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The success of the industrial action in August 1980 opened a pathway for an actual change in a political system. It enabled, among other things, new resolutions in economics, which could replace the economy of shortage associated with "real socialism" with a system that combines economic effectiveness with social justice. From this standpoint, the intense debate of the 1980s, largely forgotten today, in which two competitive political orientations clashed, was a key moment. The arena of this clash was not the political scene, still blocked at that time, but the official and underground papers and brochures, along with public declarations and policy papers of the subjects engaged in the political game, enabling the exchange of views, oftentimes conflicting and opposing. Today's social crisis, a serious decrease in trust for the state and its leadership certainly has structural origins and it raises the question whether the road we took at that time was the right choice. The aim of this text is to present briefly the stances taken in the debate of that time. History has definitely moved forward. However, some of the ideas and solutions which were underscored in the disputes and polemics of the 1980s reappear in a new shape, becoming a part of an attempt to define the underlying causes and mechanisms of the social and political crisis in today's Poland.

The issue of re-nationalization (disintegration and fragmentation) of integration process is manifested by the will of some of the Member States to verify their relations with the European Union. In the age of an economic crisis of the EU and in relation to the large migration of the population, there has emerged strong social and political criticism, on the European level, of the integration process, with some Member States even consideringtheir withdrawal from the EU. In those States, demands forextending the Member States' competences in the field of some EU policies are becoming more and more popular. The legal effects of the above-mentioned processes are visible in the free movements of the internal market, mainly within the free movement of persons. Therefore, there are problems, such as increased social dumping process, the need to retain the output of the European labour law, the issue of the so-called social tourism, erosion of the meaning of the EU citizenship and the principle of equal treatment. ; The issue of re-nationalization (disintegration and fragmentation) of integration process is manifested by the will of some of the Member States to verify their relations with the European Union. In the age of an economic crisis of the EU and in relation to the large migration of the population, there has emerged strong social and political criticism, on the European level, of the integration process, with some Member States even consideringtheir withdrawal from the EU. In those States, demands forextending the Member States' competences in the field of some EU policies are becoming more and more popular. The legal effects of the above-mentioned processes are visible in the free movements of the internal market, mainly within the free movement of persons. Therefore, there are problems, such as increased social dumping process, the need to retain the output of the European labour law, the issue of the so-called social tourism, erosion of the meaning of the EU citizenship and the principle of equal treatment.

Refleksja nad historią stabilizacji krajów, które przeżyły poważne konflikty zbrojne, może być istotna w rozważaniach na temat szans stabilizacji współczesnych obszarów pokonfliktowych. Kanada znajduje się w kolejnej fazie formowania narodowej tożsamości, która polega na poszukiwaniu własnego odpowiednika amerykańskiej religii obywatelskiej (civil religion). Obecnie podejmowane w dyskursie politycznym próby (re)konstrukcji tożsamościowej społeczeństwa kanadyjskiego mają na celu utrwalenie konsensusu co do trwałości ustroju federalnego i stabilności społecznej. Próby te z jednej strony oparte są na dekonstrukcji tożsamości etnicznej (jako nieistotnej w nowoczesnym społeczeństwie zglobalizowanego świata), z drugiej natomiast – na promowanych prze elity polityczne ideach nacjonalizmu politycznego i ekspansjonizmu w Arktyce. Kanadę postrzegać trzeba zatem nie jako "państwo narodowe" ani "naród upaństwowiony", lecz wciąż jako "państwo znajdujące się w procesie unarodowienia". ; The reflection on the history of stabilization of countries that have experienced serious armed conflicts may be inspiring to consider the chances of stabilization of modern post-conflict areas. Canada is in the next phase of forming a national identity, which consists of searching for its own counterpart of the American civil religion. The current attempts at identity reconstruction of Canadian society in the political discourse are aimed at consolidating the consensus on the permanence of the federal system and social stability. These attempts are based, on the one hand, on the deconstruction of ethnic identity as unimportant in the modern society of the globalized world. On the other hand, political elites promote the ideas of political nationalism and expansionism in the Arctic. Therefore, Canada must be perceived not as a "national state" nor "nation nationalized", but still as a "nation in the process of nationalization".

The presence of oil is a major distinguishing feature of the Middle East on a global scale. The countries of the region (especially the subregion of the Persian Gulf), which have oil at their disposal, influence the politics of superpowers, not only toward this part of the world. In the 20th century, oil became an effective instrument of politics toward countries which are the greatest consumers of oil, but are not self-sufficient in this respect. The first half of the 20th century was marked by competition for its largest resources and making the oil-producing countries dependent on policies of great oil concerns. It was also the time of the leading role of the oil cartel of "seven sisters". The second half of the 20th century brought a fundamental change in the balance of power in global and regional oil politics. It involved: a growing awareness among governments and societies in oil-exporting countries of how significant oil is as a tool of effective international politics, gradual nationalization of Western associations in control of oil exploration, a change in the formula of distribution of profits from oil exploration and import among oil associations and governments of the oil-producing countries in favor of the latter, and the foundation of OPEC as an effective subject comprising major oil-exporting countries. In the perception of the United States, providing the US with free access to oil resources in the Middle East when the bilateral agreement was binding and after its dissolution, became a primary goal of politics in this part of the world of successive American administrations. A factor permanently shaping the United States' politics in the Middle East was ensuring the US secure energy.

Educational practices became the important factor of the genesis and implementation of national projects during the 19th century. They were notonly a channel of dissemination of modern consciousness but also a key factor of resistance against the attempts to impose the imperial consciousness and slow down the process of national consolidation of the peoples who had not developed their own sense of nationhood. In the absence of conditions for legal national and political work, educational activities were very often the only available means of nationalization of consciousness and preservation of national and cultural identity. On the other hand, under the conditions of modern society genesis the sphere of education became the arena of the most fierce struggle for «souls and consciousness», that is why in the middle of the 19th century the government of the Russian Empire took decisive steps to form the state educational system and maintain control over this part of public life. Analysis of the peculiarities of the influence of educational practices on the implementation of the Polish national project, on the one hand, and the necessity to study organizational forms and activities of Polish educational establishments in the territory of Western Ukraine during the 19th century, on the other hand, determined the topicality of the problem. ; W artykule poddano analizie wyjątkowe cechy formułowania polskiego programu narodowego na ziemiach ukraińskich w XIX wieku; określone czynniki jego transformacji. Szczególna uwaga autora skupia się na badaniu działalności dydaktycznej polskich inteligentów i mecenasów Prawobrzeża, która stała się zaczątkiem genezy świadomości narodowej współczesnego społeczeństwa. Dowiedziono, że ważnym czynnikiem realizacji polskich programów dydaktycznych było formułowanie imperialistycznej doktryny edukacyjnej, która z kolei, była skutecznym środkiem rusyfikacji w 2. połowie XIX w. Autor doszedł do wniosku, żeimperialistyczny system kształcenia był skierowany na integrację ludności Naddnieprza z narodowym rosyjskim programem, w celu unicestwienia wszelkich różnic narodowościowych, które utrudniały jego formułowanie. ; У статті проаналізовано особливості формування польського національного проекту на українських теренах упродовж ХІХ ст., визначено чинники його трансформації. Особливу увагу автор приділив дослідженню освітянської діяльності польських інтелектуалів та меценатів Правобережжя, що сприяла генезису національної свідомості модерного суспільства. Встановлено, що важливим чинником реалізації польських освітніх проектів було формування імперської освітянської доктрини, яка, в свою чергу, виступала потужним засобом русифікації упродовж другої половини ХІХ ст. Автор дійшов висновку, що імперська система освіти мала на меті інтегрувати населення Наддніпрянщини до російського національного проекту, знищивши будь-які національні відмінності, що перешкоджали його формуванню.

The underdeveloped countries which are rich in oil resources are putting up a fight against the exploitation policy of the world oil cartel. The body which is representing their interests is the OPEC organisation (Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries). The setting up of this organisation was in fact a response of the oil producing countries to the successive reduction of the information price. OPEC is thus meant to constitute a kind of counterbalance to the world cartel, which is getting most of its crude oil on the territories of the OPEC countries. OPEC represents all Arab countries of the Near East, Venezuela, Indonesia, Libya. In the negotiations with the world cartel the OPEC brings forward numerous postulates. Some of them constitute subjects of this summary. One of the most important and complicated item are the information prices which serve as a basis for computing the royalties due to the governments of the oil producing countries. The next problem evolves around the regulation of the size of crude oil production. There are also some other problems, e.g. the problem of separating the concession fees from the income tax, the problem of raising the concession fees to 20 per cent of the information price or last but not least the problem of fixing a new proportion of dividing the profits on the 70 : 30 basis. The fight put up by OPEC by exclusively economic means — has no good prospects of success. The best way out of the difficulties seems to be the formation of native capital which would undertake the business of oil extraction and oil distribution. The fight with the world cartel is difficult because of .the political weakness of the oil countries, the anxiety concerning the oil distribution (the world's distribution network is mostly in the hands of the cartel) and the lack of native skilled labour. The attempts to nationalize the oil industry have taken place only in a few countries — they constituted, however, a bold example to the other oil producing countries. Lately the nationalization trend slackened somehow, on the other hand the formation of regional groupings are getting popular. There are at present two such organisations: ARPEL — the Organisation of State Oil Enterprises in Latin American Countries and APO — The Arab Oil Organisation. Of course the mere setting up of new organisations does not yet mean the end of the World Cartel — it does mean, however, that the times where it could control unconditionally the oil resources are definitely over. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016