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This paper aims to analyze how WWI affected the political environment in the Middle East. Geographically speaking, it focuses on the Bilad al-Sham region, a section of Fertile Crescent that can be named as the birthplace of Arab Nationalism. During the end of the XIX Century, an Arab awareness begins to arise in the Middle East, mainly troughout the political and economic links and relations between Europe and Ottoman Empire. This Arab feeling develops into Arab nationalism after and as a consequence of it. The issue is analyzed at both the historical and ideological levels: along with the analysis of the main historical events during WWI that contribute to the rise of Arab nationalism, such as the Skyes-Picot agreements and the Arab Revolt, the paper focuses also on the ideology of Sati al-Husri, one of the main ideologues of Arab nationalism.

Questo articolo si pone come obiettivo quello di analizzare il ruolo dei numeri nell'opera di oggettivazione di una specificità regionale da parte degli attori sociali. Tramite la descrizione o la comparazione, i numeri contribuiscono a caratterizzare e alterizzare una regione, ponendone la singolarità e dandole una densità discorsiva e sociale. Come attrezzi cognitivi le cifre possono altresì contribuire alla politicizzazione diretta dei fatti sociali e alla loro costruzione sottoforma di problemi politici regionali. Il lavoro sul campo verte su sei attori regionali in Bretagna, Scozia e Galizia negli anni Settanta. ; The aim of this article is to analyze the role of figures in the work of objectivization of a regional specificity by social actors. Through descriptions or comparisons, figures are instrumental in characterizing and altering regions, posing their uniqueness and giving them a social and discursive density. As cognitive tools, figures may also contribute to the direct politicization of social facts and their construction as regional political issues. This fieldwork focuses on six regional actors in Brittany, Scotland and Galicia in the 1970s.

Questo articolo si pone come obiettivo quello di analizzare il ruolo dei numeri nell'opera di oggettivazione di una specificità regionale da parte degli attori sociali. Tramite la descrizione o la comparazione, i numeri contribuiscono a caratterizzare e alterizzare una regione, ponendone la singolarità e dandole una densità discorsiva e sociale. Come attrezzi cognitivi le cifre possono altresì contribuire alla politicizzazione diretta dei fatti sociali e alla loro costruzione sottoforma di problemi politici regionali. Il lavoro sul campo verte su sei attori regionali in Bretagna, Scozia e Galizia negli anni Settanta. ; The aim of this article is to analyze the role of figures in the work of objectivization of a regional specificity by social actors. Through descriptions or comparisons, figures are instrumental in characterizing and altering regions, posing their uniqueness and giving them a social and discursive density. As cognitive tools, figures may also contribute to the direct politicization of social facts and their construction as regional political issues. This fieldwork focuses on six regional actors in Brittany, Scotland and Galicia in the 1970s.

UID/FIL/00183/2019 ; Marxist internationalism was grounded in the cosmopolitan scope of capitalism, on the interdependences it created between national economies, and on the belief that it would collapse under its own contradictions. While the rst two tenets maintain their validity, the latter currently does not rests on a convincing scienti c basis. ere is nevertheless ample scope for positively retrieving the internationalist idea with practical implications, as shows the example of macroeconomic cooperation within the European Union. European integration is stuck on the cliff of a new mercantilism. Member states see European economy as the theatre of a competition between national economies, each seeking to maximize exports and to gain new market shares. Relations of economic power model the political relations among partners, design hierarchies, and result in economic and cultural hegemonies. On the eve of World War I, the socialist front broke on the political and cultural response to economic nationalism, mercantilism, and militarism, splitting between those who aligned with national interests and those who remained true to internationalism, from the vantage point of which nation- al con icts mirrored radical class con icts. e dilemma that confronts the present-day left is similar, and a consistent part of it is tempted to answer the continental crisis taking a clear step away from internationalism. Sovranism, i.e. unwinding European integration in the hope to take back national sovereignty, in particular, goes along with scepticism or open hostility to the common currency. Sovranist claims rest, however, both on a radical misappreciation of the factors that weighted on the eurozone crisis and on a defensive, rather than a progressive, attitude towards supranational integration. Rather than being an alternative to nationalist mercantilism, these claims are no more than its ip side. e present contribution defends these theses through an analysis of the main fault lines of the eurozone's current political constellation. It highlights the shortcomings of the sovranist conception of international economy and shows how a truly internationalist response that promotes further European integration, instead of fighting it, is both viable and realistic. A newly reconsidered internationalism would widen the scope for national political autonomy if it manages to turn the European integration process from a system of antagonistic interdependence into a system of true international cooperation. ; publishersversion ; published

Nationalist claims of the Kurdish minority in Iraq.

The essay aims at understanding the nationalist characters present in the cultural discourse of Romanian national-communism by the multilayered analysis of i) communist regime cultural politics, which developed the discourse on the nation in a Marxist-Leninist framework; ii) the keywords around which Romanian public discourse was build since the beginning of modernity until the instauration of communist regime; iii) the marginality of Marxism-Leninism and othe workers' movement in Romania since the 19th century until the communist takeover.

Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Ital. 159 da

In recent years, claims for autonomy & self-government have conditioned the politics of the so-called multinational democracies. In such democracies, national minorities have obtained one form or another of self-government thanks to various kinds of federal frameworks. Such important political processes have significantly contributed toward the renewed interest in federalism. In particular, a number of scholars have pointed out the need to formulate a specific variety of federalism to meet the needs of national minorities: asymmetric federalism. Thus, unlike scholars such as Carl Friedrich, Daniel Elazar, & Kenneth Wheare, who thought that traditional, symmetrical federal institutions could be used to manage nationalist claims thanks to their intrinsic capability of dealing with unity & diversity, many contemporary political scientists (eg, Alfred Stepan, Alain Gagnon, Ferran Requeio, Michael Burgess, & others) have analyzed the relationship between nationalism & federalism through the concept of asymmetric federalism. Focusing on the different dimensions of the concept & analyzing such a literature -- its results, suggestions, & limits, constitute the aim of this paper. 2 Tables, 45 References. Adapted from the source document.