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This article uses a representative sample of elections held in 80 countries (1992–2012) for a statistical analysis of societal and institutional factors of party system nationalization. The analysis demonstrates that high degrees of political decentralization, such as in federations and devolved states, exert a strong negative effect on party system nationalization. However, in the long-term federalism can accommodate highly nationalized party systems. Another factor that strongly contributes to party system nationalization is a high quality of democracy. The degrees to which different varieties of electoral rules support party system nationalization are associated with a lack of incentives for cultivating the personal vote. Countries with large populations and societies divided along linguistic and/or religious lines tend to have party systems that are less nationalized, but these factors are not as important as institutional determinants. The impact of some of the factors is mitigated by party system fragmentation.

The conceptual meaning of and the empirical evidence for the nationalization of the American electorate is explored. Two conceptually distinct dimensions of nationalization are identified: nationlization in terms of a convergence in the level of partisan support across geographical subunits of the electorate, and nationalization in terms of a uniformity of response by geographical units to political forces. Empirical estimates for both types of nationalization are derived for the American electorate for the period from 1842 to 1970. Unlike previous scholars, we find no trend toward increasing nationalization of the vote. Possible reasons for this lack of nationalization of the vote are suggested.

"In spite of the gains made by work-people in their conditions of employment and the increase in the power and influence of the unions, there does not seem to have been a commensurate improvement in the climate of industrial relations. There is in every nationalized industry a feeling among rank and file workers that no fundamental change has occurred. The behaviour pattern of the unions does not appear to be significantly different from what it was under private en terprise, and many observers are disappointed at what seems to them to be the failure of the unions to grasp their opportunity to contribute towards making nationalization a success."—B. C. Roberts, "Trade Unions and Nationalization," Progress, Winter, 1954-55.

Legislative scholars have investigated both the growth in the incumbency advantage since the early 1970s and its decline in recent decades, but there are several unanswered questions about this phenomenon. In this paper, we examine the incumbency advantage across a much wider swath of history to better understand its connection with changing levels of electoral nationalization. Based on an analysis of U.S. House elections extending back to the antebellum era, we find that the incumbency advantage fluctuates in predictable ways over time with changes in nationalization, which can be a product of both institutional and political conditions. We also demonstrate that the increased influence of local forces in congressional elections may not be strictly necessary nor sufficient for the existence of an incumbency advantage.

Nationalization of industry undertaken by the Mitterand regime has expanded the national sector of France's economy to 25% of total business activity; within this context, the lack of comprehensive, coherent economic policy constitutes the most serious problem of the new government. Beyond a need for planning, there is a corresponding need for reflection on the proper goals of a socialist-run economy. The nature of the firm in a nationalized economy is explored, & it is asked whether nationalizing monopolies & directly controlling key sectors of the economy are not obsolete concepts; nationalizing the "chiefs" is considered in this context. Traditional justifications for nationalization are found inadequate, & it is suggested that, rather than proceeding with nationalization & centralized planning based on a manager-specialist-directed model of economic life, the Socialist Party should reexamine the fundmental organization of work itself & take on the challenge of evaluating the possibility of autogestion -- a self-managed economy that would restructure power/property relations at the base. J. Weber.

Stem cell research and synthetic biology offer complementary insights on the nature of scientific governance in China. Stem cells were essentially promoted by top-down semi-governmental initiatives. Yet it was through a process of 'de-nationalization' (in which a diversity of cross-border communications initiated by scientists effaced the dominance of a singular national voice) that China's stem cell research gained global recognition. Meanwhile, the emergence of synthetic biology has shown a reverse pathway. While many 'Chinese' synthetic biology projects are primarily associated with international programs, this 'de-nationalized' start did not lead to an abandonment of a national agenda. Rather, synthetic biology in China has been transformed into a grassroots proposition of a 'Big Question' approach, which in effect creates a 're-nationalization' by bringing synergy among domestic experts. Chinese stakeholders' experience seems to indicate that scientific development is steered by a (cosmopolitan) practicality, which has lead to a bottom-up instrumentalization of the nation-state. ; La recherche sur les cellules souche et en biologie synthétique offre des perspectives complémentaires sur la nature de la politique scientifique en Chine. Les cellules souche ont été essentiellement promues par des initiatives semi-gouvernementales du haut vers le bas. Cependant, c'est à travers un processus de " dénationalisation " (dans laquelle des communications transfrontières diverses initiées par des scientifiques effacent la domination d'une voix nationale unique) que la recherche chinoise sur les cellules souche a obtenu une reconnaissance globale. Simultanément, l'émergence de la biologie synthétique a montré une trajectoire inverse. Alors que de nombreux projets " chinois " en biologie synthétique sont associés au premier chef à des programmes internationaux, cette première étape " dénationalisée " n'a pas mené à un abandon de l'agenda national. Au contraire, la biologie synthétique en Chine a été transformée en une ...

Stem cell research and synthetic biology offer complementary insights on the nature of scientific governance in China. Stem cells were essentially promoted by top-down semi-governmental initiatives. Yet it was through a process of 'de-nationalization' (in which a diversity of cross-border communications initiated by scientists effaced the dominance of a singular national voice) that China's stem cell research gained global recognition. Meanwhile, the emergence of synthetic biology has shown a reverse pathway. While many 'Chinese' synthetic biology projects are primarily associated with international programs, this 'de-nationalized' start did not lead to an abandonment of a national agenda. Rather, synthetic biology in China has been transformed into a grassroots proposition of a 'Big Question' approach, which in effect creates a 're-nationalization' by bringing synergy among domestic experts. Chinese stakeholders' experience seems to indicate that scientific development is steered by a (cosmopolitan) practicality, which has lead to a bottom-up instrumentalization of the nation-state. ; La recherche sur les cellules souche et en biologie synthétique offre des perspectives complémentaires sur la nature de la politique scientifique en Chine. Les cellules souche ont été essentiellement promues par des initiatives semi-gouvernementales du haut vers le bas. Cependant, c'est à travers un processus de " dénationalisation " (dans laquelle des communications transfrontières diverses initiées par des scientifiques effacent la domination d'une voix nationale unique) que la recherche chinoise sur les cellules souche a obtenu une reconnaissance globale. Simultanément, l'émergence de la biologie synthétique a montré une trajectoire inverse. Alors que de nombreux projets " chinois " en biologie synthétique sont associés au premier chef à des programmes internationaux, cette première étape " dénationalisée " n'a pas mené à un abandon de l'agenda national. Au contraire, la biologie synthétique en Chine a été transformée en une ...

Stem cell research and synthetic biology offer complementary insights on the nature of scientific governance in China. Stem cells were essentially promoted by top-down semi-governmental initiatives. Yet it was through a process of 'de-nationalization' (in which a diversity of cross-border communications initiated by scientists effaced the dominance of a singular national voice) that China's stem cell research gained global recognition. Meanwhile, the emergence of synthetic biology has shown a reverse pathway. While many 'Chinese' synthetic biology projects are primarily associated with international programs, this 'de-nationalized' start did not lead to an abandonment of a national agenda. Rather, synthetic biology in China has been transformed into a grassroots proposition of a 'Big Question' approach, which in effect creates a 're-nationalization' by bringing synergy among domestic experts. Chinese stakeholders' experience seems to indicate that scientific development is steered by a (cosmopolitan) practicality, which has lead to a bottom-up instrumentalization of the nation-state. ; La recherche sur les cellules souche et en biologie synthétique offre des perspectives complémentaires sur la nature de la politique scientifique en Chine. Les cellules souche ont été essentiellement promues par des initiatives semi-gouvernementales du haut vers le bas. Cependant, c'est à travers un processus de " dénationalisation " (dans laquelle des communications transfrontières diverses initiées par des scientifiques effacent la domination d'une voix nationale unique) que la recherche chinoise sur les cellules souche a obtenu une reconnaissance globale. Simultanément, l'émergence de la biologie synthétique a montré une trajectoire inverse. Alors que de nombreux projets " chinois " en biologie synthétique sont associés au premier chef à des programmes internationaux, cette première étape " dénationalisée " n'a pas mené à un abandon de l'agenda national. Au contraire, la biologie synthétique en Chine a été transformée en une ...