imperial policy, the process of his nationalisation and dilemmas that arose following the division of the Čabranka-Osilnica area, i.e., the originating area of the creation of the legend of the two countries (Croatia and Slovenia). It shows that Klepec was due to different historical circumstances and (interpretive) discourse used for different purposes. First, he served as a symbol of strength and survival in the Čabranka-Osilnica valley, and then as the Hapsburg myth that justified the existence of the monarchy facing the hostile Ottomans, and lastly as an allegory of a servile Slovene, who is always just a faithful bondsman to other masters (first under the Austro-Hungarians and then the European Union). ; Pripovednega junaka Petra Klepca poznajo (in si ga lastijo?) prebivalci Čabransko- osilniške doline, torej obmejnega območja na hrvaški in slovenski strani meje. O njem kroži več med seboj precej podobnih zgodb, v katerih šibek nezakonski otrok Peter postane silak, ki s svojo nadnaravno močjo pomaga pomoči potrebnim in iz krajev odganja sovražnike. Prispevek na primeru ljudskega in literarnega junaka Petra Klepca prikaže spreminjajočo se vlogo in različnost interpretacij mita v času in prostoru. Osredotoča se na zgodovinske spremembe v dojemanju Petra Klepca: na njegovo (lokalno) funkcijo v času imperialne politike Habsburžanov, na proces njegove nacionalizacije in dileme, ki so se pojavile ob delitvi Čabransko-osilniškega območja t.j. izvirnega območja nastanka legend med dve državi (Slovenijo in Hrvaško). Pokaže, da se je zaradi različnih zgodovinskih okoliščin in (interpretativnih) diskurzov Klepca uporabljalo v različne namene. Najprej je služil kot simbol moči in preživetja v Čabransko-osilniški dolini, nato kot habsburški mit, ki je opravičeval obstoj monarhije nasproti osmanskemu sovražniku in slednjič kot prispodoba hlapčevskega Slovenca, ki je vedno le vdan podložnik drugim gospodarjem (najprej Avstro-ogrski, nato Evropski uniji).

This paper analyzes the issue of nations without states in contemporary Europe between the Atlantic and the Urals. The political map of the continent comprises forty-seven countries, most of which are nation-states. However, the cultural mosaic of Europe is far more complex; there are around fifty ethnic groups (in addition to historical, territorial, or indigenous ethnic minorities and an enormous number of immigrant ethnic communities) lacking a state-based organization. Together, these people add up to 78 million, or almost 15% of the European population. Twenty-seven groups can be considered nations without states; they are culturally and ethnically based and have various forms of territorial integrity and political organization. However, they did not create a state organization, despite many attempts by some through history. Without a state organization, those communities have poorer opportunities to protect their folk culture and to reproduce various elements of ethnic identity. This is why they seek territorial autonomy or independent statehood through nationalist movements. In many cases, these ambitions are encompassed in regional movements. These movements have been popular in Europe, particularly because the idea of a "Europe of regions" as part of the European Union has had broad political support and acceptance. However, it has not actually succeeded. The EU and Europe as a whole are still a Europe of (nation)-states. In general, regional movements have been successful and through this some nations without states have attained part of their political ambitions in the form of territorial autonomy. The regionalization of former centralist states (e.g., Spain and the United Kingdom) increased the chances of ethnic survival for the Catalans, Basques, Scots, and Welsh. On the other hand, the regionalization of nations without states represented territorial division, a kind of "divide and rule" strategy serving to reduce their ambitions towards national independence. The territorial and political reconstruction of nation-states has been successful, but it did not solve all ethnic problems. The European political map reveals another interesting phenomenon: a double state for some nations. These are particularly typical for the Balkans. Because of political and territorial development after the Second World War and during the transition period in the 1990s and beyond, the principle of immutable political borders (logically encompassing the creation of new nation-states as well) led to further political and territorial divisions and (in fact, paradoxically) fragmentation. Some of these "inner" autonomous territories are functioning as de facto states. The cases of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus or Republika Srpska in Bosnia-Herzegovina are good examples of these processes. This development has not garnered much political support in most European countries or at the EU level. However, it is an undesirable reality and is certainly one of changes among the political and territorial (or even greater) challenges for the Europe of tomorrow. It forces a reexamination of the phenomenon and value of nations. The existence of nations without states represents a potential for the creation of new (nation) states.

Die Umbrüche des 20. Jahrhunderts hinterlassen tiefe Spuren in und zwischen den Ländern des Alpen-Adria-Raumes. Alte und neue Nationalismen führen vielerorts zu Auseinandersetzungen in Volksgruppenfragen – zwischen Kärnten und Slowenien zuletzt sichtbar in jahrzehntelangen Konflikten um zweisprachige Ortstafeln und andere Minderheitenrechte.Das Buch beleuchtet Einstellungen von Jugendlichen beider Länder zu Geschichte(n) der Region, Zwei- und Mehrsprachigkeit, Nationalismus und kultureller Vielfalt, neuen und alten Minderheiten, Nachbarländern und Europa. Aufbauend auf den Ergebnissen eines grenzübergreifenden Forschungsprojektes widmen sich Beiträge der Geschichte Kärntens und Sloweniens, ihren Narrativen und deren Folgen für Lebenswirklichkeiten. Berücksichtigung erfährt die Bedeutung von Minderheiten- und Nachbarsprachen in Grenzräumen und daraus erwachsende Implikationen für "moderne" Konzeptionen von Minderheitenschutz.Mit Beiträgen von:Danijel Grafenauer, Joseph Marko, Ludmila Novak Lukanovic, Rainer Pichler, Jürgen Pirker, Stefanie Vavti, Daniel Wutti

The monograph deals with identities in Slovenia at the time of current breaks and turbulences. The first part of the monograph addresses the majority identities; first, European identity at the time of the rise of nationalism, and then Slovenian national identity in the context of the economic crisis and new populist policies in Europe and beyond. In the second part, the authors deal with minority identities - from religious and ethnic to sexual - that place them in the time span from Slovenia's accession to the EU until the time of the economic crisis, the rise of populism and neoconservative policies. In the third section, minority identities are placed in the context of culture, which is one of the important elements of identity construction and preservation.--Publisher's website