Suchergebnisse

RESUMEN: Un crucial interrogante plantea la situación actual del País Vasco: el de saber si nos encontramos ante una profunda y quizá irreversible crisis de su tradicional modelo de desarrollo económico, institucional y político, lo que acarrearía desastrosas consecuencias en casi todos los órdenes de la vida colectiva, o, más bien, ante un final de ciclo o etapa que, a diferencia de la primera posibilidad, no impediría la aparición de nuevos ejes de desarrollo. La respuesta debe confrontar el estudio de lo que ha sido la evolución histórica de este territorio con los planteamientos y soluciones que se arbitran para los problemas del presente. Este trabajo pretende justamente arrojar luz sobre ambas cuestiones, exponiendo un conjunto de reflexiones que ayuden a clarificar una compleja y sin duda incierta realidad. Palabras clave: País Vasco, Siglo XX, Crisis, Industrialización, Nacionalismo Vasco. ABSTRACT: A crucial question hangs over the present situation in the Basque Country: Are we facing a profund and perhaps irreversible crisis in its traditional pattern of economic, institutional and political development, which would result in disastrous consequences at almost all levels of society, or is it rather the end of a cycle or stage which, unlike the first possibility, would not hinder the appearance of new foundations of development? The answer must compare the study of what has been the historical evolution of this territory with the approaches and solutions that Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca Stud, hist., H." cont., 13-14, pp. 105-118 are being arbitrated for the current problems. The aim of this study is to shed light on both questions, presenting some reflections that may help to clarify a complex and undoubtedly uncertain reality. Key words: Basque Country, 20th Century, Crisis, Industrialization, Nationalism Basque.

In his far-reaching examination of multiculturalism, Kwame Anthony Appiah stresses the possibilities of maintaining a pluralistic culture of many identities and sub-cultures while retaining the civil and political practices that sustain national life in the classic sense. He begins with a discussion of what the word "culture" might mean, suggesting that "culture" and "identity" inevitably conflict in the emergence of the "individual." He engages Charles Taylor's proposal that sub-cultural identity should be a matter of state maintenance, problematizing certain contemporary methods of teaching multiculturalism, suggesting instead a more inclusive cultural education for a pluralistic society than is usually achieved by teaching culture only to those who belong to a particular community. With the example of French Canadians he illustrates that the interests of cultural preservation would not be satisfied if the language and social practice of French Canada were to be preserved by a group of Polynesians living on a remote island in the Pacific. This would not be acceptable because a consistent issue in nationalism and cultural survival is the desire to transmit culture, values and practices from one generation to another, hence the importance of participation by the state's educational system in maintaining culture and cultural plurality. Appiah warns against proscribing "correct" behavior to the life scripts of people whose difference--whether sexual, racial or national--has been constituted as part of their identity, since to do so would suggest the possibility of authentic and inauthentic life scripts and all the problems that attend like assumptions. Appiah concludes by suggesting that the possibilities of having a common set of institutions and a common culture in addition to the pluralistic identities of an open society is the difficult goal towards which we must strive. Commentaries by Jorge Klor de Alva (Ethnic Studies), David Hollinger (History) and Angela Harris (Law) draw out several of the themes suggested by Appiah's lecture.

It is argued that the state has played a decisive role in the emergence & transformation of cooperatives in Quebec since the 1960s through legislation, funding, & supervision of cooperative structures; however, the state has nevertheless had instrumentalist aims not always related to the goals of the cooperatives themselves. It is suggested that regulation theory, which maintains that the state's orientation is a result of social compromise, reflects the asymmetrical & unequal power relations between classes in any given period. In assessing the impact of government intervention, the principal features of cooperatives are defined, & a distinction is made between old-style, traditional cooperatives, whose development is governed more by commercial factors, & new-style cooperatives, which are the product of recent social movements. State intervention in the traditional type of cooperative has generally been influenced by either economic nationalism or neoliberalism, while intervention in the new-style cooperatives has been shaped by both social regulation & the state's desire to disengage itself from certain socioeconomic responsibilities. Examples of the two types of cooperatives are provided, & it is suggested that state-cooperative relations can be divided into two periods. During 1960 to 1975, the state generally favored traditional cooperatives, while it encouraged the formation of new cooperatives from 1978 to the present. At the start of this latter period, the Parti Quebecois slowed welfare state expansion & adopted the neoliberal outlook; yet it was obliged to respond to the public demand for control over collective services & the environment. Its solution was to promote the growth of the new-style cooperatives because they could be used as an instrument to reduce the cost of social policies while exercising unprecedented control over the cooperatives. In areas such as housing, this reduction of costs meant that certain socioeconomic groups would be excluded & that autonomy, one of the most important features in attracting & mobilizing members, would be diminished. Modified AA

THE TIME SPAN OF A 'GENERATION' HAS BEEN SUGGESTED TO CURRENTLY BE ONLY 5 YEARS LONG. THE YEARS 1968-73 HAVE BEEN MARKED BY RAPID CHANGE IN SEVERAL AREAS: (1) A SHIFT FROM INTEGRATION TO ETHNIC NATIONALISM, (2) THE REEMERGENCE OF A PLURALISTIC ETHNIC CONSCIOUSNESS, & (3) THE DEVELOPMENT OF A NEW DEFINITION OF 'MINORITY' WHICH INCLUDES WOMEN, HOMOSEXUALS, THE AGED, THE YOUNG, STUDENTS, HIPPIES, EXCONVICTS, THE HANDICAPPED, ETC. THE 1970 CENSUS USING 6 RACIAL CATEGORIES FOUND 20% OF THE TOTAL US POPULATION TO BE OF RACIAL MINORITY. THESE CENSUS FIGURES FAILED TO INCLUDE NONRACIAL ETHNICITY, UNDERCOUNTED AREAS WITH HIGH BLACK OR SPANISH-SPEAKING POPULATIONS, & THUS MISREPRESENTED THE ACTUAL FIGURES FOR MINORITY CATEGORIZATION. CONTROVERSY HAS DEVELOPED BETWEEN THE BLACK & WHITE INTERPRETATION OF ECONOMIC, EDUCATIONAL, & INCOME MEASURES OF BLACK PROGRESS AS NOTED IN CENSUS FIGURES; WHITES CLAIM THERE HAS BEEN PROGRESS, BLACKS CLAIM STATISTICS DON'T TELL THE WHOLE STORY. MOST RESEARCH IN RACE & ETHNIC RELATIONS WERE CONCERNED WITH THE MEANING & MEASUREMENT OF GROUP ATTITUDES. LITERATURE DURING THIS 5 YEAR SPAN WAS CONCENTRATED ON THE BLACK STRUGGLE FOR IDENTITY, POWER, & EQUALITY. BLACK ENGLISH HAS EMERGED & SO HAS EVIDENCE OF BLACK-WHITE STRATIFICATION DIFFERENCES. CONTROVERSY REGARDING INEQUALITY & INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENT DIFFERENTIALS REDEVELOPED, & CENTERED AROUND THE VALIDITY OF THE TESTING ITSELF. PROGRAMS TO INTERVENE IN INEQUALITY WERE INSTITUTED: IE, OPERATION HEAD START, PLANNED INTEGRATION OF SCHOOLS & NEIGHBORHOODS, AFFIRMATIVE ACTION, & PREFERENTIAL QUOTAS. RED POWER REAWAKENED AWARENESS OF THE PLIGHT OF THE AMERICAN INDIAN. IMMIGRATION PATTERNS SHIFTED FROM A WESTERN EUROPEAN TO A SOUTHERN & EASTERN EUROPEAN, LATIN AMERICAN, & ASIATIC TREND. ASIAN, HISPANIC, SLAVIC, & JEWISH MINORITY STATUS DEVELOPED INTO CONCEPTS OF PRIDE RATHER THAN ABNEGATION. RACIAL & ETHNIC CONVERGENCE IS PRESENTLY EMERGING THROUGH CONTINUED ASSIMILATION & INTERMARRIAGE. INTERMARRIAGE RATES OF ALL KINDS INCREASED DURING THIS PERIOD WITH RACIAL INTERMARRIAGE OCCURRING LEAST FREQUENTLY, RELIGIOUS INTERMARRIAGE OCCURRING MORE FREQUENTLY, & NATIONALITY INTERMARRIAGE MOST OF ALL. 5 TABLES. T. BABITSKY.

Trend in Arab political thought in the Near East since June 1967, by Olivier Carré
Since the Six-Day War, the two most prominent lines of Arab political thought in the Near East have been, on the one hand, the Palestinian theories of the Arab revolution and, on the other, the Islamisation of the Arab socialism inherited from Nasser. The basic texts put out by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and the Popular and Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PDFLP), and also the more moderate studies carried out by intellectuals close to el Fatah and the Palestine Liberation Organisation give a new lease on life to political susceptibilities characteristic of the Near East. The "Palestinian revolution" is deliberately seen as both local and provincial on the one hand, and as national-Arab and non-state on the other. In seeking Islamisation, Arab socialism has the benefit of the social and political thinking of the Moslem Brothers. Arab socialism and Islamic socialism come together, their priority being an economic project of obvious urgency. The political intransigeance and fanaticism of the Brothers has diminished. This reasonable resurgence of what is authentic in Islam is perhaps the opportunity for a fervour capable of mobilizing the Arab masses. Each of these trends contests, in its own way, the political thinking inherited from the West. Some Arab thinkers have used the catastrophe of June 1967 to carry out analyses of the basic structures of present-day Arab societies: community feeling, "poetic" mentality and, in particular, the original experience of national identity. Sociological reflections which are sufficiently independent of ideological pressures to help provide an understanding of a phenomenon such as "Arab nationalism", for example.
[Revue française de science politique XXIII (5), octobre 1973, pp. 1046-1079.]

THE MAKING OF THE COMMONWEALTH. Edited by Scott Bennett.THEODORE: His Life and Times. By Irwin Young.WESTERN AUSTRALIAN GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS 1829–1959: A bibliography. Compiled by E. Zalums.JOHN CURTIN: An atypical Labor leader. By K. E. Beazley.PARLIAMENTARY HANDBOOK OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA. By the Commonwealth Parliamentary Library. Seventeenth Edition. Canberra, Australian Government Publishing ServiceTHOMAS STAMFORD RAFFLES (1781–1826): schemer or reformer? By Syed HusseinSTRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY: Sung Chiao‐jen and the 1911 Chinese Revolution. By K. S.WE THE CHINESE: Voices from China. Edited by Deirdre and NealeTHE EMERGENCE OF INDIAN NATIONALISM. By A. Seal.THE ALMANAC OF AMERICAN POLITICS: The Senators, the Representatives‐their records, states and districts, 1972. By M. Barone, G. Ujifusa and D. Matthews.PROTECTIONIST REPUBLICANISM: Republican Tariff Policy in the McKinley Period. By C. A. Stern.AMERICAN POLITICAL PARTIES: Potential and Performance. By Judson L. James.THE POLITICS OF MEDICARE. By Theodore R. Marmoor with Jan S. Marmoor.LIBERAL POLITICS IN THE AGE OF GLADSTONE AND ROSEBERY: A Study in Leadership and Policy. By D. A. Hamer.MAGNA CARTA: The Heritage of Liberty. By Anne Pallister.THE HIGH COURT OF DELEGATES. By G. I. 0. Duncan.THE EXPANSION OF ENGLAND. By J. R. Seeley.LORD CARLINGFORDS JOURNAL: Reflections of a Cabinet Minister, 1885. Edited by A. B.Cooke and J, R. Vincent.THE EDUCATION ACT 1870: Text and Commentary. By James Murphy.THE LIFE OF THOMAS COOPER. With an introduction by John Saville.THE FOX‐NORTH COALITION: Crisis of the Constitution, 1782‐4. By John Cannon.DISEASE AND HISTORY. By Frederick F.BAGEHOTS HISTORICAL ESSAYS. Edited, with an introduction by Norman St. John‐Stevas.MARIE DE ROHAN: Duchess de Chevreuse. By Michael Prawdin.]ANCIENT HISTORY ATLAS: 1700 B.C. to A.D. 566. By MichaelTHE PROBLEM'S OF POLITlCAL PHILOSOPHY. By D. U. Raphael.POLITICS AND TECHNOLOGY. By Roger Williams.SOCIAL MOVEMENT. By Paul Wilkinson.SOCIAL SCIENCE, HISTORY AND THE NEW CURRICULUM. By Alan Barcan.

Book reviewed in this article: Urbanism
The New City, edited by Donald Canty. Determinants of Spending
Metropolitan City Expenditures: A Comparative Analysis by Roy W. Bahl. Washington and Vietnam
Anatomy of Error: The Inside Story of the Asian War on the Potomac, 1954–1969 by Henry Brandon. Postwar Prescription
Alternative in Southeast Asia by Eugene R. Black. Communist Crisis
War Between Russia and China by Harrison E. Salisbury. Bear in Wolfe's Clothing
An Ideology in Power: Reflections on the Russian Revolution by Bertram D. Wolfe. Maintaining Capitalism
The State in Capitalist Society by Ralph Miliband. Architect of Foreign Affairs
Present at the Creation: My Years in the State Department by Dean Acheson. Increasing Nationalism
Ideologies and Utopias: The Impact of the New Deal on American Thought by Arthur A. Ekirch, Jr. The Elephants
Republicans and Labor, 1919–1929 by Robert H. Zieger. Agricultural Colonies
Land Development and Colonization in Latin America: Case Studies of Peru, Bolivia, and Mexico by Craig L. Dozier. Regional Prosperity
Britain and the Onset of Modernization in Brazil, 1850–1914 by Richard Graham. Agrarian Settlements
Moshava, Kibbutz, and Moshav: Patterns of Jewish Rural Settlement and Development in Palestine by D. Weintraub, M. Lissak, and Y. Azmon. Foreign Aid, German Style
The Human Dimension of Technical Assistance: The Germun Experience at Rourkela, India by Jan Bodo Our Schools Are Failing
The Classroom Disaster by Leslie A. Hart. Experimental Poverty Program
The Devil Has Slippery Shoes: A Biased Biography of the Child Development Group of Mississippi by Polly Greenberg Research Is the Answer
Race and the Social Sciences, edited by Irwin Katz and Patricia Gurin. What Man Might Become
The Divine Animal: An Exploration of Human Potentiality by Roger W. Wescott. Classicism Championed
Architecture and Society: Selected Essays of Henry Van Brunt, edited by William A. Coles.

La figura de Xavier Mina ha sido controvertida, exaltada por el nacionalismo mexicano como un héroe nacional y olvidada por sus compatriotas españoles. Tras las últimas investigaciones, surge un liberal de su tiempo, que luchó contra el absolutismo de Fernando vii y por la libertad de comercio frente al monopolio que ejercían los comerciantes gaditanos y contra los privilegios obtenidos por la camarilla del Rey de España. Sus ideales liberales fueron adquiridos en Londres, donde conoció a lord Holland y a lord John Russell, quienes fueron los mayores valedores de su proyecto. Frecuentó el Círculo de Holland House, donde se relacionó con los exiliados españoles. Lideró una expedición en apoyo de Morelos y del Gobierno mexicano, contó con la ayuda económica de comerciantes ingleses y norteamericanos. La llegada de Mina a Nueva España coincide con el peor momento de la insurgencia. El virrey Ruiz de Apodaca coadyuvó al fracaso de la expedición, y Mina fue fusilado en 1817 por los realistas. ; The figure of Xavier Mina has always been controversial, exalted by the Mexican nationalism as a national hero and forgotten by his Spanish compatriots. The latest investigations show a liberal man of his time, who fought the absolutism of Ferdinand vii for the free trade against the monopoly of the traders from Cádiz, as well as against the privileges of the clique of the Spanish King. He acquired his liberal ideals in London, where he met Lord Holland and Lord Russell. He attended the Holland House Circle regularly, where he came into contact with the Spanish liberals. He led an expedition to support Morelos and the Mexican Government with the economical help of English and North Americans traders. His arrival into Nueva España coincided with the worst moments of the revolution. The Viceroy Ruiz de Apodaca contributed to the failure of the expeditions, and the supporters of the King finally executed Mina in 1817.

El presente artículo busca realizar un acercamiento y análisis de la organización Iraultza, desde sus orígenes hasta su desaparición a inicios de la década de 1990. Nuestro enfoque metodológico parte del vaciado documental y hemerográfico, y del uso de fuentes orales como herramienta que nos permite sortear algunas de las dificultades derivadas de la inaccesibilidad de la documentación interna de la organización. Esta combinación de técnicas nos permite el análisis de la génesis de la organización y de los principios que la van a articular durante su existencia, así como su impacto en el contexto vasconavarro en los años ochenta. Iraultza nacerá del giro estratégico que desde finales de los setenta se produce en el mc-emk, el cual se acercara al mundo abertzale radical de cara a defender un proyecto rupturista, y dio lugar a la aparición de un grupo inspirado en los debates de los grupos armados del momento. ; This article seeks to make an approach and analysis of the organization Iraultza, from its origins to its disappearance in the early 1990s. Our methodological approach is based on documentary and hemerographic analysis, and the use of oral sources as a tool that allows us to draw some of these difficulties derived from the inaccessibility of the internal documentation of the organization. This combination of techniques allows us to analyze the genesis of the organization and the principles that will be articulated during its existence, as well as its impact on the Basque-Navarre context in the eighties. Iraultza will be born from the strategic shift that since the late seventies occurs in the mc-emk, which will approach the radical Basque nationalism in order to defend a rupturist project, giving rise to the emergence of a group inspired by the debates of the groups armed of the moment.

The lauburu ("four heads" in Basque) is a cross with four commashaped heads, similar to the swastika. Today it is one of the most important symbols of Basque identity. In this paper, I analyze its origins and history, which is full of contradictions, changes in name and shape, especially until the Spanish Civil War and World War II. The lauburu was created in the 17th century; and in the 19th century it symbolized the unity of four Basque Provinces. The lauburu was later identified with a swastika (symbol of the Basque nation, according Sabino Arana, the founder of the Basque Nationalist Party) almost identical to the Nazi symbol. The Basque nationalist movement used the lauburu until Hitler took power in Germany and permanently adopted the lauburu as it is used today. During the past few hundred years this symbol has been the object of endless interpretations by different political parties and social movements associated with Basque nationalism. ; El lauburu ("cuatro cabezas") es una cruz curvilínea, con cuatro brazos en forma de coma, parecida a la esvástica, y uno de los símbolos más característicos de la identidad vasca. En este artículo analizamos su origen y su historia, llena de contradicciones, cambios de denominación y de forma gráfica, sobre todo hasta la Guerra Civil y la II Guerra Mundial. Surgido en el siglo XVII, en el XIX se identificó primero con la unidad de las cuatro provincias vascas y después con una esvástica, casi igual a la usada posteriormente por los nazis, que Sabino Arana, el fundador del PNV, propuso como símbolo nacional vasco. Los nacionalistas la usaron hasta que el ascenso de Hitler al poder hizo que la sustituyeran por el actual lauburu curvilíneo. A lo largo de su historia, este signo ha sido objeto de múltiples y a veces opuestas interpretaciones, incluso entre diversos sectores del nacionalismo vasco.

Rodolfo Gil Benumeya constituye una figura singular del africanismo español del siglo XX. Su trayectoria personal, intelectual y política desde los tempranos años veinte muestra un complejo recorrido no exento de paradojas, contradicciones y tensiones. Sus postulados en torno a la «hermandad hispano-árabe» se extendieron hacia diversos escenarios, incluso hacia América Latina. El Nuevo Mundo ocupó gran parte de sus reflexiones, encontrando en la experiencia histórica de la emancipación americana, una oportunidad para repensar la situación del Protectorado Español en Marruecos. La revisión de sus manuscritos, cartas personales y documentación de la época nos muestran una amplia red de contactos con corrientes políticas y movimientos culturales de diversas latitudes como el panislamismo, el nacionalismo marroquí, el andalucismo, el hispanismo y el pensamiento de los emigrados árabes en el Nuevo Mundo. ; Rodolfo Gil Benumeya is a singular figure of the twentieth century Spanish Africanism. His personal, intellectual and political trajectory since the early twenties shows a complex route, with contradictions and tensions. His assumptions about the "Hispanic-Arab brotherhood" reached the most various scenarios, including Latin America. The New World occupied much of his thoughts, finding in the historical experience of the American emancipation, an opportunity to rethink the situation of the Spanish Protectorate in Morocco. A review of their manuscripts, personal letters and documents, shows a wide network of contacts with political trends and cultural movements of various latitudes as Pan-Islamism, Moroccan nationalism, Andalucism, the Hispanism and the thoughts of the arab emigrants in the New World. ; Fil: Vagni, Juan José. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad; Argentina

La administración de empresas públicas y la gestión de fuerza de trabajo industrial por parte de militares será abordada en este artículo a partir de la observación situada. Proponemos observar modalidades de gestión empresarial-militar en el Astillero Río Santiago (ARS), bajo la órbita administrativa de la Armada Argentina, con el objetivo de observar algunas de singularidades en relación a otras grandes empresas estatales. En el ARS el sistema de cooperación y dominio simultáneo sostenido sobre el colectivo obrero versó sobre nociones de desarrollo industrial y el nacionalismo presentes en los repertorios militares desplazando expresiones extendidas en grandes empresas privadas y estatales sobre la «gran familia». La construcción discursiva de la dirección empresarial aquí abordada articulaba nociones de autonomía, desarrollo, defensa e industrialismo, y equiparaba la tarea productiva al sacrificio de hombres constructores de obras mayores pertinentes al destino nacional. ; The management of public companies and the management of the industrial work force by the military regime will be studied in this article from the relevant observation. We propose to analyze the forms of corporate-military management in Astillero Rio Santiago (ARS) under the orbit of the Argentina Navy in order to observe some of the singularities in relation to other large state companies. In the ARS, the system of cooperation and simultaneous domain of the workers collective was founded on notions of industrial development and nationalism, both present in the military repertoires, displacing expressions like family. The discursive construction of business management articulated notions of autonomy, development, defense and industrialism, and equating both productive tasks as the sacrifice of men who built major works relevant to national destiny. ; Fil: Barragán Sáez, Paula Eva Ivonne. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

Dos fechas resultan imprescindibles para calibrar la memoria sobre la Inquisición española en el centenario de su abolición: 1910-1912 y 1934, la primera referida a su inicial supresión tras la promulgación de la Constitución de Cádiz y la segunda a su abolición definitiva durante la Regencia de María Cristina de Borbón. Se trata de dos momentos centenarios distintos, uno signado por la Restauración y otro por la Segunda República. El artículo analiza los centenarios desde una perspectiva comparada para dar cuenta de los cambios y continuidades en las culturas políticas y en los modos de concebir la relación entre nacionalismo y catolicismo. Se demuestra que la conmemoración de la abolición de la Inquisición fue objeto de intenso debate en la prensa y que las distintas memorias en pugna contribuyeron a una reflexión más amplia sobre las condiciones de la creencia y la (im)posibilidad de imaginar un nuevo orden político. ; Two dates are essential to calibrate the memory of the Spanish Inquisition in the centenary of its abolition: 1910-1912 and 1934, the first referred to its initial suppression after the promulgation of the Constitution of Cádiz and the second to its final abolition during the Regency of María Cristina de Borbón. These are two different centenary moments, one during the Restoration and the other during the Second Republic. The paper analyzes the centenarians from a comparative perspective to account for changes and continuities in the political cultures and in their ways of conceiving the relation between nationalism and Catholicism. We aim to demonstrate that the commemoration of the abolition of the Inquisition was subject of intense debate in the press and that the various memories in conflict contributed to a broader reflection on the conditions of belief and the (im)possibility of imagining a new political order. ; Fil: Tcherbbis Testa, Jimena. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Torcuato Di Tella; Argentina

As shown by China's relationship to Japan, and Japan's relationship to South Korea, even growing regional economic interdependencies are not enough to overcome bitter memories grounded in earlier wars, invasions, and periods of colonial domination. Although efforts to ease historical animosity have been made, few have proven to be successful in Northeast Asia. In previous research scholars anticipated an improvement in relations through thick economic interdependence or increased societal contact. In economic terms, however, Japan and China already trade heavily: Japan has emerged as China's largest trading partner and China as second largest to Japan. Societal contact is already intense, as millions of Chinese, Koreans, and Japanese visit one another's countries annually as students, tourists, and on business trips. But these developments have not alleviated international distrust and negative perception, or resolved disagreement on what constitutes "adequate reparation" regarding the countries' painful history. Noticing clashes of strong nationalisms around the world in areas like Northeast Asia, numerous studies have suggested that more peaceful relations are likely only if countries submerge or paper over existing national identities by promoting universalism. Pride, Not Prejudice argues, to the contrary, that affirmation of national identities may be a more effective way to build international cooperation. If each national population reflects on the values of their national identity, trust and positive perception can increase between countries. This idea is consistent with the theoretical foundation that those who have a clear, secure, and content sense of self, in turn, can be more open, evenhanded, and less defensive toward others. In addition, this reduced defensiveness also enhances guilt admission by past "inflictors" of conflict and colonialism. Eunbin Chung borrows the social psychological theory of self-affirmation and applies it to an international context to argue that affirmation of a national identity, or reflecting on what it means to be part of one's country, can increase trust, guilt recognition, and positive perception between countries.

An overview is provided on the literature of internat'l relations from 1965-1969, similar to the one provided in 1965 (see H. J. Morgenthau, 'International Relations, 1960-1964,' Annals, 1965, 360, Jul, 163-171). It is noted that the division of the field according to the 1965 scheme is still valid. The prognosis made in 1965 also bears repetition: systems analysis can be expected to decline, but new insights will illuminate foreign & military policy, taking into account the drastically changed internat'l environment. The decline of systems analysis is attested to not only by the paucity of relevant works but also by an increasingly outspoken critical literature.' The need for theoretical understanding of the internat'l role of the new nations has been met by a number of books, eg, Louis L. Snyder, THE NEW NATIONALISM, Ithaca, NY: Cornell U Press, 1968; Adam Watson, THE NATURE AND PROBLEMS OF THE THIRD WORLD, Claremont, Calif: Claremont U Center, 1968; etc. Stanely Hoffmann (GULLIVER'S TROUBLES, OR THE SETTING OF AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY, New York: NY, McGraw Hill, 1966) analyzes critically the whole range of Amer foreign policy. J. W. Fulbright (THE ARROGANCE OF POWER, New York, NY: Random House, 1966) systematically questions the US Vietnam policy from the pragmatic point of view of the wise use of power in a revolutionary world. Bernard Brodie (ESCALATION AND THE NUCLEAR OPTION, Princeton, NJ: Princeton U Press, 1966) is among those who discuss the use of force in view of the availability of nuclear weapons. Richard A. Falk (LEGAL ORDER IN A VIOLENT WORLD, Princeton, NJ: Princeton U Press, 1968) explains the functions of internat'l law for world pol. Robert E. Osgood & Robert W. Tucker (FORCE, ORDER AND JUSTICE, Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins Press, 1967) present a traditionally oriented philosophic analysis of the basic concepts of internat'l pol. A total of 118 works are cited. M. Maxfield.