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The article aims to describe and analyse international relations debates, focusing on the contributions that feminisms make to the field as one of the dissident currents and reflectivist approaches -especially in its postcolonial/decolonial formulations. The methodology used is qualitative, and a specific bibliography is reviewed in order to examine the current discussions in the discipline, the confrontations within feminisms in IR, as well as their contributions. Moreover, we will look at the revision that Latin American and Caribbean decolonial feminism has instigated, considering the importance of intersectionality for expanding disciplinary boundaries. The text is articulated around the following questions: What debates run through the contemporary disciplinary field? What do the approaches of feminisms, within this framework, question and propose? What methodologies and notions do they introduce in IR studies? Which contributions are made by Latin American and Caribbean feminism? Thus, specific methodological and epistemological issues illuminated by feminisms in IR, such as the body politics,the micropolitics approach, and the focus on everyday practices,are given particular consideration. Solomon & Steele (2016) affirm that it "is only now — with increasing shifts to the micro — that academic IR has begun to (re)discover the lives and people of global politics, and to breathe life back into a field that grand theory mostly neglected". Every life of any person around the world should be recognized; there is no international system or society without the actions and practices of ordinary people. In this regard, feminisms have been key introductions into the field of IR, along with poststructuralism and postcolonialism, which are regular research instruments in disciplines like anthropology or sociology. For instance, ethnographic studies or participant observation are techniques that support the turns and innovations mentioned above. This framework is fundamental to make gender differences visible from an intersectional perspective. Postcolonial/decolonial feminism concentrates their studies on that difference, especially considering its links with other inequalities and concrete oppressions: e.g. in relation to race, ethnicity, religion, class, and nationality. In Latin America and the Caribbean, this perspective takes on an added relevance, and gives rise in this text to the problematization of its entanglement with human rights; the relationship between women, work and racialization; inequalities and violence; together with their links with global neoliberalism. In this respect, the article gives a comprehensive account of the main issues tackled by feminisms in the region, such as women's positions during the colonization period, and the multiple forms of violence related to their role. For instance, there is the importance of state responsibility in femicides, and the internal colonization and the neglect of diversity in national (plurinational) societies. These are performed by academia and social movements, particularly so in Western (white) feminist perspectives. The text is divided into three sections. Firstly, the framework of current IR debates is established, the differences between feminisms in IR and their classifications are described, and the theoretical contributions that these approaches have made to the discipline through methodological instruments such as micropolitics, corporeality and the practices of everyday life are elaborated. In the words of Enloe (2007, p.100) "Feminism is a multidimensional yet coherent worldview. Feminism is an achieved mosaic of understandings, yet it is still unfolding. […] feminism is a complex set of understandings about how power operates, how power is legitimized and how power is perpetuated". Regardless of which perspective within feminism is being highlighted, some fundamental common issues will appear: neoliberalism and patriarchy are two of them, but also violence against women, gender identities and rights, exploitation, public and private spheres distinctions, etc. Then, the particularities of decolonial feminisms in Latin America and the Caribbean, along with their intersectional look at the field, are discussed: the question of subalternity, difference and neoliberalism, the concrete forms they acquire in the Global South and in the region. Moreover, the relevance of the link between neoliberalism and patriarchy is brought into consideration as a research topic shared by different feminist perspectives. In this respect, we name some authors form the region that propose feminist genealogic studies (Ciriza, 2015; Parra, 2021). As Marchand (2013, p.64) explains, the opportunities of a young middle-class woman with a university education are greater than those of a 65-year-old indigenous man with little formal education and a peasant life. While obviously not in a dominant position in society and the labour market, the young woman still has a privileged position with respect to the indigenous. These differences are invisible in the rational mainstream, and also in liberal -and some socialist or poststructuralist- feminisms. Some particular research is mentioned to show how the body politics, micropolitical approaches, and the practice turn are effectively used in IR studies, with innovative techniques oriented towards ethnographic studies and participated action. For instance, the examination of global women (and gender diversities), migration and mobility are illuminated by focusing in particular case: women from Guerrero in Texas (Muñoz y Mendoza, 2018). Also, the incidences of sexual violence in the conflict in Guatemala is brought to light through the voices of the Maya women survivors and thanks to the research of Fulchiron (2016). This research emphasises the use of the femininized body as a war instrument. In addition, this paper mentions the contribution that Latin American and Caribbean feminisms have made to the field of human rights, especially through the participation in international organizations such as OAS and UN. (Barrancos, 2021; Chiarotti Boero, 2021) Considering all the above mentioned, we state that critical and intersectional feminisms allow us to think IR as a diverse field, with true planetary scope, and capable of recovering the importance of the well-being and daily lives of people. Finally, the conclusions are presented with possible relevant lines for future research (ecofeminism and the Latin American approaches to it). Dissident contributions in IR, in general, call into question the mainstream, giving rise in recent years to alternative, peripheral and silenced voices through postcolonial studies (decoloniality) and the feminisms, amongst others. These voices of difference generate discussion beyond hegemonic perspectives, producing key contributions for the continued interrogation of the discipline. These voices, for instance from Latin America and the Caribbean, draw on their own worldviews, along with traditional and popular knowledge. This assists in the promotion of new approaches and value situated, plural, intersectional and corporeized knowledges. ; El artículo se propone describir y analizar los debates en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales (RRII), focalizando en los aportes que los feminismos hacen al campo como corriente disidente, y en especial, en sus vertientes postcoloniales/decoloniales. Con una metodología cualitativa, se revisa bibliografía específica que permite dar cuenta de las discusiones actuales en la disciplina, las confrontaciones al interior de los feminismos en RRII y sus contribuciones, y, en ese plano, se repasan los aportes propios del feminismo decolonial latinoamericano y caribeño, considerando el señalamiento sobre la interseccionalidad realizada por este. Así, se examinan cuestiones metodológicas y epistemológicas concretas como la cuestión del cuerpo, los estudios desde la micropolítica y el foco en las prácticas cotidianas de las personas, iluminadas por los feminismos en las RRII. Ese marco es fundamental para visibilizar las diferencias de género desde una perspectiva interseccional, que desde el feminismo postcolonial/decolonial se concentra en sus vínculos con otras desigualdades y opresiones (raza, origen, clase social, entre otras). En América Latina y el Caribe esta mirada adquiere una relevancia distintiva y da lugar en este escrito a la problematización de sus vínculos con los derechos humanos, con las desigualdades y las violencias, y sus articulaciones con el neoliberalismo transnacionalizado. El texto se divide en tres apartados: primero, en el marco de los debates actuales del campo de estudio, se revisan los aportes de los feminismos en las RRII y se describen las diferencias al interior de estos. En particular, se indican como contribuciones teórico-metodológicas de los enfoques feministas a las RRII aquellos estudios basados en la micropolítica, la corporeidad y las prácticas de la vida cotidiana. Luego, se tratan las particularidades de los feminismos decoloniales en América Latina y el Caribe y su mirada interseccional en el campo: la cuestión de la subalternidad, la diferencia, la inequidad y el neoliberalismo, las formas concretas que adquieren en el Sur Global y en la región. Por último, se presentan las conclusiones con posibles líneas relevantes para futuras investigaciones. Los aportes disidentes en las RRII, en general, ponen en cuestión la corriente principal, dando lugar en los últimos años a voces alternativas, periféricas y silenciadas a través de los estudios postcoloniales (decolonialidad) y los feminismos, entre otros. Son esas voces de la diferencia las que presentan discusión a las perspectivas hegemónicas, produciendo contribuciones claves para continuar pensando la disciplina; en América Latina y el Caribe esto se realiza desde cosmovisiones propias, que buscan amalgamar saberes tradicionales y populares, propiciar nuevos enfoques y valorizar un conocimiento situado, interseccional, plural y corporeizado.

The city has been the political unit of organization in the international system for long periods of history. As actors in international society, cities have left irreplaceable classics: Athens, Imperial Rome, the Hanseatic League or Machiavelli's Florence. However, the dominant school of thought has diminished the role of the city on the international scene. The Westphalian model consolidated the nation-state as the axis and macro-political unit object and subject of study. Following this logic, cities' capacity for international action was limited and, as a field of study, was reduced to cultural activities or of little diplomatic relevance (e.g. twin cities). This state-centered approach, both in theory and practice, finds its place in the legal approach over the political one in the development of international society and international relations theories. However, the global dynamic has changed substantially, and it opens the door to new structures or vectors of transnational analysis. The Westphalian system loses weight in the face of the concatenation of phenomena and transformations of international society. Taking this to be the case, the current international structure opens avenues of research in the international political activity of the city, diplomatic practice, global and economic hub relations, or the rise of city brands as a marketing strategy. Of course, the nation-state will not disappear in the short term, but it does seem that new actors and dynamics are emerging in the construction of the post-liberal order. Above all, the city emerges as a new point of reference for solving globalization problems: climate change, migrations, diversity, or identity. The effect is relevant to the epistemological bases of a transversal discipline: the city is incorporated as a reference subject in the reformulation of the general theory of International Relations. The consensus around the liberal order, born after 1945, has been broken. The current theoretical doctrine only agrees on one element: there is no new consensus on the foundations of the international system. The global architecture of institutions, the effective capacities for the exercise of power, the decline of multilateral practices, or the difficulty in establishing a common economic agenda are symptoms of a change in global power structures. With or without legitimacy, cities act in the international sphere with the aim of influencing, modifying knowledge, behavior, or judgment. In this context, the institutionalization of the city as an actor in international relations is one of the most relevant fields for studying the new organizing principle of international society. The city lacks the normative and institutional instruments, but it does promote principles that later become public policy practices that affect the international order. The theoretical approach emphasizes the economic aspects of the global city, since the economic and industrial capacity has reinforced the ability to influence the transformation of the international system. From a methodological point of view, urban cosmopolitanism is not a theory closed by the very diversity of global cities. Therefore, the areas of interest of each city can vary from one to the other, as well as the global action repertoire. Working in collaborative networks and alliances of a political and economic nature is facilitated. In its relationship with the State, the global city poses agency problems that are relevant to the future of theory: will they be cooperative or competitive? In what disciplines? The asymmetry of interests can deepen dissonances and accelerate the theoretical basis of development. The proposed methodology affects the impact of climate change on the reformulation of the theoretical bases of international studies. It is theorized from practice. The institutionalization of urban diplomacy refers to the search for practical solutions of a collective nature. There are networks such as C40, the Clean Air Coalition or We are Still In that are led and organized from urban practice. The climate issue gives moral strength to the city as an international actor insofar as it does not deal with political borders, but with the consequences of climate change on the lives of residents. It fits in with the cosmopolitan tradition insofar as it affects all individuals, without discrimination of origin, gender, or nationality; and it is a matter of universal status, because it impacts all territories and human life conditions. There is no arbitrariness in Anthropocene reason. The article studies the succession of changes in the international political structure before the reconfiguration of the sources of power. It establishes three aspects in the theoretical bases of urban cosmopolitanism. The first indicates what the foundations of a theoretical elaboration should be. The international city contributes to the reconfiguration of the structure and the exercise of interstate power by occupying or creating new spaces that contribute to the plurality of international relations. The second aspect analyzed is the growth of the city as a unit of measurement in the global economy. Capital flows circulate and operate on a local basis with global destinations. It is the cities and their metropolitan areas that benefit from the economic system. Large pockets of internal inequality appear and, above all, with a rupture between cities within and outside the economic order, including the relational inequality that is generated in the least populated territories. Finally, anthropogenic reason is stressed, that is, the impact of human action on natural conditions and its consequences on the world order. Climate change changes the main substrate of international relations, which is the physical environment and geography. On these two tangible dimensions, the bases of power and the basic theory of international studies are ordered. By changing the strategic board, the city conquers positions of non-coercive power, facilitating collaboration through networks and structures. The military and security aspect are not relevant to urban diplomacy, which focuses on aspects of economic and social power. The results indicate that the new cosmopolitanism has urban bases and offers a framework for interpreting the tensions between the center and the periphery of foreign action, economic globalization, and new public policies in the fight against climate change. Urban cosmopolitanism emerges as a theoretical reference in the post-liberal order. The present work seeks to establish the foundations of urban cosmopolitanism, a theoretical approach to the current world organized around urban areas, be they cities, megacities, or metropolitan regions. Cities have become structural axes of international society with consequences in the political, economic, and social spheres. There is no closed conclusion, a kind of theory that replaces the previous ones. On the contrary, urban cosmopolitanism aspires to reflect a change in the paradigm of international relations. Thus, climate change is a transforming element of the global scene and opens new avenues for international politics, which can end with a substantial change in the modes of government, representation, and citizen participation. Be that as it may, this first paper addresses difficulties, raises research questions, and supports elements for change. ; El artículo estudia la sucesión de cambios en la estructura política internacional ante la reconfiguración de las fuentes de poder. Establece tres vertientes en las bases teóricas del cosmopolitismo urbano. La primera indica cuáles deberían ser los fundamentos de una elaboración teórica. La ciudad internacional contribuye a la reconfiguración de la estructura y el ejercicio del poder interestatal ocupando o creando nuevos espacios que contribuyen a la pluralidad de las Relaciones Internacionales. El segundo aspecto que se analiza es el crecimiento de la ciudad como unidad de medida en la economía global. Los flujos de capital circulan y operan sobre una base local con destinos globales. Son las ciudades y sus extensiones metropolitanas quienes se benefician del sistema económico. Aparecen grandes bolsas de desigualdad interna y, sobre todo, con una ruptura entre ciudades dentro y fuera del orden económico, incluyendo aquí la desigualdad relacional que se genera en los territorios menos poblados. Por último, se incide en la razón antropocénica, esto es, el impacto de la acción humana en las condiciones naturales y sus consecuencias en el orden mundial. El cambio climático cambia el sustrato principal de las Relaciones Internacionales, que es el medio físico y la geografía. Sobre estas dos dimensiones tangibles, se ordenan las bases del poder y la teoría básica de los estudios internacionales. Al cambiar el tablero estratégico, la ciudad conquista posiciones de poder no coercitivo, lo que facilita la colaboración mediante redes y estructuras. El aspecto militar y de seguridad no es relevante para la diplomacia urbana, que se centra en aspectos de poder económico y social. Los resultados indican que el nuevo cosmopolitismo tiene bases urbanas y ofrece un marco de interpretación de las tensiones entre centro y periferia de la acción exterior, la globalización económica y las nuevas políticas públicas en la lucha contra el cambio climático. El cosmopolitismo urbano emerge como referencia teórica en el orden postliberal.

Nowadays, the concept of mentality - is the object of study of such blighty and foreign scientists as I. Abramova, J. Bychko, I. Habdulhafarova, P. Hnatenko, J. Grabowski, N. Gregoriv, I. Dintselbakh, R. Dodonov, P . Kravchenko, S. Krimsky, A. Lavryk, A. Liseyenko, M. Popovic, I. Starovoit, V. Khramova and others.However, even at present time, science has not gained unanimous and exhaustive definition of what the term "mentality" is . There are represented numerous variants of it: mindset, mental attitude, collective representation, mentality, character of thinking, seeing of the world, and so on. German scientist Peter Dintselbaher determines mentality as a set of methods and contents of thought and perception, which are typical for the relevant collective in the relevant period. The modern Ukrainian Academic Victoria Khramova treats mentality as a worldview, that is formed at a deep psychological level of individual or collective consciousness. We also attempted to summarize our own interpretation and defined it as: mentality - is a character of thoughts, a set of mental skills and spiritual priorities, that are generated by the surrounding reality, which determine the behavior of the individual person or social group.There are many types of mentality: men, women, children, youth, professional, ethnic, national, etc. In the current scientific literature there is some uncertainty about the term "national mentality". It is often treated as synonymous with such concepts as "national character", "national luck", "national consciousness", "the soul of the nation" and others. But S. Grabowski , S. Stavroyani and L. Shkliar treat it as "national political mentality". At the present stage of development of Ukraine, when national relationship are subordinate to two trends: on the one hand the formation and development of nations, and the other – scrapping of the national boundaries by integration processes, we thought that a scientific understanding of the nature of national mentality is one of the primary scientific objectives. We dared to present our version of the understanding of the national mentality. The national mentality is - way of thinking, mental structure, psychological specialties of politically and stately organized nation, which became the cultural, economic, and ideological identity.European integration provides Zatushuvannya not only of legal differences, but also of mental. Between states of the European Union exist extremely serious language barriers, as Margaret Thatcher notes, in the current member - states, people speak not less than on 12 major languages: English, Greek, Danish, Irish (hэlskiy), Spanish (Castilian) Italian, German, Dutch, Portuguese, Finnish, French and Swedish languages. Except their native language 41 % of Europeans speak English, 19 % - French and 10 % - German. Moreover, 70 % of Europeans believe that in EU everyone must know English language. Over time, Margaret Thatcher said, Europeans can completely switch to communicate only in English. Language - is not just a way of communication or exchanging of information. This is - one of the most characteristical features, in which historical, cultural and moral experience of native people is focused. Once Ukraine already had to go through the processes of Russification, Polonizing, Germanization. So can we protect our native language? After all, it is the most important mental attribute. Academician of the Academy of Sciences of Higher School of Ukraine, Doctor of Psychology Anatoly Furman in his work "Psychological culture of Ukrainian mentality" has formed a number of functions , that mentality performs in society. To this comprehensive characteristics we would add only one thing - mentality integrates people into a nation. Loss of national mentality can lead to the loss of the nation.Social adaptation to the conditions of life in Europe requires from each nation to cede certain principles of mental development, such as the prestige of ethnic values, cultural endonym, ethnic identity, and so on. By survey of Time Magazine, 26 March 2001, every third inhabitant of the EU country feels himself as an European, not a citizen of his own country. However, this figure varies depending on the country: 40 % of young Italians consider themselves primarily Europeans, and in the UK this figure is 25%. Unfortunately today standards of democracy and human rights in the European Union failed to reconcile the fundamental mental values of national states, to create new forms of interaction between people to achieve social harmony. Realistic assessment of modern European ethnicity is characterized by diversity of conflicts. In September 2011, in north Bohemia: City Varnedorf, Usti nad Labem, Rubmurk, Shluknov, Novy Bor and even Prague were covered by anti-Gypsy protests. If previously these moves were the prerogative of skinheads, now victorian Czechs went on demonstrations on T-shirts with the inscription "Bring Hitler back. Gypsies- to the gas chambers ."At the same time anti-Gypsy protests took place in another EU country - Bulgaria. What if after a while similar protests will affect not only the Gypsy nation? Autumn events in France and London in 2012 also tell about complexity, contradiction and ambiguity of ethnic relations. Europe is a dangerous confrontational region already for a long time. Today is a very difficult situation in Belgium, which Flemish nationalism breaks apart. Still is not exhausted the Anglo- Irish conflict, is not subsided ethno-political conflict between the people of Catalonia and the Government of Spain , between the Basque Country people and the central government of Spain. The island of Cyprus is shared by so-called " Green Line ", which is protected by peacekeeping contingents and separates the Republic of Cyprus ( 60% of territory and 770,000 people) and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (38 % of the territory - 300 000 people) , which was self-proclaimed in 1983. The Republic of Cyprus is recognized by all countries, except Turkey and the TRNC (Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus ) is recognized by Turkey and Abkhazia. We can remind a series of anti Hungarian moves held in May - early June 2012 by the initiative of the new Romanian government. At the heart of most conflicts in Europe are both objective and subjective contradictions. And one of the main - the desire to confirm their nationality. The historical way, that Ukrainian people passed, formed not militant, but compassionate, sincere Ukrainian nation, to which, as notes D.Chizhevsky, emotionalism , sentimentalism , sensitivity and lyricism is inherent . Even till now Ukrainian mentality is under the influence of ethnic symbols of grain-grower - agriculturist (who represents the Ukrainian peasants ), defender - protector (that is personified with the Ukrainian Cossacks ), Mother Hostess ( Mother - Guardian ). They are formed by the social, genetic , political , religious , legal , moral, ethical , economic , ethnic , ideological , historical and international factors. In independent Ukraine , in our opinion , is fairly weak class of political elite : some of them ideologically stopped in the former of the Soviet Union , and since independence new generation is not yet crystallized, some of them went abroad, some are not working for reunion , but for the separation of Ukrainians. But actually this last part along with a culture-creating elite will be the buffer that will protect Ukrainian from the European individualism and egocentrism, from foreign ideals and values, that have grown on an entirely different ethnic and mental basis.Although mentality is forming for a long time, it is a living organism, to which persistent representations and bedding of new are inherent. It may experience periods of recovery, upturns, decline, destruction and loss of its main features. But then on the basis of vague mental values no national idea can grow, because national mentality is that integrating, unifying factor in the existence of any nation-state. In such conditions development of basic principles of preserving national mentality is extremely important,also as a formation of clear strategic and tactical targets, including those enormous changes that have taken place in Europe and in the world at the turn of XX-XXI centuries. ; Поднимается вопрос о сохранении национальной ментальности как одного из показательных признаков нации в условиях евроинтеграции. Представляется терминологическая дискуссионность и взгляды других ученых. Обобщаются теоретические концепции проблемы, что дает возможность сравнить взгляды других ученых на процесс развития национальной ментальности и выявить структурные элементы или фазы развития. ; Ставиться питання про збереження національної ментальності як однієї із показових ознак нації в умовах євроінтеграції. Представляється термінологічна дискусійність та погляди інших науковців. Узагальнюються теоретичні концепції проблеми, що дає можливість порівняти погляди інших науковців на процес розвитку національної ментальності та виявити структурні елементи або фази розвитку.

International audience ; The Jews of Algeria, who had been full French citizens since the « Crémieux decree » of October 24, 1870, were brutally relegated to the condition of simple "French subjects" by the Vichy regime's law of October 7, 1940 which repealed the decree which had originally collectively awarded them full citizenship. The Jews who were natives of the three districts of Algeria (the « departments » of Algiers, Oran and Constantine) remained French subjects whose civil rights, and effective and personal statuses remained dependent on French law But stripped of their French citizenship, their political rights were aligned on the lower status of Algerian Muslim natives. Those who resided in metropolitan France in 1940 were moreover victims of German decrees of exclusion in the directly German-administered areas of northern France, and of Vichy edicts in both the north and south of the country, aimed at excluding Jews from the national community. The measures of anti-Jewish legislation included a specific census of Jews, the special marking of their identity and rationing documents economic spoliation, the compulsory wearing of yellow stars, arrests, round-ups and internment. It is thus that Algerian Jews who had resided in metropolitan France for years, and sometimes for decades, or were simply caught up passing through there at the time, were among the six million Jews killed during the Shoah.According the historian Serge Klarsfeld, nearly 76,000 Jews then in France were deported, mostly to Auschwitz death camp. Only 3,860 survived. One should add that a further 3,000 Jews died in internment camps in France itself. Among these 80,000 victims, S. Klarsfeld estimated that there were 24,500 French Jews or French Jewish subjects, the rest being of other nationalities. Among the 24,500, there were about 1,500 natives of Algeria. Ever since the very first deportation convoy of March 27, 1942, French Jews and immigrants of other nationalities found themselves side-by-side in the same railway carriages. Among the internment records opened in their names in the "Fichiers juif" (listings of Jews), or on the lists of deportees, French Jews appear as "French subjects" (SF) or "Of French origin" (FO), or sometimes, as "French protégés." In Marseilles, many Jews were arrested during « Aktion Tiger », the code name given to the round-up carried out in the "old harbor" area of the city in January 1943. These Jews made up a majority (780 among 994 deportees) of the deportees sent by convoy number 52 to Sobibor death camp on March 23, 1943. Some 571 of these deportees held one of the multiple forms of legal attachment to French nationality: They were either born French or had opted to become French, or were French by marriage, or were naturalized or declared French, or were French protégés or French subjects. Some 212 of them, including 198 who were resident of, or refugees in, Marseille, were originally from Algeria. There were no survivors from this convoy.The total number of Jews deported who were from the Constantine district, ie the subject of this study, was 218 including 139 men, 58 women and 21 minors aged under 18 including some very young children. The highest number of deportees (86) was from the city of Constantine itself; 45 men, 30 women and 11 children. Just 13 survived. The number from other cities in the Constantine district were 30 from the city of Bône, 17 from Bougie, 12 from Sétif and 11 each from the towns of Aïn Beïda and Guelma. There were ten deportees each from the cities of Batna and Philippeville. Many individual records from the "listings of Jews" kept by the French National Archives at the Paris Shoah Memorial show that in a way, the victims sought to resist their fate: One sometimes reads "CA" (Married to an Aryan), "half-Jews," "says he (or she) is not Jewish", (Christian) "Orthodox", "Copt," "Muslim," "Ward of the Nation" or even "Spanish subject". All these self-descriptions concerning other nationalities or religions were aimed at avoiding deportation. Right to the end, the Jews of Constantine, of Algeria and of elsewhere did all they could, alas often without success, to defeat the exterminating logic of the Third Reich which was largely helped by the zealous leaders of the French (Vichy) state. Alas, only very few of the individual records carry at the top of them the word: "Escaped." ; Citoyens français depuis près d'un siècle, en vertu du décret Crémieux du 24 octobre 1870, les Juifs d'Algérie, où qu'ils vivent, se voient brutalement relégués à la condition de simples « sujets français » par la loi du 7 octobre 1940 qui abroge le décret de naturalisation collective. Les Juifs indigènes des trois départements restent des sujets français dont les droits civils, le statut réel ainsi que le statut personnel demeurent réglés par la loi française. Mais, déchus de leur citoyenneté française, leurs droits politiques sont désormais alignés sur ceux des indigènes musulmans algériens. Ceux d'entre eux qui vivent en France métropolitaine en 1940 ont, au surplus, été victimes, des mesures d'exclusion allemandes (en zone nord) et vichyssoises (dans les deux zones) visant à éliminer les Juifs de la communauté nationale : législation antijuive, recensement, marquage des papiers d'identité et d'alimentation, exclusions professionnelles, spoliation économique, port de l'étoile jaune, arrestations, rafles et internement. C'est ainsi qu'établis en France depuis plusieurs années, voire des décennies, ou simplement de passage, des Juifs d'Algérie s'inscrivent parmi les six millions de morts de la Shoah.Suivant les recherches entreprises par l'historien Serge Klarsfeld, près de 76 000 Juifs de France furent déportés, la plupart vers Auschwitz ; seuls 3 860 d'entre eux environ survécurent. Il faut y ajouter quelque 3 000 Juifs qui moururent dans les camps d'internement en France. Sur ces 80 000 victimes au total, S. Klarsfeld dénombre environ 24 500 Juifs français ou sujets français, dont environ 1 500 natifs d'Algérie. Dès le premier convoi de déportation, le 27 mars 1942, des Juifs français et immigrés se sont côtoyés dans les mêmes wagons. Sur les fiches d'internement établies à leurs noms dans les « Fichiers juifs » ou encore sur les listes de déportation, ils figurent comme « sujets français » (SF), « Français d'origine » (FO) ou parfois, « protégés français ». À Marseille, de nombreux Juifs sont arrêtés au cours de l'« Aktion Tiger », nom de code donné à la rafle du Vieux-Port de la fin janvier 1943. Ils constituent la grande majorité des déportés du convoi n° 52 parti le 23 mars 1943 vers le camp de Sobibór (780 sur 994). La plupart des déportés, soit 571, possédaient l'une des multiples formes juridiques de rattachement à la nationalité française : Français d'origine, Français par option, Français par mariage, Français naturalisé, Français par déclaration, protégé français, ou encore sujet français. 212 d'entre eux étaient natifs d'Algérie, dont 198 domiciliés ou réfugiés à Marseille. Aucun déporté de ce convoi n'est revenu.Le bilan de la déportation des Juifs originaires du Constantinois – objet de cette étude –, se monte à 218 personnes : 139 hommes, 58 femmes et 21 enfants de moins de 18 ans, parmi lesquels de très jeunes enfants. Le nombre de déportés (86) est le plus élevé pour Constantine-même : 45 hommes, 30 femmes et 11 enfants. Seuls 13 d'entre eux survécurent. Suivent les villes de Bône (30 déportés), de Bougie (17 déportés), de Sétif (12 déportés) puis les deux localités d'Aïn Beïda et de Guelma, avec chacune 11 déportés. Les villes de Batna et de Philippeville enregistrent respectivement 10 déportés. Nombreuses sont les fiches des « Fichiers juifs », conservées par les Archives nationales au Mémorial de la Shoah qui témoignent, à leur façon, de leurs tentatives de résistance : on y lit parfois sur leurs en-têtes, des mentions telles que "CA" (conjoint d'aryen), "demi Juif", "se dit non Juif(ve)", "orthodoxe", "copte", "musulman", ou "pupille de la nation", ou encore "citoyen espagnol" – autant de situations, autant de nationalités ou de confessions, censées les épargner de la déportation. Jusqu'au bout, les Juifs de Constantine, d'Algérie et d'ailleurs ont tout fait pour déjouer la logique exterminatrice impulsée par le Troisième Reich à laquelle ont largement collaboré les dirigeants zélés de l'État français, trop souvent, hélas, sans y réussir. Sur peu, trop peu de fiches, figure en en-tête, la mention "évadé".

SDM of Countryside process SDA Capital Property of People (Economic Study of Politics Policy Of Alokatif Orient Nationality) Problem of Resident Wild Countryside Gold-Mine and Clear Away Forest. Pursuant to result of paradigm analysis policy of alokatif in this research, economic study of case politics resident of countryside mineworker of wild gold (mining illegal) and forest clear away (illegal loging) in north Sulawesi. Referred as by central government of illegal and fought against by because bothering policy of program contract central government sharing holder masterpiece with foreign investor mining of and gold of HPH (result of processing of forest). After traced to be checked exhaustively come up with its problems root is found that; the root cause becoming problems root is laying in formula formulasi of ratio State capital, opportunity and advantage becoming policy of alokatif in system planning of played the part of APBN tanunan and specified by President, DPR, Bapenas and of kementrian. That in formulasi formulation of policy of alokatif, SDA and of SDM [do] not be viewed as by capital at mechanism rencara of APBN annual. As a result 50% capital properties of State of SDA taken by exit by foreign investor through policy of program sharing holder system alokatif contract masterpiece, 50% capital properties of State of SDA which is acceptance by central government become used expense finished in annual APBN makanisme. So that construction of APBN every year always in a state of empty budget deficit of productive capital, having an effect on negative to condition of political economy always in keadan before crisis and slowly reach its top happened national economic recession and later; then bother political stability, case example of when the fall of old order and of erde new. Capital properties of state Ought to SDA dug by self by our SDM later;then its result have to be defended as capital as according to economic principle, capital in mechanism expense rotation of APBN formulated annual to yield advantage, later;then advantage taken as expense finished wear. So that capital properties of State which have been dug remain to be intact on-hand government, and stepped-up mount rhythm with make-up of prosperity of people flatten by itself, because capital properties of SDA dug by sharing holder people with government, people also get rotation capital, thereby capital properties of SDA State remain to be intact in political economy rotation, expanding to have continuation become rich State of capital in rich governmental artian and rich people flattened. Become strength of tatanan economic of self-supporting and permanent national politics, APBN shall no longger depend on foreign investor or foreign capital.Formula policy of alokatif by delivering foreign investor or foreign capital only enriching foreigner, because capital properties of their State dredge up some of becoming property of them. Sachs & Warner, Todaro, Kosack in Ahmad E.Y., (2009), telling there is no Nations evidence expand world develop;build its economics with foreign investor or foreign capital becoming byword have gone forward and is rich, in general remain to be impecunious, national income depend on that foreign investor and trapp overseas debt, so that become rich Nations patient as previous pendonor aim to help.Result of research qualitative which I execute in the year 1995 hitting impact policy of program contract masterpiece central government of mining of and gold of HPH (result of processing of forest) by take careing foreign in north Sulawesi, becoming elementary evidence result of the analysis above, result of research of menunjukan that policy of alokatif, do not have the character of and ditributif of redistributive to resident of didesa-desa in north Sulawesi. Malahan removed from previous farm of their place of gold-mine and process forest wood. And because resident of countryside there is no other choice of work to fulfill requirement of everyday life, so that they perforced to continue it him till now, volunteer accept risk. This problem have endless since new order hitherto long draw out, so that push me to continue research to find concept solve problem. For the purpose of and target of this, research continued in the year 1999, entitling is: In perpective of Human Resource in Rural In Ell Natural Resources and Environment. Result of research of menunjukan that in the reality; what referred as by central government of mineworker of wild gold and clear away of that forest is resident of countryside having technique readyness and ability of tibean, owning appliance produce tibean, powered of productive performance, efficient and effective in process SDA forest wood and gold. They is SDM countryside termpil ready for use, ought to in viewing as capital properties of State in formulation of policy of alokatif. this Research evidence if compared to result of gold production, Skillful SDM of that countryside by take careing is foreign of great Minahasa Newmont, hence skillful SDM of countryside of menghasikan 150 gold singk of perminggu (working team sample 200 people), while take careing is foreign of Newmont yield 100 gold singk of perminggu, clear result of production of SDM skillful of superordinate. In north Sulawesi there are 25.598 people mineworker of gold, 3.482 people processor of wood result of forest, operating on regional farm of forest for the width of 1.660.000 Ha. Pursuant to fact in this research is found by concept "Tibean'' name of appliance produce wise gold of local resident of sub-province countryside of Bolaang north Sulaewsi mongondow, containing meaning of SDM countryside termpil is capital properties of State, having technical ability, owning production appliance, powered of productive kenerja, efficient and effective in process SDA, ready for use in process wood and gold result of forest, representing State capital which must be powered.In line with and utilize research develop theory later;then find new theory or concept to solve problem resident of wild gold-mine countryside and wood merambah result of forest as victim policy of alokkatif. Conception controlled by important tibean of its scope performance setting of him in time and room proceed as which the existence of is productive. Defended and developed will become model enableness of SDM countryside termpil in policy of alokatif process SDA gold mineral through research program with title : Approach Of Concept of Tibean In Enableness Of Skillful SDM of Countryside Process SDA As Authorized Capital Prosperity of People.Idea and idea Enableness Of Skillful SDM of Countryside Socialization to resident of government and countryside will become enableness model since early research of year 1995, inwrought dilasanakan with stages;steps process research of continuation at region of obyek and of focus research which have been determined as research sampel with resident of regional countrysides of National Park of Dumoga Bone Sub-Province of Bolaang Monondow. Result of socialization, resident understand citizen rights and obligations exploit SDA which pursuant to constitution commendation of UUD 1945, resident agree to struggle with conception diterimah tibean become program of kibijakan gold natural resources allocation and wood result of forest. Is to be dialogued and discussion with resident of government and countryside in District of Dumoga Center organization structure Co-Ordinate Reform of Dumoga Bone (PKRDB) in the year 1999, countryside office of Imandi. Start since then society of Dumoga claim government through lobby and demonstration is so that given by opportunity of gold-mine and process forest cane and wood with sharing holder system with government like [at] program of konrak masterpiece. demand of Diterimah in the year 2001 by government of Sub-Province of Bolaang Mongodow with government of Province Sulawesi North, given by region for the width of 305 Ha countryside of Toraut national park area as region for example conception Tibean at the same time await decision of central government. Pemeritah Center as owner of authority promise will be processed by since year 2001, hitherto there is no realization because actor maker of policy, politician and bureaucracy as determinant of owner of decision, orient idea in taking policy of resource allocation still handcuffed with program contract masterpiece with foreign investor. So that process struggle of concept of tibean remain to be continued by socialization to get political support through political process succeed.Keyword: Legality of SDM Skillful of Countryside

Population ageing has become one of the most burning issues on the agenda of the social policy-makers in the industrialised countries. In 2050, about a quarter of the population of Belgium will be aged 65+ and a tenth 80+. This change in the population structure is associated with an increase in the demand for community care. Therefore, the organisation of a sustainable long-term care system is one of the main challenges to address. So far, the family seems to remain the first, the main and the most stable source of elderly care. But family care has its limitations (it is not available for the family-less elderly and may have detrimental consequences for the care-givers if long-term and/or heavy care is needed). Social policies should be developed in order to support or to substitute family care and to provide sustainable long-term care for the elderly in the community. To do that, the first step is to have a good knowledge of the determinants and the dynamics of the care provided to the elderly by their family. This dissertation focuses on the care provided by the spouse and the children (the 'family care-givers') in Belgium. The approach is quantitative and, using the Life Course as theoretical framework, the dissertation tries to explore the 'longitudinal' and 'contextual' aspects of the study phenomenon. The main originality is to carry out a longitudinal analysis of the elderly family care characteristics in a representative sample of Belgian elderly. The three main research questions are addressed: Who is receiving family care? What are the characteristics of the received family care? How do these characteristics evolve over time? But before starting the analyses and answering those questions, the context and the methodology should be specified. Therefore the dissertation has been divided into three parts. The contextual part starts with a discussion of the concept of care and a presentation of the Life Course approach, continues with the review of the literature, then describes the Belgian context and ends with a comparison of the existing surveys dealing with elderly family care in Belgium. The methodological part begins with a presentation of the analysed survey (the Panel Study of Belgian Households-PSBH 1992-2002) and the study sample (the 1,123 respondents of Belgian nationality, who have answered - at least - both to the first and the third wave and are aged 65+ in 1994), afterwards, the preparation of the analysis file is detailed and the used variables are presented. The analysis part includes three chapters (one for each of the research questions). The family elderly care is a complex phenomenon which is part of an existing relationship. The risk of under-declaration is highlighted from the presentation of the care concept onward and many efforts were done in the data preparation to correct this declaration bias. But it still appears in the analyses results and can, therefore be considered as a main finding because it shows that the current terminology and its related question wording should be revised. In the conclusion, 'close support' is suggested as an alternative to 'family care'. Being more positive and inclusive, it would favour care declaration and allow the development of more comprehensive preventive supportive policy measures. Another important finding is the presence of regional differences: elderly Flemish were more likely to receive intensive and long-term family care and Brussels inhabitants were the most likely to rely only on care services or to receive no care at all. These differences were explained by the differences in elderly care policy orientations which also reflect strong cultural differences. Finally, the longitudinal approach highlighted that once the family starts to care, it is often for a long time, and especially when the elderly is very old or if a child cares for a spouseless parent. In both cases, care services are often used in complement. The elderly having a spouse are less likely to use care services and this should be a major concern for social policy-makers: elderly couples are often both frail and, without external support, they would be at high risk of institutionalisation. ; Dans les pays industrialisés, le vieillissement de la population est devenu une des questions les plus préoccupantes pour les décideurs en matière de politiques sociales. En 2050, un quart de la population belge aura 65 ans ou plus et un dixième aura au moins 80 ans. Cette évolution va de pair avec une augmentation de la demande de soins à domicile. Dès lors, la mise en place d'un système soutenable de soins de longue durée est un des grands défis à relever par nos sociétés. Jusqu'ici, la famille reste la première source d'aide, la principale et la plus stable dans le temps. Mais l'aide apportée par la famille a ses limites (elle n'est pas disponible pour toutes les personnes âgées et, lorsqu'elle l'est, le fait d'aider peut avoir des conséquences négatives pour l'aidant, si l'aide est très intense ou de très longue durée). Des politiques sociales devraient être développées pour soutenir ou se substituer à l'aide apportée par la famille, afin d'assurer la prise en charge à domicile des personnes âgées sur le long terme. Pour cela, la première chose à faire est d'acquérir une bonne connaissance des déterminants et de la dynamique de l'aide apportée aux personnes âgées par leurs proches. Cette thèse de doctorat s'intéresse spécifiquement à l'aide apportée par le conjoint et les enfants (les care-givers) en Belgique. L'approche est quantitative et, prenant l'approche Life Course comme cadre théorique, cette recherche tente d'explorer les aspects 'longitudinaux' et 'contextuels' du phénomène étudié. Son originalité principale est de procéder à une analyse longitudinale des caractéristiques de l'aide apportée à un échantillon représentatif des personnes âgées belges. Trois questions de recherche sont posées : « Qui reçoit de l'aide des membres de la famille ? », « Quelles sont les caractéristiques de cette aide ? » et « Comment ces caractéristiques évoluent-elles dans le temps ? ». Mais, avant de commencer les analyses et de proposer des réponses à ces questions, le contexte et la méthodologie sont décrits. Ainsi, la thèse de doctorat est divisée en trois parties. La partie contextuelle commence par une discussion du concept d'aide et une présentation de l'approche Life Course, elle continue avec la revue de la littérature, puis la description du contexte belge et fini par une comparaison des enquêtes quantitatives existantes en Belgique comportant des questions relatives à l'aide apportée par la famille à un proche âgé. La partie méthodologique commence par la présentation de l'enquête analysée (le Panel Study of Belgian Households-PSBH 1992-2002) et de l'échantillon étudié (les 1,123 personnes de nationalité belge, qui ont répondu aux questionnaires de la première et de la troisième vague de l'enquête et qui ont 65 ans ou plus en 1994); ensuite, la préparation du fichier d'analyse est détaillée, de même que sont présentées les variables utilisées. La partie analyse compte trois chapitres (un par question de recherche). L'aide apportée par la famille est un phénomène complexe parce qu'elle s'inscrit dans une relation préexistante. Le risque de sous-déclaration est mis en évidence dans de la présentation du concept d'aide et de nombreux efforts ont été fait lors de la préparation des données pour corriger ce biais de déclaration. Malgré cela, la sous-déclaration apparait toujours dans les analyses et peut, de ce fait, être considérée comme un des résultats principaux de cette recherche, parce que cela montre que la formulation des questions relatives à l'aide dans les enquêtes devrait être revue. Dans la conclusion, le terme de 'soutien proche' (close support) est proposé comme alternative à 'aide de la famille' (family care). Ayant une connotation plus positive et étant plus inclusif, ce terme devrait favoriser la déclaration de l'aide et permettre le développement de politiques de prévention. Un autre résultat important est la présence de fortes différences régionales : l'aide apportée aux personnes âgées par leur famille était plus intensive et de plus de plus longue durée en Flandre alors que les Bruxellois avaient plus souvent uniquement recours à l'aide de professionnels. Cela peut être dû aux différences d'orientations politiques en termes d'aide aux personnes âgées mais celles-ci reflètent aussi des différences culturelles. Enfin, l'approche longitudinale a mis en évidence le 'long-terme' de l'aide apportée par la famille, en particulier lorsque la personne est très âgée ou qu'un enfant s'occupe d'un parent isolé. Dans les deux cas, l'aide professionnelle est souvent utilisée en complément. Les personnes âgées vivant en couple ont moins fréquemment recours aux services d'aide à domicile et cela devrait interpeller les décideurs politiques : les deux conjoints sont souvent fragiles et, sans aide extérieure, ils ont un risque d'institutionnalisation plus élevé. ; (DEMO 3) -- UCL, 2011

Population ageing has become one of the most burning issues on the agenda of the social policy-makers in the industrialised countries. In 2050, about a quarter of the population of Belgium will be aged 65+ and a tenth 80+. This change in the population structure is associated with an increase in the demand for community care. Therefore, the organisation of a sustainable long-term care system is one of the main challenges to address. So far, the family seems to remain the first, the main and the most stable source of elderly care. But family care has its limitations (it is not available for the family-less elderly and may have detrimental consequences for the care-givers if long-term and/or heavy care is needed). Social policies should be developed in order to support or to substitute family care and to provide sustainable long-term care for the elderly in the community. To do that, the first step is to have a good knowledge of the determinants and the dynamics of the care provided to the elderly by their family. This dissertation focuses on the care provided by the spouse and the children (the 'family care-givers') in Belgium. The approach is quantitative and, using the Life Course as theoretical framework, the dissertation tries to explore the 'longitudinal' and 'contextual' aspects of the study phenomenon. The main originality is to carry out a longitudinal analysis of the elderly family care characteristics in a representative sample of Belgian elderly. The three main research questions are addressed: Who is receiving family care? What are the characteristics of the received family care? How do these characteristics evolve over time? But before starting the analyses and answering those questions, the context and the methodology should be specified. Therefore the dissertation has been divided into three parts. The contextual part starts with a discussion of the concept of care and a presentation of the Life Course approach, continues with the review of the literature, then describes the Belgian context and ends with a comparison of the existing surveys dealing with elderly family care in Belgium. The methodological part begins with a presentation of the analysed survey (the Panel Study of Belgian Households-PSBH 1992-2002) and the study sample (the 1,123 respondents of Belgian nationality, who have answered - at least - both to the first and the third wave and are aged 65+ in 1994), afterwards, the preparation of the analysis file is detailed and the used variables are presented. The analysis part includes three chapters (one for each of the research questions). The family elderly care is a complex phenomenon which is part of an existing relationship. The risk of under-declaration is highlighted from the presentation of the care concept onward and many efforts were done in the data preparation to correct this declaration bias. But it still appears in the analyses results and can, therefore be considered as a main finding because it shows that the current terminology and its related question wording should be revised. In the conclusion, 'close support' is suggested as an alternative to 'family care'. Being more positive and inclusive, it would favour care declaration and allow the development of more comprehensive preventive supportive policy measures. Another important finding is the presence of regional differences: elderly Flemish were more likely to receive intensive and long-term family care and Brussels inhabitants were the most likely to rely only on care services or to receive no care at all. These differences were explained by the differences in elderly care policy orientations which also reflect strong cultural differences. Finally, the longitudinal approach highlighted that once the family starts to care, it is often for a long time, and especially when the elderly is very old or if a child cares for a spouseless parent. In both cases, care services are often used in complement. The elderly having a spouse are less likely to use care services and this should be a major concern for social policy-makers: elderly couples are often both frail and, without external support, they would be at high risk of institutionalisation. ; Dans les pays industrialisés, le vieillissement de la population est devenu une des questions les plus préoccupantes pour les décideurs en matière de politiques sociales. En 2050, un quart de la population belge aura 65 ans ou plus et un dixième aura au moins 80 ans. Cette évolution va de pair avec une augmentation de la demande de soins à domicile. Dès lors, la mise en place d'un système soutenable de soins de longue durée est un des grands défis à relever par nos sociétés. Jusqu'ici, la famille reste la première source d'aide, la principale et la plus stable dans le temps. Mais l'aide apportée par la famille a ses limites (elle n'est pas disponible pour toutes les personnes âgées et, lorsqu'elle l'est, le fait d'aider peut avoir des conséquences négatives pour l'aidant, si l'aide est très intense ou de très longue durée). Des politiques sociales devraient être développées pour soutenir ou se substituer à l'aide apportée par la famille, afin d'assurer la prise en charge à domicile des personnes âgées sur le long terme. Pour cela, la première chose à faire est d'acquérir une bonne connaissance des déterminants et de la dynamique de l'aide apportée aux personnes âgées par leurs proches. Cette thèse de doctorat s'intéresse spécifiquement à l'aide apportée par le conjoint et les enfants (les care-givers) en Belgique. L'approche est quantitative et, prenant l'approche Life Course comme cadre théorique, cette recherche tente d'explorer les aspects 'longitudinaux' et 'contextuels' du phénomène étudié. Son originalité principale est de procéder à une analyse longitudinale des caractéristiques de l'aide apportée à un échantillon représentatif des personnes âgées belges. Trois questions de recherche sont posées : « Qui reçoit de l'aide des membres de la famille ? », « Quelles sont les caractéristiques de cette aide ? » et « Comment ces caractéristiques évoluent-elles dans le temps ? ». Mais, avant de commencer les analyses et de proposer des réponses à ces questions, le contexte et la méthodologie sont décrits. Ainsi, la thèse de doctorat est divisée en trois parties. La partie contextuelle commence par une discussion du concept d'aide et une présentation de l'approche Life Course, elle continue avec la revue de la littérature, puis la description du contexte belge et fini par une comparaison des enquêtes quantitatives existantes en Belgique comportant des questions relatives à l'aide apportée par la famille à un proche âgé. La partie méthodologique commence par la présentation de l'enquête analysée (le Panel Study of Belgian Households-PSBH 1992-2002) et de l'échantillon étudié (les 1,123 personnes de nationalité belge, qui ont répondu aux questionnaires de la première et de la troisième vague de l'enquête et qui ont 65 ans ou plus en 1994); ensuite, la préparation du fichier d'analyse est détaillée, de même que sont présentées les variables utilisées. La partie analyse compte trois chapitres (un par question de recherche). L'aide apportée par la famille est un phénomène complexe parce qu'elle s'inscrit dans une relation préexistante. Le risque de sous-déclaration est mis en évidence dans de la présentation du concept d'aide et de nombreux efforts ont été fait lors de la préparation des données pour corriger ce biais de déclaration. Malgré cela, la sous-déclaration apparait toujours dans les analyses et peut, de ce fait, être considérée comme un des résultats principaux de cette recherche, parce que cela montre que la formulation des questions relatives à l'aide dans les enquêtes devrait être revue. Dans la conclusion, le terme de 'soutien proche' (close support) est proposé comme alternative à 'aide de la famille' (family care). Ayant une connotation plus positive et étant plus inclusif, ce terme devrait favoriser la déclaration de l'aide et permettre le développement de politiques de prévention. Un autre résultat important est la présence de fortes différences régionales : l'aide apportée aux personnes âgées par leur famille était plus intensive et de plus de plus longue durée en Flandre alors que les Bruxellois avaient plus souvent uniquement recours à l'aide de professionnels. Cela peut être dû aux différences d'orientations politiques en termes d'aide aux personnes âgées mais celles-ci reflètent aussi des différences culturelles. Enfin, l'approche longitudinale a mis en évidence le 'long-terme' de l'aide apportée par la famille, en particulier lorsque la personne est très âgée ou qu'un enfant s'occupe d'un parent isolé. Dans les deux cas, l'aide professionnelle est souvent utilisée en complément. Les personnes âgées vivant en couple ont moins fréquemment recours aux services d'aide à domicile et cela devrait interpeller les décideurs politiques : les deux conjoints sont souvent fragiles et, sans aide extérieure, ils ont un risque d'institutionnalisation plus élevé. ; (DEMO 3) -- UCL, 2011

1International Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Provisional measures of protection — Circumstances in which Court will indicate provisional measures — Whether necessary to determine that prima facie basis for jurisdiction exists — Nature of provisional measures in case involving continuing armed conflictInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Procedure — Removal of case from list — Circumstances in which request for removal will be granted — Necessary that there must be no prima facie basis for jurisdictionInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Procedure — Intervention — Application by State to intervene to contest jurisdiction and admissibility — Whether any basis for such intervention in Statute — Whether appropriate to hold hearing — Refusal of request to intervene not a bar to intervention at merits phase of proceedingsInternational Court of Justice — Organization of the Court — Judges — Standards of behaviour — Press conference — Reference by State party to case to nationality of certain judges — Suggestion that secret information could not be disclosed to court containing judges from certain countriesInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Competence — Optional Clause — Declaration of acceptance — Declarations made under Statute of the Permanent Court of International Justice — When transferred to International Court of Justice — Statute of the International Court of Justice, Article 36(5) — Whether necessary for declaration to have been binding in respect of Permanent Court in order to be transferred under Article 36(5) — Declaration made by Nicaragua on signing Protocol of Signature to the Statute of the Permanent Court — Never completed by ratification — Whether possessing any legal effect — Whether constituting a binding acceptance of the compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court by virtue of Article 36(5)International Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Competence — Optional Clause — State listed in Court publications as having accepted compulsory jurisdiction — Whether inclusion in list legally significant — Conduct of States — Whether capable of curing defect in State's acceptance of compulsory jurisdiction — Whether conduct must be consistent and unequivocal — Whether State's conduct amounting to an estoppel2International Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Competence — Optional Clause — Withdrawal or amendment of declaration accepting compulsory jurisdiction — Declaration stating that notice required — Whether States within Optional Clause system possessing extra-statutory right to withdraw declarations with immediate effect — State practice under Optional Clause — Reciprocity — Whether applicable to notice provisions of declarationsInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Competence — Optional Clause — Reservations — Reservation excluding jurisdiction of the Court in relation to disputes arising under a multilateral treaty if the other parties to the treaty who would be affected by the decision not before the Court — Interpretation — Whether reservation capable of being applied in proceedings relating to jurisdiction — Whether more appropriate for application at merits phase — Reservation precluding Court from adjudicating upon claims based on treaty provisions on the use of force and intervention — Whether also precluding application of customary law principles with content similar or identical to treaty provisionsInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Competence — Under bilateral treaty — Nicaragua-United States Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation, 1956 — Disputes regarding interpretation and application of Treaty — Extent of jurisdiction conferred upon CourtInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Admissibility of application — Legal dispute — Definition — Whether excluding dispute involving continuing armed conflict — Whether such disputes reserved for Security Council — Whether State required to exhaust regional political machinery for settlement of disputes before referring matter to Court — Absence of other States involved in regional dispute — Whether international law includes indispensable parties rule — Whether admissibility to be considered at jurisdiction or merits phase of proceedingsInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Procedure — Fact-finding — Rules of evidence — Procedure for determining facts — Relevant period — Press information and matters of public knowledge — Statements by representatives of States — Oral evidence of witnesses — Material not presented in accordance with Rules of CourtInternational Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Procedure — Absence of respondent State from part of proceedings — Statute of the International Court, Article 533International Court of Justice — Contentious jurisdiction — Power to award damages — Whether including power to make interim award of damagesSources of international law — Treaties — Customary international law — Relationship between treaties and custom — Development of customary international law through the conclusion of treaties — Whether treaty completely supplants identical rules of customary international law as between parties to the treaty — United Nations Charter — Charter of the Organization of American States — Provisions relating to intervention and the use of force — Whether codificatory of existing customary law at the date of their conclusion — Whether customary law has subsequently developed to take the same form as Charter provisionsSources of international law — Customary international law — Constituent elements — Practice — Whether absolute consistency required — Opinio iuris — Evidence of — Treaties as evidence of opinio iuris — Resolutions of international organizations as evidence of opinio iuris — Significance of concordant views of parties to case as evidence of content of customary lawState responsibility — For acts of armed groups supported by State — Rebel groups operating in one State financed and equipped by other State — Whether acts of rebel groups imputable to the State which supports them — Degree of control necessary for acts to be imputable to StateWar and armed conflict — Use of force — Definition — Whether supplying rebel groups operating in another State a use of force against that State — Whether an armed attack — Provision of funds and supply of arms — Logistical and organizational support — Training — Covert operations — Sending armed bands — Whether an armed attack — United Nations Charter, Articles 2(4) and 51 — Customary international lawWar and armed conflict — Use of force — Self-defence — Limitations on the right of self-defence — Requirement of an armed attack — Necessity and proportionality — Motive of State using force in alleged self-defence — Collective self-defence — Requirements — Whether State which has been the victim of an armed attack must request assistance — Whether third State coming to assistance of victim State must itself be under threat — Duty to report measures taken to Security Council under United Nations 4Charter, Article 51 — Whether also a requirement of customary international law — Evidential significance of failure to report measuresWar and armed conflict — Use of force — Self-defence — Whether State entitled to use force in response to unlawful intervention not amounting to an armed attackWar and armed conflict — Humanitarian law and the laws of armed conflict — Geneva Conventions, 1949 — Whether an expression or a development of fundamental principles of humanity — Common Article 3 — Fundamental principles applicable to non-international conflicts — Minimum yardstick also applicable to international conflicts — Conflict in Nicaragua — Whether international — Common Article 1 — Duty to ensure respect for Conventions in all circumstances — Publication of manual advocating the commission of acts contrary to humanitarian law — Whether publication a violation of humanitarian lawWar and armed conflict — Humanitarian law and the laws of armed conflict — Naval warfare — Mines — Hague Convention No. VIII, Relative to the Laying of Automatic Submarine Contact Mines, 1907 — Duty to notify international shipping of the existence and location of minefieldsStates — Sovereignty — Duty of non-intervention — Scope and extent of duty at customary international law — Support for rebel groups in another State — Right of each State to determine political system and foreign policy for itself — Whether this freedom curtailed by announcement to regional organization of political programme — Whether announcement constituting binding undertaking — Regional organization and some States within region recognizing new government on strength of undertakingStates — Sovereignty — Mining approaches to State's ports — Unauthorized intrusion into State's airspace — Whether violations of State's sovereigntyGovernments — Recognition — Conditions of recognition — Nicaragua — Junta for National Reconstruction offering certain undertakings about future direction of Nicaragua — Organization of American States withdrawing recognition from previous "Somoza" Government — Whether undertakings binding5Governments — Succession — Successful rebellion — New government responsible for acts of rebelsHuman rights — Enforcement — Whether States have a right to use force against State which is violating human rights — Alleged violations of human rights in Nicaragua — Whether justifying use of force by the United StatesAir — Airspace — Unauthorized intrusion into State's airspace — Whether a violation of State sovereigntySea — Territorial Sea — Internal waters — Freedom of passage — Mines — State laying mines in territorial sea and internal waters of other State — Access to other State's ports impeded — Whether a violation of freedom of navigationEconomics, trade and finance — Economic sanctions — Trade embargo — State blocking loans in international organizations — United States sanctions against Nicaragua — Whether contrary to general international law — Whether contrary to Nicaragua-United States Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation, 1956 — Whether defeating object and purpose of treatyDamages — Basis for award of damages — Reparation for unlawful use of force and intervention — Declaration that Respondent State under a duty to make reparation — Form and amount of reparation to be settled in later proceedingsTreaties — Form — Informal undertakings — Plan for political development of State issued by government in exile to regional organization — Whether intended to have legal effect

An original defense of the unique value of voting in a democracyVoting is only one of the many ways that citizens can participate in public decision making, so why does it occupy such a central place in the democratic imagination? In Election Day, political theorist Emilee Booth Chapman provides an original answer to that question, showing precisely what is so special about how we vote in today's democracies. By presenting a holistic account of popular voting practices and where they fit into complex democratic systems, she defends popular attitudes toward voting against radical critics and offers much-needed guidance for voting reform.Elections embody a distinctive constellation of democratic values and perform essential functions in democratic communities. Election day dramatizes the nature of democracy as a collective and individual undertaking, makes equal citizenship and individual dignity concrete and transparent, and socializes citizens into their roles as equal political agents. Chapman shows that fully realizing these ends depends not only on the widespread opportunity to vote but also on consistently high levels of actual turnout, and that citizens' experiences of voting matters as much as the formal properties of a voting system. And these insights are also essential for crafting and evaluating electoral reform proposals.By rethinking what citizens experience when they go to the polls, Election Day recovers the full value of democratic voting today

The present report provides an overview of the main developments and debates in relation to migration and asylum in Luxembourg in 2017. The number of people applying for international protection remained high in 2017 (2.322 applications) compared to the levels registered pre- 'migration crisis' (1.091 in 2014). However, the number of registrations remained relatively stable if compared to the two preceding years (2.447 in 2015 and 2.035 in 2016). This relative stability in numbers also reflected on the general public and policy debate in the field of migration and asylum. Since 2016, its focus has continuously shifted from an 'emergency' discourse axed on the implementation of reception measures and conditions towards discussions on longer-term integration measures and policies. In this regard, the newly introduced Guided Integration Trail (parcours d'intégration accompagné - PIA) can be considered a flagship project of OLAI, the national agency responsible for the reception and integration of foreigners. This multidisciplinary package of measures aims to empower applicants and beneficiaries of international protection and to support them in developing their life project. The trail, compulsory for all adult applicants for international protection, consists of a linguistic component and a civic component and is split into three phases. Although increasing housing capacities for the reception of applicants for international protection was high on national authorities' agenda, housing remained a challenging aspect of the asylum system and triggered debate on a national scale. Alongside access to training, problems related to housing were among the issues most frequently raised by applicants for international protection in 2017. The lack of affordable housing on the private market, an increasing number of family reunifications as well as the increasing number of beneficiaries and persons who have been issued a return decision who remain housed in structures of OLAI were all identified as interplaying barriers for finding available accommodation for applicants for international protection. The difficulties with the construction of modular housing structures also persisted in 2017. A certain reticence of the population towards the construction of these so-called 'container villages, planned in response to the increasing influx that started in August 2015, was visible in the appeals introduced into Luxembourg's First Instance Administrative Courts to annul the land-use plans related to the projects. Living conditions in the various reception facilities were also one of the subjects of discussion in 2017. This included a debate on the (lack of) kitchen infrastructure in reception facilities and the varying systems for provision of food, the types of food available, as well as the availability of internet. As an answer to the resurgence of an increased influx of applicants of international protection from the Western Balkans in early 2017, a new 'ultra-accelerated procedure' was put in place for applicants of international protection stemming from the Western Balkans. According to the state authorities, the ultra-accelerated procedure was set up to take pressure off the reception facilities, but also as a deterrent to avoid creating false hopes for long-term stay. In April 2017, a 'semi-open return structure' (Structure d'hébergement d'urgence au Kirchberg – SHUK) was put in place, from which people are transferred to states applying the Dublin regulation. Due to home custody (assignation à résidence), the SHUK is considered to be an alternative to detention by national authorities. The newly created structure as well as the related conditions for assignment, were nevertheless criticised by civil society. The outcry among civil society was equally high during and after the adoption the Law of 8 March 2017, which endorses the extension of the permitted period of detention of adults or families with children from 72 hours to 7 days, in order to improve the organisation of the return and ensures that it is carried out successfully. A commission in charge of determining the best interests of unaccompanied minors applying for international protection was decided at the end of 2017. The commission is in charge of carrying out individual assessments regarding the best interest of the child with the aim of delivering an authorisation of stay or a return decision. Among the elements taken into consideration when the best interest of the child is evaluated in the context of a potential return decision is information provided by the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The latter made an agreement with the Directorate of Immigration in 2017 to search for the parents of UAMs in the country of origin. With the focus of debates having slowly shifted towards long-term integration issues, the Council of Government also approved the elaboration of a new multiannual national action plan on integration. The plan will be based on two axes: (1) the reception and follow-up of applicants for international protection and (2) the integration of Luxembourg's non-Luxembourgish residents. Luxembourg's National Employment Agency (ADEM) set up a "cellule BPI" (beneficiaries of international protection cell) in its Employer Service in early 2017. This cell provides employers with information regarding job applications and evaluations of the competences of beneficiaries of international protection. A new law on the Luxembourgish nationality entered into force on 1 April 2017. Given the particular demographic situation of Luxembourg characterised by a significant increase in the total population and a decrease in the proportion of Luxembourgers in the total population, the reform intends to promote the societal and political integration of non-Luxembourgish citizens and to strengthen cohesion within the national community. The main changes introduced by the law include a decreased length of residence requirement for naturalisation (from 7 to 5 years), the right of birthplace (jus soli) of the first generation, a simplified way of acquiring Luxembourgish nationality by 'option', as well as new scenarios to avoid cases of statelessness. The law maintains previous linguistic requirements but makes some adjustments in order to prevent the language condition from becoming an insurmountable obstacle. Ahead of the local elections held on 8 October 2017, the Ministry of Family, Integration and the Greater Region launched a national information and awareness-raising campaign titled "Je peux voter" (I can vote) in January 2017. This campaign aimed to motivate Luxembourg's foreign population to register on the electoral roll for the local elections. The government's intention to legislate face concealment was arguably one of the most debated topics in the field related to community life and integration in the broader sense, both in parliament as well as in the media and public sphere. Bill n°7179 aims to modify article 563 of the Penal Code and to create the prohibition of face concealment in certain public spaces. The bill defines face concealment as the action of covering part of or all of the face in a way of rendering the identification of the person impossible and provides a wide variety of examples, such as the wearing of a motor cycle helmet, a balaclava or a full-face veil. Opposing views among stakeholders, whether political parties, public institutions, civil society or the media, emerged with regard to the necessity to legislate in the matter and if so, on the basis of which grounds and to what extent. The phenomenon of migration has also led to a more heterogeneous population in Luxembourg's schools. To face this situation, the education authorities continued to diversify Luxembourg's offer in education and training, creating for instance a bigger offer for youngsters and adults who do not master any of Luxembourg's vehicular languages, offering more alphabetisation courses or basic instruction courses. The Minister for National Education continued to develop and adapt the school offer to the increased heterogeneity by increasing the international and European school offer, introducing of a new mediation service and putting in place a plurilingual education programme. In the area of legal migration, the most significant changes concerned admission policies of specific categories of third-country nationals. In this respect, bill n°7188 mainly aims to transpose Directive (EU) 2016/801 of the European Parliament and the Council of 11 May 2016 on the conditions of entry and residence of third-country nationals for the purposes of research, studies, training, voluntary service, pupil exchange schemes or educational projects and au pairing. The directive aims to make the European Union a world centre of excellence for studies and training, while favouring contacts between people and favouring their mobility, these two being important elements of the European Union's external policy. Bill N°7188 intends to facilitate and simplify the procedures for intra-European mobility of TCN researchers and students. Moreover, the proposed changes include incentive mechanisms to retain students and researchers. To this end, it proposes that students and researchers, once they have completed their studies/research, can be issued a residence permit for "private reasons" for a duration of 9 months at most in view of finding employment or creating a business. Finally, bill n°7188 also foresees provisions to regulate the family reunification of a researcher staying in Luxembourg in the context of short- and long-term mobility with his/her nuclear family. The legislator furthermore transposed Directive 2014/36 on seasonal workers and Directive 2014/66 on temporary intragroup transfer into national law, and adapted Luxembourg's immigration law to the needs to the economy, by introducing, amongst other things, and authorisation of stay for investors. Organising the admission of stay and the issuance of authorisations of stay was also a key component within the agreement between Luxembourg and Cape Verde on the concerted management of migratory flows and solidary development. Other objectives of the agreement include the promotion of the movement of people, detailing readmission procedures, fighting against irregular migration, strengthening the legal establishment and integration of the concerned nationals, as well as the mobilisation of skills and resources of migrants in favour of solidary development. ; Le présent rapport fait la synthèse des principaux débats et des évolutions majeures concernant les migrations et l'asile au Luxembourg en 2017. Le nombre de personnes demandant une protection internationale est resté élevé en 2017 (2 322 demandes) par rapport aux niveaux enregistrés avant la « crise migratoire » (1 091 en 2014). Toutefois, ce nombre est resté relativement stable par rapport aux deux années précédentes (2 447 en 2015 et 2 035 en 2016). Cette stabilité relative s'est également reflétée dans le débat public et politique dans le domaine des migrations et de l'asile. Depuis 2016, l'accent n'a cessé de se déplacer d'un discours « d'urgence » axé sur la mise en œuvre de mesures et de conditions d'accueil vers des discussions sur des mesures et des politiques d'intégration à plus long terme. À cet égard, le nouveau parcours d'intégration accompagné (PIA) peut être considéré comme un projet phare de l'OLAI, l'Office luxembourgeois de l'accueil et de l'intégration des étrangers. Le PIA vise à autonomiser les demandeurs et les bénéficiaires d'une protection internationale et à les soutenir dans le développement de leur projet de vie. Le parcours, obligatoire pour tous les demandeurs adultes de protection internationale, se compose d'une composante linguistique et d'une composante civique, et il est divisé en trois phases. Bien que l'augmentation des capacités d'hébergement des demandeurs de protection internationale (DPI) figure parmi les priorités des autorités nationales, le logement des DPI reste très problématique et a déclenché un débat à l'échelle nationale. Outre l'accès à la formation, les problèmes liés au logement des DPI ont été parmi les questions les plus fréquemment soulevées en 2017. La pression sur le logement des DPI et des bénéficiaires de protection internationale (BPI) est importante : le manque de logements abordables sur le marché privé, le nombre croissant de réunifications familiales et la progression du nombre de BPI et de personnes qui ont fait l'objet d'une décision de retour mais qui restent hébergées dans les structures de l'OLAI ont été identifiés comme facteurs de pression. Les difficultés liées à la construction de structures modulaires d'hébergement ont également persisté en 2017. Une certaine réticence de la population à l'égard de la construction de ces « villages conteneurs », prévue en réponse à l'afflux croissant qui a commencé en août 2015, était visible dans les recours introduits devant les tribunaux administratifs pour annuler les plans d'occupation des sols liés aux projets. Les conditions de vie au sein des structures d'accueil ont également fait l'objet de discussions. Elles portaient notamment sur l'absence d'équipement en cuisines de plusieurs lieux d'accueil, les différents systèmes d'approvisionnement en nourriture et les types de nourriture disponibles. Afin de répondre au nombre toujours important de DPI en provenance des pays des Balkans occidentaux, une procédure ultra-accélérée a été mise en place. Cette procédure a été instaurée pour diminuer les pressions sur les structures d'accueil et pour éviter de créer de faux espoirs pour les séjours de longue durée. En avril 2017, la structure d'hébergement d'urgence au Kirchberg (SHUK) a été mise en place, afin d'héberger les DPI pour lesquels le Luxembourg n'est pas compétent pour examiner les demandes en vertu de l'application du règlement de Dublin. Ce nombre a fortement progressé. Le placement à la SHUK correspond à une assignation à résidence, donc à une alternative à la rétention. La structure nouvellement créée ainsi que les conditions d'affectation ont néanmoins été critiquées par la société civile. Plusieurs acteurs de la société civile ont manifesté leur opposition face à une disposition de la loi du 8 mars 2017 qui a étendu la période de rétention des adultes ou familles avec enfants de 72 heures à 7 jours afin de rendre plus efficiente l'organisation du retour. Un premier bilan du fonctionnement du Centre de rétention a été publié en 2017. Une commission chargée d'évaluer l'intérêt des mineurs non accompagnés dans le cadre d'une décision de retour a été créé fin 2017. La commission est chargée de mener à bien des évaluations individuelles concernant l'intérêt supérieur de l'enfant dans le but de prendre une décision de retour ou d'accorder une autorisation de séjour. Parmi les éléments pris en considération lors de cette évaluation et dans le contexte d'une éventuelle décision de retour figurent également les informations fournies par l'Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM). Cette dernière a conclu un accord avec la Direction de l'immigration pour rechercher les parents de mineurs non accompagnés dans le pays d'origine. Comme les débats s'orientent lentement vers l'intégration à long terme, le Conseil de gouvernement a également approuvé l'élaboration d'un nouveau plan d'action national sur l'intégration. Le plan sera basé sur deux axes : l'accueil et le suivi des demandeurs de protection internationale et l'intégration des résidents non luxembourgeois au Luxembourg. L'Agence pour le Développement de l'Emploi (ADEM) a créé une cellule BPI au sein de son Service employeurs. Cette cellule fournit aux employeurs des renseignements sur les demandes d'emploi et les évaluations des compétences des BPI. Une nouvelle loi sur la nationalité luxembourgeoise est entrée en vigueur le 1er avril 2017. Cette loi s'inscrit dans le contexte démographique particulier du Luxembourg, caractérisé par une augmentation continue de la population totale avec, en parallèle, une diminution de la part des Luxembourgeois dans la population totale. A travers cette loi, le législateur veut favoriser l'intégration sociétale et politique des citoyens non luxembourgeois et renforcer la cohésion au sein de la communauté nationale. Les principaux changements introduits par la loi consistent en la réduction de la durée de résidence pour la naturalisation (de 7 à 5 ans), l'introduction du droit du sol de la première génération, la réinstauration de voies simplifiées d'acquisition de la nationalité luxembourgeoise par « option », ainsi que de nouveaux scénarios pour éviter les cas d'apatridie. La loi maintient les exigences linguistiques antérieures tout en procédant à quelques ajustements afin d'empêcher que les exigences linguistiques ne deviennent un obstacle insurmontable. En vue des élections communales du 8 octobre 2017, le ministère de la Famille, de l'Intégration et à la Grande Région a lancé une campagne d'information et de sensibilisation intitulée « Je peux voter » en janvier 2017. Cette campagne avait pour but d'inciter la population étrangère du Luxembourg à s'inscrire sur les listes électorales pour les élections communales. L'intention du Gouvernement de légiférer sur la dissimulation du visage était sans doute l'un des sujets les plus débattus dans le domaine lié à la vie au sein de la société au Luxembourg et l'intégration au sens large du terme, tant à la Chambre des députés que dans les médias et la sphère publique. Le projet de loi n° 7179 vise à modifier l'article 563 du Code pénal et à créer l'interdiction de dissimuler le visage dans certains espaces publics. Il définit la dissimulation du visage comme le fait de couvrir une partie ou la totalité du visage de façon à rendre l'identification de la personne impossible. Des vues opposées entre les parties prenantes – les partis politiques, les institutions publiques, la société civile ou les médias – se sont exprimées au sujet de la nécessité de légiférer en la matière et dans l'affirmative, sur les motifs et l'étendue de l'interdiction de la dissimulation du visage. Le phénomène des migrations a eu aussi comme conséquence de renforcer l'hétérogénéité de la population scolaire. Pour faire face à cette situation, les autorités scolaires ont continué à diversifier l'offre en matière d'éducation et de formation. Parmi les mesures mises en place, on peut signaler notamment l'élargissement des offres de cours d'alphabétisation et de formation de base, l'extension de l'offre au niveau des écoles internationales et européennes et la mise en place d'un programme d'éducation plurilingue au niveau de la petite enfance. Dans le domaine de l'immigration, les changements les plus importants concernent la politique d'admission de certaines catégories de ressortissants de pays tiers. À cet égard, le projet de loi n° 7188 vise principalement à transposer la Directive européenne 2016/801 du Parlement européen et du Conseil du 11 mai 2016 sur les conditions d'entrée et de séjour des ressortissants de pays tiers à des fins de recherche, d'études, de formation, de volontariat, de programmes d'échanges d'élèves ou de projets éducatifs et de travail au pair. La directive vise à faire de l'Union européenne un centre mondial d'excellence en matière d'études et de formation, tout en favorisant les contacts entre les personnes et leur mobilité, deux éléments importants de la politique extérieure de l'Union européenne. Le projet de loi vise à faciliter et à simplifier les procédures de mobilité intraeuropéenne des chercheurs et des étudiants qui sont des ressortissants de pays tiers. De plus, certaines modifications comprennent des mécanismes incitatifs pour retenir les étudiants et les chercheurs. À cette fin, il propose que les étudiants et les chercheurs, une fois leurs études ou recherches terminées, puissent se voir délivrer un titre de séjour pour « raisons privées » pour une durée maximum de 9 mois en vue de trouver un emploi ou de créer une entreprise. Enfin, le projet de loi entend réglementer le regroupement familial d'un chercheur séjournant au Luxembourg dans le cadre d'une mobilité à court et à long terme. Le législateur a par ailleurs transposé la Directive 2014/36 sur les travailleurs saisonniers et la Directive 2014/66 sur le transfert temporaire intragroupe en droit national, et a adapté le dispositif de l'immigration aux besoins de l'économie en introduisant entre autres, une autorisation de séjour pour les investisseurs. L'organisation de l'admission du séjour et de la délivrance des autorisations de séjour était également un élément clé de l'Accord entre le Luxembourg et le Cap-Vert relatif à la gestion concertée des flux migratoires et au développement solidaire. L'accord approuvé par la loi du 20 juillet 2017 poursuit en outre les objectifs suivant : promouvoir la mobilité des personnes, lutter contre l'immigration irrégulière, préciser les procédures de réadmission, renforcer l'intégration légale des ressortissants concernés, ainsi que mobiliser les compétences et les ressources des migrants en faveur d'un développement solidaire.

The present report provides an overview of the main developments and debates in relation to migration and asylum in Luxembourg in 2017. The number of people applying for international protection remained high in 2017 (2.322 applications) compared to the levels registered pre- 'migration crisis' (1.091 in 2014). However, the number of registrations remained relatively stable if compared to the two preceding years (2.447 in 2015 and 2.035 in 2016). This relative stability in numbers also reflected on the general public and policy debate in the field of migration and asylum. Since 2016, its focus has continuously shifted from an 'emergency' discourse axed on the implementation of reception measures and conditions towards discussions on longer-term integration measures and policies. In this regard, the newly introduced Guided Integration Trail (parcours d'intégration accompagné - PIA) can be considered a flagship project of OLAI, the national agency responsible for the reception and integration of foreigners. This multidisciplinary package of measures aims to empower applicants and beneficiaries of international protection and to support them in developing their life project. The trail, compulsory for all adult applicants for international protection, consists of a linguistic component and a civic component and is split into three phases. Although increasing housing capacities for the reception of applicants for international protection was high on national authorities' agenda, housing remained a challenging aspect of the asylum system and triggered debate on a national scale. Alongside access to training, problems related to housing were among the issues most frequently raised by applicants for international protection in 2017. The lack of affordable housing on the private market, an increasing number of family reunifications as well as the increasing number of beneficiaries and persons who have been issued a return decision who remain housed in structures of OLAI were all identified as interplaying barriers for finding available accommodation for applicants for international protection. The difficulties with the construction of modular housing structures also persisted in 2017. A certain reticence of the population towards the construction of these so-called 'container villages, planned in response to the increasing influx that started in August 2015, was visible in the appeals introduced into Luxembourg's First Instance Administrative Courts to annul the land-use plans related to the projects. Living conditions in the various reception facilities were also one of the subjects of discussion in 2017. This included a debate on the (lack of) kitchen infrastructure in reception facilities and the varying systems for provision of food, the types of food available, as well as the availability of internet. As an answer to the resurgence of an increased influx of applicants of international protection from the Western Balkans in early 2017, a new 'ultra-accelerated procedure' was put in place for applicants of international protection stemming from the Western Balkans. According to the state authorities, the ultra-accelerated procedure was set up to take pressure off the reception facilities, but also as a deterrent to avoid creating false hopes for long-term stay. In April 2017, a 'semi-open return structure' (Structure d'hébergement d'urgence au Kirchberg – SHUK) was put in place, from which people are transferred to states applying the Dublin regulation. Due to home custody (assignation à résidence), the SHUK is considered to be an alternative to detention by national authorities. The newly created structure as well as the related conditions for assignment, were nevertheless criticised by civil society. The outcry among civil society was equally high during and after the adoption the Law of 8 March 2017, which endorses the extension of the permitted period of detention of adults or families with children from 72 hours to 7 days, in order to improve the organisation of the return and ensures that it is carried out successfully. A commission in charge of determining the best interests of unaccompanied minors applying for international protection was decided at the end of 2017. The commission is in charge of carrying out individual assessments regarding the best interest of the child with the aim of delivering an authorisation of stay or a return decision. Among the elements taken into consideration when the best interest of the child is evaluated in the context of a potential return decision is information provided by the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The latter made an agreement with the Directorate of Immigration in 2017 to search for the parents of UAMs in the country of origin. With the focus of debates having slowly shifted towards long-term integration issues, the Council of Government also approved the elaboration of a new multiannual national action plan on integration. The plan will be based on two axes: (1) the reception and follow-up of applicants for international protection and (2) the integration of Luxembourg's non-Luxembourgish residents. Luxembourg's National Employment Agency (ADEM) set up a "cellule BPI" (beneficiaries of international protection cell) in its Employer Service in early 2017. This cell provides employers with information regarding job applications and evaluations of the competences of beneficiaries of international protection. A new law on the Luxembourgish nationality entered into force on 1 April 2017. Given the particular demographic situation of Luxembourg characterised by a significant increase in the total population and a decrease in the proportion of Luxembourgers in the total population, the reform intends to promote the societal and political integration of non-Luxembourgish citizens and to strengthen cohesion within the national community. The main changes introduced by the law include a decreased length of residence requirement for naturalisation (from 7 to 5 years), the right of birthplace (jus soli) of the first generation, a simplified way of acquiring Luxembourgish nationality by 'option', as well as new scenarios to avoid cases of statelessness. The law maintains previous linguistic requirements but makes some adjustments in order to prevent the language condition from becoming an insurmountable obstacle. Ahead of the local elections held on 8 October 2017, the Ministry of Family, Integration and the Greater Region launched a national information and awareness-raising campaign titled "Je peux voter" (I can vote) in January 2017. This campaign aimed to motivate Luxembourg's foreign population to register on the electoral roll for the local elections. The government's intention to legislate face concealment was arguably one of the most debated topics in the field related to community life and integration in the broader sense, both in parliament as well as in the media and public sphere. Bill n°7179 aims to modify article 563 of the Penal Code and to create the prohibition of face concealment in certain public spaces. The bill defines face concealment as the action of covering part of or all of the face in a way of rendering the identification of the person impossible and provides a wide variety of examples, such as the wearing of a motor cycle helmet, a balaclava or a full-face veil. Opposing views among stakeholders, whether political parties, public institutions, civil society or the media, emerged with regard to the necessity to legislate in the matter and if so, on the basis of which grounds and to what extent. The phenomenon of migration has also led to a more heterogeneous population in Luxembourg's schools. To face this situation, the education authorities continued to diversify Luxembourg's offer in education and training, creating for instance a bigger offer for youngsters and adults who do not master any of Luxembourg's vehicular languages, offering more alphabetisation courses or basic instruction courses. The Minister for National Education continued to develop and adapt the school offer to the increased heterogeneity by increasing the international and European school offer, introducing of a new mediation service and putting in place a plurilingual education programme. In the area of legal migration, the most significant changes concerned admission policies of specific categories of third-country nationals. In this respect, bill n°7188 mainly aims to transpose Directive (EU) 2016/801 of the European Parliament and the Council of 11 May 2016 on the conditions of entry and residence of third-country nationals for the purposes of research, studies, training, voluntary service, pupil exchange schemes or educational projects and au pairing. The directive aims to make the European Union a world centre of excellence for studies and training, while favouring contacts between people and favouring their mobility, these two being important elements of the European Union's external policy. Bill N°7188 intends to facilitate and simplify the procedures for intra-European mobility of TCN researchers and students. Moreover, the proposed changes include incentive mechanisms to retain students and researchers. To this end, it proposes that students and researchers, once they have completed their studies/research, can be issued a residence permit for "private reasons" for a duration of 9 months at most in view of finding employment or creating a business. Finally, bill n°7188 also foresees provisions to regulate the family reunification of a researcher staying in Luxembourg in the context of short- and long-term mobility with his/her nuclear family. The legislator furthermore transposed Directive 2014/36 on seasonal workers and Directive 2014/66 on temporary intragroup transfer into national law, and adapted Luxembourg's immigration law to the needs to the economy, by introducing, amongst other things, and authorisation of stay for investors. Organising the admission of stay and the issuance of authorisations of stay was also a key component within the agreement between Luxembourg and Cape Verde on the concerted management of migratory flows and solidary development. Other objectives of the agreement include the promotion of the movement of people, detailing readmission procedures, fighting against irregular migration, strengthening the legal establishment and integration of the concerned nationals, as well as the mobilisation of skills and resources of migrants in favour of solidary development. ; Le présent rapport fait la synthèse des principaux débats et des évolutions majeures concernant les migrations et l'asile au Luxembourg en 2017. Le nombre de personnes demandant une protection internationale est resté élevé en 2017 (2 322 demandes) par rapport aux niveaux enregistrés avant la « crise migratoire » (1 091 en 2014). Toutefois, ce nombre est resté relativement stable par rapport aux deux années précédentes (2 447 en 2015 et 2 035 en 2016). Cette stabilité relative s'est également reflétée dans le débat public et politique dans le domaine des migrations et de l'asile. Depuis 2016, l'accent n'a cessé de se déplacer d'un discours « d'urgence » axé sur la mise en œuvre de mesures et de conditions d'accueil vers des discussions sur des mesures et des politiques d'intégration à plus long terme. À cet égard, le nouveau parcours d'intégration accompagné (PIA) peut être considéré comme un projet phare de l'OLAI, l'Office luxembourgeois de l'accueil et de l'intégration des étrangers. Le PIA vise à autonomiser les demandeurs et les bénéficiaires d'une protection internationale et à les soutenir dans le développement de leur projet de vie. Le parcours, obligatoire pour tous les demandeurs adultes de protection internationale, se compose d'une composante linguistique et d'une composante civique, et il est divisé en trois phases. Bien que l'augmentation des capacités d'hébergement des demandeurs de protection internationale (DPI) figure parmi les priorités des autorités nationales, le logement des DPI reste très problématique et a déclenché un débat à l'échelle nationale. Outre l'accès à la formation, les problèmes liés au logement des DPI ont été parmi les questions les plus fréquemment soulevées en 2017. La pression sur le logement des DPI et des bénéficiaires de protection internationale (BPI) est importante : le manque de logements abordables sur le marché privé, le nombre croissant de réunifications familiales et la progression du nombre de BPI et de personnes qui ont fait l'objet d'une décision de retour mais qui restent hébergées dans les structures de l'OLAI ont été identifiés comme facteurs de pression. Les difficultés liées à la construction de structures modulaires d'hébergement ont également persisté en 2017. Une certaine réticence de la population à l'égard de la construction de ces « villages conteneurs », prévue en réponse à l'afflux croissant qui a commencé en août 2015, était visible dans les recours introduits devant les tribunaux administratifs pour annuler les plans d'occupation des sols liés aux projets. Les conditions de vie au sein des structures d'accueil ont également fait l'objet de discussions. Elles portaient notamment sur l'absence d'équipement en cuisines de plusieurs lieux d'accueil, les différents systèmes d'approvisionnement en nourriture et les types de nourriture disponibles. Afin de répondre au nombre toujours important de DPI en provenance des pays des Balkans occidentaux, une procédure ultra-accélérée a été mise en place. Cette procédure a été instaurée pour diminuer les pressions sur les structures d'accueil et pour éviter de créer de faux espoirs pour les séjours de longue durée. En avril 2017, la structure d'hébergement d'urgence au Kirchberg (SHUK) a été mise en place, afin d'héberger les DPI pour lesquels le Luxembourg n'est pas compétent pour examiner les demandes en vertu de l'application du règlement de Dublin. Ce nombre a fortement progressé. Le placement à la SHUK correspond à une assignation à résidence, donc à une alternative à la rétention. La structure nouvellement créée ainsi que les conditions d'affectation ont néanmoins été critiquées par la société civile. Plusieurs acteurs de la société civile ont manifesté leur opposition face à une disposition de la loi du 8 mars 2017 qui a étendu la période de rétention des adultes ou familles avec enfants de 72 heures à 7 jours afin de rendre plus efficiente l'organisation du retour. Un premier bilan du fonctionnement du Centre de rétention a été publié en 2017. Une commission chargée d'évaluer l'intérêt des mineurs non accompagnés dans le cadre d'une décision de retour a été créé fin 2017. La commission est chargée de mener à bien des évaluations individuelles concernant l'intérêt supérieur de l'enfant dans le but de prendre une décision de retour ou d'accorder une autorisation de séjour. Parmi les éléments pris en considération lors de cette évaluation et dans le contexte d'une éventuelle décision de retour figurent également les informations fournies par l'Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM). Cette dernière a conclu un accord avec la Direction de l'immigration pour rechercher les parents de mineurs non accompagnés dans le pays d'origine. Comme les débats s'orientent lentement vers l'intégration à long terme, le Conseil de gouvernement a également approuvé l'élaboration d'un nouveau plan d'action national sur l'intégration. Le plan sera basé sur deux axes : l'accueil et le suivi des demandeurs de protection internationale et l'intégration des résidents non luxembourgeois au Luxembourg. L'Agence pour le Développement de l'Emploi (ADEM) a créé une cellule BPI au sein de son Service employeurs. Cette cellule fournit aux employeurs des renseignements sur les demandes d'emploi et les évaluations des compétences des BPI. Une nouvelle loi sur la nationalité luxembourgeoise est entrée en vigueur le 1er avril 2017. Cette loi s'inscrit dans le contexte démographique particulier du Luxembourg, caractérisé par une augmentation continue de la population totale avec, en parallèle, une diminution de la part des Luxembourgeois dans la population totale. A travers cette loi, le législateur veut favoriser l'intégration sociétale et politique des citoyens non luxembourgeois et renforcer la cohésion au sein de la communauté nationale. Les principaux changements introduits par la loi consistent en la réduction de la durée de résidence pour la naturalisation (de 7 à 5 ans), l'introduction du droit du sol de la première génération, la réinstauration de voies simplifiées d'acquisition de la nationalité luxembourgeoise par « option », ainsi que de nouveaux scénarios pour éviter les cas d'apatridie. La loi maintient les exigences linguistiques antérieures tout en procédant à quelques ajustements afin d'empêcher que les exigences linguistiques ne deviennent un obstacle insurmontable. En vue des élections communales du 8 octobre 2017, le ministère de la Famille, de l'Intégration et à la Grande Région a lancé une campagne d'information et de sensibilisation intitulée « Je peux voter » en janvier 2017. Cette campagne avait pour but d'inciter la population étrangère du Luxembourg à s'inscrire sur les listes électorales pour les élections communales. L'intention du Gouvernement de légiférer sur la dissimulation du visage était sans doute l'un des sujets les plus débattus dans le domaine lié à la vie au sein de la société au Luxembourg et l'intégration au sens large du terme, tant à la Chambre des députés que dans les médias et la sphère publique. Le projet de loi n° 7179 vise à modifier l'article 563 du Code pénal et à créer l'interdiction de dissimuler le visage dans certains espaces publics. Il définit la dissimulation du visage comme le fait de couvrir une partie ou la totalité du visage de façon à rendre l'identification de la personne impossible. Des vues opposées entre les parties prenantes – les partis politiques, les institutions publiques, la société civile ou les médias – se sont exprimées au sujet de la nécessité de légiférer en la matière et dans l'affirmative, sur les motifs et l'étendue de l'interdiction de la dissimulation du visage. Le phénomène des migrations a eu aussi comme conséquence de renforcer l'hétérogénéité de la population scolaire. Pour faire face à cette situation, les autorités scolaires ont continué à diversifier l'offre en matière d'éducation et de formation. Parmi les mesures mises en place, on peut signaler notamment l'élargissement des offres de cours d'alphabétisation et de formation de base, l'extension de l'offre au niveau des écoles internationales et européennes et la mise en place d'un programme d'éducation plurilingue au niveau de la petite enfance. Dans le domaine de l'immigration, les changements les plus importants concernent la politique d'admission de certaines catégories de ressortissants de pays tiers. À cet égard, le projet de loi n° 7188 vise principalement à transposer la Directive européenne 2016/801 du Parlement européen et du Conseil du 11 mai 2016 sur les conditions d'entrée et de séjour des ressortissants de pays tiers à des fins de recherche, d'études, de formation, de volontariat, de programmes d'échanges d'élèves ou de projets éducatifs et de travail au pair. La directive vise à faire de l'Union européenne un centre mondial d'excellence en matière d'études et de formation, tout en favorisant les contacts entre les personnes et leur mobilité, deux éléments importants de la politique extérieure de l'Union européenne. Le projet de loi vise à faciliter et à simplifier les procédures de mobilité intraeuropéenne des chercheurs et des étudiants qui sont des ressortissants de pays tiers. De plus, certaines modifications comprennent des mécanismes incitatifs pour retenir les étudiants et les chercheurs. À cette fin, il propose que les étudiants et les chercheurs, une fois leurs études ou recherches terminées, puissent se voir délivrer un titre de séjour pour « raisons privées » pour une durée maximum de 9 mois en vue de trouver un emploi ou de créer une entreprise. Enfin, le projet de loi entend réglementer le regroupement familial d'un chercheur séjournant au Luxembourg dans le cadre d'une mobilité à court et à long terme. Le législateur a par ailleurs transposé la Directive 2014/36 sur les travailleurs saisonniers et la Directive 2014/66 sur le transfert temporaire intragroupe en droit national, et a adapté le dispositif de l'immigration aux besoins de l'économie en introduisant entre autres, une autorisation de séjour pour les investisseurs. L'organisation de l'admission du séjour et de la délivrance des autorisations de séjour était également un élément clé de l'Accord entre le Luxembourg et le Cap-Vert relatif à la gestion concertée des flux migratoires et au développement solidaire. L'accord approuvé par la loi du 20 juillet 2017 poursuit en outre les objectifs suivant : promouvoir la mobilité des personnes, lutter contre l'immigration irrégulière, préciser les procédures de réadmission, renforcer l'intégration légale des ressortissants concernés, ainsi que mobiliser les compétences et les ressources des migrants en faveur d'un développement solidaire.

The Third Reich towards the Church in Upper Silesia. Fr Jan Macha (1914-1942), martyr of the Christian charity. Upper Silesia is a unique part of Europe and Poland. In the past centuries, this region changed its nationality several times. It is a region with a very complex history. What remains unchanged is the faith standing by the Catholic Church and Christian values. During the Second World War, many inhabitants of Upper Silesia were persecuted by the Nazis. Among them there were many clergymen from the diocese of Katowice. One of them is Rev. Jan Macha, who for his commitment to charitable activities for suffering people, was arrested by the Germans, tortured, and at the end guillotined in the prison in Katowice. In the article, history of his life, work for people who needed support, and his martyr's death are depicted against the background of the political, social and religious situation in Upper Silesia during the German occupation. ; Bibliografia: Fonti d'archivio: Archivio della Famiglia Macha di Chorzów Stary (AF), Ricordo della Prima Santa Comunione di Jan Macha. AF, Decreto della Curia Diocesana di Katowice n. P M LV 3/39 del 29.08.1939. AF, Diploma di maturità di Jan Macha, Królewska Huta, 20 giugno 1933. AF, I ricordi di Róża Trojan riguardanti Hanik. AF, Invito all'ordinazione sacerdotale e alla prima messa di don Jan Macha. AF, L'ultima lettera ai genitori, Katowice, 2 dicembre 1942. AF, Rosario Perpetuo - tessera di Jan Macha. AF, Sterbeurkunde, n. 1263/1942 z 7.12.1942. AF, Tessera dello studente di Jan Macha - Facoltà di Giurisprudenza dell'Università Jagellonica. Archiwum Archidiecezji Katowickiej (AAKat) [Archivio dell'Arcidiocesi di Katowice], Akta Personalne ks. Jana Machy (AP) [Gli Atti Personali di don Jan Macha], Curriculum vitae, Chorzów, 20 luglio 1933. AAKat, AP, Certificato di cresima di Jan Macha, Królewska Huta, 24 giugno 1933. AAKat, AP, Certificato di moralità rilasciato da don Stefan Szwajnoch II, Chorzów, 2 luglio 1934. AAKat, AP, Decreto del vicario nella parrocchia di San Giuseppe a Ruda, Katowice, 6 settembre 1939. AAKat, AP, Documento del 24.06.1939, scritto da Bieniek a Macha. AAKat, AP, Lettera segreta scritta da Joachim Gürtler dal carcere.AAKat, AP, Opinione del rettore riguardante il candidato all'Ordine, Cracovia, giugno 1939. AAKat, Akta Rzeczowie [Atti di Materiali AM], Sezione: Pastorale penitenziaria, vol. I: 1923-1962, segn. ARZ 632, Relazione del cappellano penitenziario don Joachim Besler - frammenti, il cosiddetto "Taccuino rosso". Archivio dell'Istituto Storico Militare [attualmente Archivio Militare Centrale a Rembertów], n. prot. III/100/8, parte I: Uwagi o Śląsku [Considerazioni sulla Slesia]. Bundesarchiv Berlin-Lichterfelde (AB), segn. R 3017, Atto di accusa di don Jan Macha, di Joachim Gürtler e di Leon Rydrych, Katowice, 14.02.1942. BA, segn. R 3017, Sentenza della condanna a morte emessa contro don Jan Macha, Joachim Gürtler e Leon Rydrych, Bytom, 23.07.1942. Archivio del Seminario Maggiore della Slesia di Katowice (ASMK), Associazioni clericali 1930-1938, n. prot. D-10, La composizione del Presidio della sezione slesiana dell'Aiuto Fraterno dei Teologi dell'Università Jagellonica del 25.01.1937. ASMK, Associazioni clericali 1930-1938, n. prot. D-10, Relazione dell'attività della sezione slesiana dell'Aiuto Fraterno dei Teologi dell'Università Jagellonica del 19.01.1938. ASMK, Registro degli Alunni, Ricezione degli ordini dal 1938, n. prot. C-21, Certificato degli ordini conferiti del 01.05.1938. Fonti edite: Adamski Stanisław, Orędzie J. E. Ks. Biskupa w sprawie nabożeństw w języku niemieckim [Messaggio di Sua Eccellenza il Vescovo in merito alle funzioni religiose in lingua tedesca], in: Wiadomości Diecezjalne 5 (1933), 1-2. Lettera dell'arcivescovo Cesare Orsenigo, Nunzio a Berlino, indirizzata al cardinale Luigi Maglione, Segretario di Stato della Santa Sede, Berlino, il 31 luglio del 1942, in: Actes et documents du Saint Siège relatifs à la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, vol. 3: Le Saint Siège et la situation religieuse en Pologne et dans les Pays baltes 1939-1945, Città del Vaticano 1967, 615-616. Zeznanie Józefa Guertlera z Katowic, złożone przed OKBZH w Katowicach w dniu 15 grudnia 1967 roku i 16 września 1971 roku [Deposizioni di Józef Guertler di Katowice, rese il 15 dicembre del 1967 e il 16 settembre del 1971 davanti alla Commissione Distrettuale del Perseguimento Penale dei Crimini di Guerra commessi da Hitler a Katowice], in: Andrzej Szefer (ed.), Bohaterowie spod znaku lilijki. Harcerze Śląska i Zagłębia Dąbrowskiego w latach wojny i okupacji hitlerowskiej w świetle zeznań własnych i świadków [Gli eroi sotto il segno del giglio. Gli scout della Slesia e del Bacino di Dąbrowa negli anni della guerra e dell'occupazione nazista alla luce delle dichiarazioni proprie e dei testimoni], Katowice 1984, 127. Studi: Adamski Stanisław, Pogląd na rozwój sprawy narodowej w województwie śląskim w czasie okupacji niemieckiej [Considerazioni sullo sviluppo della questione nazionale nel voivodato della Slesia nel periodo dell'occupazione tedesca], Katowice 1946.Barcik Mieczysław, Wydział Teologiczny Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego 1939-1954 [Facoltà di Teologia dell'Università Jagellonica 1939-1954], Kraków 2001. Bednarski Damian, Żyłem krótko, lecz cel swój osiągnąłem. Jan Macha 1914-1942 [Ebbi una vita breve, ma raggiunsi la mia meta. Jan Macha 1914-1942], Katowice 2014. Borowiec Jan, Duszpasterz Górnoślązaków Ksiądz Infułat Prałat Franciszek Woźnica (Franz Wosnitza) w służbie Bogu i Diecezji [Pastore delle anime degli abitanti dell'Alta Slesia, il prelato don Franciszek Woźnica (Franz Wosnitza) al servizio di Dio e della Diocesi], [2004], datts. Broszat Martin, Nationalsozialistische Polenpolitik 1939-1945, Frankfurt am Main 1965. Cyra Adam, Katowicka gilotyna w zbiorach Muzeum Auschwitz-Birkenau [La ghigliottina di Katowice nella collezione del Museo di Auschwitz-Birkenau], in: Śladami bolesnej przeszłości. Śląskie tropy w KL Auschwitz [Sulle orme di un passato doloroso. Le tracce della Slesia a KL Auschwitz], Siemianowice Śląskie 2011, 82-86. Gwóźdź Hilary, Kwestia jurysdykcji kanonicznej w diecezji katowickiej w l. 1939-1945 [La questione della giurisdizione canonica nella docesi di Katowice negli anni 1939-1945], in: Śląskie Studia Historyczno-Teologiczne 18 (1985), 27-33. Kaczmarek Ryszard, Górny Śląsk podczas drugiej wojny światowej [L'Alta Slesia durante la Seconda guerra mondiale], Katowice 2006. Lubina Paweł, Czego chcemy w Stowarzyszeniach Młodzieży Polskiej? [Che cosa vogliamo nelle Associazioni della Gioventù Polacca?], in: Śląska Młodzież Katolicka od 1871 do 1926 [Gioventù Cattolica Slesiana dal 1871 al 1926], Mikołów 1927, 7-12. Madajczyk Czesław, Polityka III Rzeszy w okupowanej Polsce [Politica del Terzo Reich nella Polonia occupata], vol. 1, Warszawa 1970. Małcużyński Karol, Oskarżeni nie przyznają się do winy [Gli imputati non ammettono la loro colpevolezza], Warszawa 1989. Maroń Franciszek, Historia diecezji katowickiej [Storia della diocesi di Katowice], in: Nasza Przeszłość 44 (1975), 9-87. Moczygęba Helmut, Ks. Jan Macha, Kraków 1968, datts. Moczygęba Helmut, Ks. Jan Macha [Don Jan Macha], in: Initium 1 (1969), 37-50. Myszor Jerzy, Historia diecezji katowickiej [Storia della diocesi di Katowice], Katowice 1999. Myszor Jerzy, Stosunki Kościół - państwo okupacyjne w diecezji katowickiej 19391945 [Relazioni fra la Chiesa e lo Stato durante l'occupazione nella diocesi di Katowice 1939-1945], Katowice 2010. Nowrot Krzysztof, Ksiądz Jan Skrzypczyk. Proboszcz w Rudzie [Don Jan Skrzypczyk. Parroco a Ruda Śląska], in: Śląskie Studia Historyczno-Teologiczne 42/1 (2009), 227-233. Olszar Henryk, Straty śląskiego duchowieństwa wojskowego i cywilnego 1939-1945. Przyczynek do strat inteligencji śląskiej [Le perdite subite dal clero slesiano militare e civile 1939-1945. Contributo alle perdite subite dall'intellighenzia slesiana], in: Zbigniew Kapała, Jerzy Myszor (ed.), Wojskowa służba śląskich duchownych 19181980 [Servizio militare del clero slesiano 1918-1980], Katowice 1999, 138-148.Piech Stanisław, Wydział Teologiczny Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego w latach 18801939 [Facoltà di Teologia dell'Università Jagellonica negli anni 1880-1939], Kraków 1995. Pięciolecie pracy Śląskiego Związku Stowarzyszeń Młodzieży Polskiej 1920-1925 [Il quinquennio di lavori della Federazione delle Associazioni della Gioventù Polacca 1920-1925], in: Śląska Młodzież Katolicka od 1871 do 1926 [Gioventù Cattolica Slesiana dal 1871 al 1926], Mikołów 1927, 25-35. Heska-Kwaśniewicz Krystyna (ed.), Po ziemi naszej roześlemy harcerzy… Z dziejów harcerstwa polskiego na Górnym Śląsku [Manderemo gli scout nelle nostre terre… Storia dello scoutismo polacco in Alta Slesia], Katowice 2007. Pospieszalski Karol Marian, Hitlerowskie "prawo" okupacyjne w Polsce: wybór dokumentów, vol. 1: Generalna Gubernia, wybór dokumentów i próba syntezy [La "legge" nazista relativa ai territori sotto l'occupazione in Polonia: selezione di documenti, vol. 2: Il Governatorato Generale, raccolta di documenti e tentativo di sintesi], Poznań 1958 (Documenta Occupationis, 6). Rak Romuald, Biskup Adamski a Volkslista [Mons. Adamski e la Volksdeutchliste], in: Śląskie Studia Historyczno-Teologiczne 18 (1985), 263-267. Smandzich Józef, Wychowankowie Śląskiego Seminarium [Alunni del Seminario della Slesia], in: Initium 1 (1969), 74-93. Stopniak Franciszek, Męczeństwo duchowieństwa polskiego w II wojnie światowej [Martirio del clero polacco durante la Seconda guerra mondiale], in: Ateneum Kapłańskie 472 (1987), 486-505. Szefer Andrzej, W 30-lecie najazdu hitlerowskiego na Polskę [30 anni dopo l'invasione della Polonia da parte della Germania nazista], in: Zaranie Śląskie 32 (1969), quaderno 3, 338-350. Sziling Jan, Polityka okupanta hitlerowskiego wobec Kościoła katolickiego 1939-1945. Tzw. Okręgi Rzeszy: Gdańsk-Prusy Zachodnie, Kraj Warty i Regencja Katowicka [La politica dell'occupante nazista nei confronti della Chiesa cattolica 1939-1945. I Cosiddetti Distretti del Reich: Danzica-Prussia Occidentale, il Wartheland e la Reggenza di Katowice], Poznań 1971. Śmigiel Kazimierz, Martyrologium narodu i Kościoła 1939-1945 [Martirologio della nazione e della Chiesa 1939-1945], in: Bolesław Kumor, Zdzisław Obertyński (ed.), Historia Kościoła w Polsce [Storia della Chiesa in Polonia], vol. 2/2, PoznańWarszawa 1979, 125-187. Waszkiewicz Zofia, Polityka Watykanu wobec Polski 1939-1945 [Politica del Vaticano nei confronti della Polonia 1939-1945], Warszawa 1980. Stampa periodica: Szweda Konrad, Bohaterstwo [Eroismo], in: Gość Niedzielny 35 (1951), 1-2.

INTRODUCCIÓN: La sociedad ha evolucionado al mismo tiempo que lo ha hecho la comunicación. En el campo de la prensa esta transformación ha afectado al producto, ahora más renovado, que se dirige a un público que también ha cambiado. En este sentido, los asesinatos han sido un tema al que los medios de comunicación han recurrido desde siempre. Sin embargo, el enfoque que la prensa ha dado a este tipo de noticias ha variado, fruto de las constantes transformaciones que se han venido produciendo desde la década de 1980. OBJETIVOS: El objetivo inicial es analizar la cobertura que los asesinatos han tenido en La Verdad y La Opinión desde 1990 hasta 2014, y elaborar una radiografía de la evolución que el tratamiento periodístico del homicidio de etiología criminal ha registrado en todo este tiempo, influenciado por los cambios económicos y políticos que la sociedad ha experimentado. Se identifican, en primer lugar, todas aquellas muertes violentas que se hayan cometido o resuelto en la Región, en este periodo de tiempo, independientemente de la nacionalidad de los implicados (autor/víctima) y de la naturaleza del hecho, ya sea parricidio, fratricidio, asesinato u homicidio múltiple. Paralelamente, se pretende comparar la disminución o aumento de los crímenes en la Región de Murcia con la cobertura de los periódicos, para comprobar si han representado los periódicos la imagen real de los asesinatos cometidos o han creado un cierto alarmismo. HIPÓTESIS: En los diarios La Verdad y La Opinión la importancia de la crónica negra ha ido creciendo; una evolución ascendente que no se ha correspondido con exactitud a los altibajos de la criminalidad en la Región de Murcia durante 25 años desde 1990. Otra de las líneas es cómo la prensa trata la crónica negra de la misma manera en que un escritor redacta su novela; el desarrollo dramático que se hace del relato de los asesinatos y cómo la información obedece a un espectáculo informativo que tiende a vulgarizar la labor de un periodismo comprometido con el morbo, influenciado por la televisión y dominado por grandes grupos empresariales. METODOLOGÍA: Por una parte, en un análisis sincrónico realidad/medio se compara los asesinatos cometidos, a través de las estadísticas de las Fuerzas y Cuerpos de Seguridad del Estado y el Ministerio del Interior, con las piezas publicadas en La Verdad y La Opinión para analizar la imagen que la prensa ha difundido y si difiere de la realidad. Para ello, se crea una base de datos en Excel donde quedan registrados los 364 asesinatos de la Región de Murcia en este periodo de tiempo, además de su aparición o no en la prensa. Mediante un análisis cuantitativo podemos estudiar si la imagen que ha proporcionado la prensa difiere o no de la radiografía de la criminalidad según las fuentes oficiales. Por otro lado, a partir de un estudio de la cobertura de los 33 crímenes que más repercusión mediática han tenido se analiza, mediante un análisis diacrónico longitudinal, la evolución del valor noticiable del asesinato en la prensa mediante un análisis de su tratamiento a partir de variables como la distribución de la pieza informativa o de opinión, el espacio que ocupa, su ubicación en la página, la composición y el lenguaje. RESULTADOS: Los medios de comunicación comienzan a producir este tipo de informaciones relacionadas con los asesinatos, que se diferencian por su carácter melodramático, ya que juegan con el suspense y la acción, unido a los ingredientes del morbo, sensacionalismo y espectáculo. En Murcia la crónica negra ha ido creciendo y ganando importancia; un crecimiento que no se ha correspondido con los aumentos y descensos de la criminalidad durante 25 años. Es decir, la imagen que la prensa ha difundido de la radiografía que ha hecho el Ministerio del Interior sobre la criminalidad en Murcia difiere en el sentido de que no hay una relación causa efecto entre los aumentos y descensos de los asesinatos y el número de piezas difundidas al respecto. Al mismo tiempo, el año 2000 se configura como un punto de inflexión en el tratamiento periodístico del asesinato en la prensa murciana diaria de información general. Ese año, en el que se cometió uno de los peores crímenes en la historia de Murcia, un menor mató a sus padres y a su hermana, también menor y con síndrome de Down, y para ello empleó una catana, el asesinato comienza a ser foco de atracción para ambos periódicos. El crimen de la catana provoca la creación de un nuevo enfoque de la información de asesinatos en la prensa de Murcia y supone el nacimiento de un paradigma informativo. INTRODUCTION: Society has evolved at the same time as communications. In the field of the press, this change has affected the product, more renewed today, which targets an audience that has changed as well. In this sense, murders have been a subject media have always resorted to. Nevertheless, the point of view the media have given to this kind of news has changed due to the constant development that has been taking place since the decade of the 1980s. OBJECTIVES: The initial aim is to analyse the media coverage of murders which La Verdad and La Opinión have covered from 1990 to 2014, and then, to elaborate an in-depth study of the development the journalistic treatment of criminal homicides has registered during all this time, influenced by the economic and political changes that society has experienced. We can identify, in the first place, all those violent deaths which have been committed or solved in the Region, in this period of time, regardless of the nationality of the implicated parts (author/ victim) and the nature of the facts, being those parricide, fraticide, murder or multiple homicide. Similarly, we aim to compare the decrease or increase of the crimes committed in the Region de Murcia using media coverage, in order to verify if newspapers have represented the real image of murders or they have created a sort of alarmism. HYPOTHESIS: In La Verdad and La Opinión newspapers, the importance of crime news has been increasing; an upward evolution that does not correspond accurately with the ups and downs of criminality in the Region of Murcia during the last 25 years, since 1990. Another point is to analyse how press treats crime news in the same way that a writer writes his novel, the dramatic development that is made in the explanation of homicides or how information responds to an informational show that tends to popularize the work of journalism committed to morbidity, influenced by television and dominated by large business groups. METHODOLOGY: On the one hand, the homicides committed are compared in a simultaneous analysis reality/media, using the statistics from The national security Forces and the Interior Ministry, with the news published in La Verdad and La Opinión in order to analyze the image the press has spreaded around and, also, if it differs from reality. To do so, a data-base is created in Excel where 364 homicides are registered in the Region of Murcia during this period of time, besides its appearance or not in the press. By using a quantitative analysis we can study if the image that the media have provided differs from the in-depth study of criminality according to the official sources. On the other hand, from the starting point of a study of the coverage of the 33 crimes that have had more media impact, we can analyze, by using a diacrhonic and longitudinal analysis, the homicide value's evolution in the press by an analysis of its treatment on the basis of variables like the distribution of the information or opinion, the space that it takes, its location on the page, the composition and language. CONCLUSION: The media start to produce this kind of information related to murders, which can be differenciated by their dramatic characteristic as they play with suspense and action, combined with morbidity, sensationalism and performance. In Murcia, crime news have grown and gained prominence, a growth that does not match with the increases and decreases of criminality during the last 25 years. That means, the image that the press has spreaded from the in-depth study made by the Interior ministry about criminality in Murcia differs in the sense of not having a cause-effect relationship between the increases and decreases of the murders and the number of news published about them. At the same time, 2000 becomes a turning point in the journalistic treatment of homicides in the Murcian daily press of general information. That year, when one of the worst crimes was committed in the history of Murcia, an under aged boy killed his parents and sister, who was also under age and suffered Down´s syndrome, and to do so he used a katana, the murder started to be a focus of attraction for both newspapers. The crime of the katana causes a new informational focus on homicides in the press of Murcia and it marks the birth of an informational paradigm.

AbstractPurposeDiabetic children experience many psychological disorders as well as behavioral problems as suggested by previous research. This study has a three‐fold goal: 1) to determine the prevalence of emotional and behavioral problems among diabetic children; 2) to examine the relationship between emotional‐behavioral problems and demographic variables; and 3) to determine the best predictors of emotional‐behavioral problems among diabetic children. Methods: To carry out this study a convenient sample consisting of 302 subjects was drawn from different pediatric clinics in Kuwait. In order to accomplish the goals of the study, the Arabic version of the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) was utilized. Results: The results suggest that although diabetic children experience some emotional‐behavioral problem, they have fine pro‐social behaviors and positive characteristics.Literature review:Diabetic children are at great risk of being inflicted with psychological dysfunction. There is a body of research revealing that diabetic children show high levels of psychiatric disorders and behavioral problems. For example, Dantzer, Swendsen, Maurice‐Tison, & Salamon (2003) report that depression is the most common psychiatric disturbance among diabetic children, following anxiety. A large body of research revealed that children with diabetes, like children with chronic illnesses, show considerable depressive symptomatology and some behavior problems, as well (Close, Davies, Price, & Goodyer, 1986; Worchel, Rae, Olson, & Crowley, 1992; Yousef, 1993). These psychological problems have a major effect on BG control—that is diabetic children with emotional problems have more difficulties in disease management than children with better psychological adjustment (Close et al, 1986; Chisholm, 2003). As for adolescents, Dantzer (2003) states that youths with a chronic illness such as diabetes are generally at high risk of depression, anxiety, and low self‐esteem. These psychosocial problems have significant impact on the process of physical, psychological, and social maturation of adolescents and their transition into adulthood (Dantzer et al, 2003). Also, Kovacs, Goldston, Obrosky, & Bonar (1997) state that their longitudinal study on 92 youths shows that after 10 years, 47.6% of the sample experience some kind of psychiatric disorder, such as major depression and generalized anxiety, with the highest rate for major depression. Concomitantly, Schiffrin (2001) notes that most psychiatric problems, such as depression and anxiety, and somatic complaints are temporary and usually resolve within six to nine months after diagnosis, however, depressive symptoms increase with duration of illness in some patients. With respect to gender, Lavigne, Traisman, Marr, & Chasnoff, (1982) note that in terms of psychological adjustment, boys had higher obsessive compulsive symptoms, hyperactivity, and aggression than non‐diabetics and that behavioral symptoms tended to increase for male diabetic patients with length of illness.In terms of intelligence, a review of the literature shows that children with diabetes often score lower than their counterparts in IQ tests (Rovet, Ehrlich, Czuchta, & Akler, 1993). In fact, children who develop diabetes early in their lives are more likely to score significantly below children with later onset and other non‐diabetic children. Moreover, the review shows that diabetic children with a duration of at least seven years usually have low IQs.In their study on 91 adolescents, Goldstone et al (1997) found that the rate of suicidal thoughts was higher than expected among them. However, the rate of suicidal attempts was equivalent to general population. They also found that suicidal thoughts were strongly associated with serious noncompliance with medical regimen.As for school performance, a study by McCarthy, Lindgren, Mengeling, Tsalikian, and Engvall (2002) shows that children with low diabetic control have lower school performance than others. They also note that diabetic children have more school absences and more behavioral problems than their siblings. Also, children with diabetes usually have poorer performance than other students especially in reading and spelling and in arithmetic (Rovet, Ehrlich, Czuchta, & Akler, 1993). Moreover, diabetic children with early‐onset are more likely to be in special education classes than other diabetic and non‐diabetic children (Rovet et al., 1993).In her study, Chisholm (2003) states that children with diabetes usually have great concerns about their illness and its effect on peer relations. Children with diabetes "find management of the regimen and disease‐related problems in the presence of non‐diabetic peers embarrassing" (Chisholm, 2003, p.347). Also, they are more likely to feel different because of their condition (Chisholm, 2003) and have the feeling of inadequacy which leads to withdrawal (Yousef, 1993).The purpose of this study is to determine the prevalence of emotional and behavioral problems among diabetic children and the relationship between those problems and the demographic variables. Therefore, it was hypothesized that 1) children with diabetes would experience a number of psychiatric disorders; 2) children with diabetes would show a number of behavioral problems; and 3) there is relationship between emotional‐behavioral problems and demographic variables.Method:A total of 302 children, age 7‐ 13, with diabetes and their parents were recruited from different diabetes centers in Kuwait. Parents were asked to participate in this study by responding to a questionnaire concerning any emotional and/or behavioral problems their children might have. Descriptive statistics were conducted to describe the sample and find the means, standard deviations, and range of scores. Also, univariate, bivariate and multivariate analysis were employed to find relationships among variables.Instrument:The Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) is a brief behavioral screening questionnaire that can be completed in 5 minutes by the parents or teachers of children aged 4 to 16; there is a self‐report version for 11–16 year olds.SDQ is a three‐point scale; Not True, Somewhat True, and Certainly True. It asks about 25 attributes, some positive and others negative. These 25 items comprise 5 subscales:

Emotional symptoms (5 items such as: worried, unhappy child, easily scared)
Conduct problems (5 items such as: fights with others, lies and cheats, steals from home or school)
Hyperactivity/inattention (5 items such as: moves his body, easily distracted, cannot stay still for long)
Peer relationship problems (5 items such as: loneliness, liked by other children, has at least one good friend)
Pro‐social behavior (5 items such as: considerate of other people's feelings, helpful, kind to younger children).

A total difficulty score is calculated by summing the first four subscales and exclude the pro‐social behavior subscale. Usually, the scores range from 0–40. Scores are classified in three categories: normal (0–13), borderline (14–16), and abnormal (17–40). For the prosocial behavior subscale, the scores can be interpreted according to: normal (6–10), borderline (5), and abnormal (0–4).Validity and reliability of the scale:In one study, the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ), was administered, along with Rutter questionnaires, to parents and teachers of 403 children drawn from dental and psychiatric clinics (Goodman, 1997). It was found that scores derived from the SDQ and Rutter questionnaires were highly correlated; parent‐teacher correlations for the two sets of measures were comparable or favored the SDQ. Also, the two sets of measures did not differ in their ability to discriminate between psychiatric and dental clinic attendees. In another study by Goodman & Scott (1999), scores from the SDQ and CBCL were highly correlated and equally able to discriminate psychiatric from dental cases. As judged against a semi‐structured interview, the SDQ was significantly better than the CBCL at detecting inattention and hyperactivity, and at least as good at detecting internalising and externalising problems.As for reliability, Goodman (2001) conducted a study on a nationwide epidemiological sample of 10,438 British 5–15 year olds. It was found that reliability was generally satisfactory, whether judged by internal consistency (mean Cronbach's alpha: 0.73), cross‐informant correlation (mean: 0.34), or retest stability after 4–6 months (mean: 0.62).In another study, Muris, Meesters, & Berg (2003) conducted a study on a large sample of normal Dutch children and adolescents (N = 562) and their parents who completed the SDQ along with a number of other psychopathology measures. Factor analysis of the SDQ yielded five factors that were in keeping with the hypothesized subscales of hyperactivity‐inattention, emotional symptoms, peer problems, conduct problems, and pro‐social behavior. Moreover, internal consistency, test‐retest stability, and parent‐youth agreement of the various SDQ scales were acceptable.Using a large community sample (n=1359) of young Australian children (4–9 years), Hawes & Dadds (2004) assessed the internal consistency, stability and external validity of the parent‐report SDQ. Their study showed moderate to strong internal reliability across all SDQ subscales. Support was also found for the original five‐factor structure of the measure.In this study, the Arabic version of the SDQ was utilized. A validation study by Almaqrami and Shuwail (2004) suggest that the Arabic version of the SRQ of SDQ is valid in Yemen; and it can be a useful tool for investigating childhood behavioral and emotional disorders at clinical settings. Also, a reliability test of the Arabic version of the SDQ was conducted for this study and showed a Chronbach's alpha of 0.72.In conclusion, the reliability and validity of the SDQ make it a useful brief measure of the adjustment and psychopathology of children and youth.Demographic information included: Nationality, Respondent gender, Child gender, Respondent age, Child age, Respondent education, Child education, family income, years of having diabetes, Does any of parents have diabetes?, Number of siblings who have diabetes, Number of times the child entered the hospital, Hemoglobin, and type of diabetes.