Suchergebnisse

Manuscrit terminé en juillet 2004 ; Vorstellung des Themas: Die von Prälat Adam Franz Lennig 1848 zur Verteidigung der Religionsfreiheit gegründeten Katholikentage sollten anfangs lediglich die Vertreter der wichtigsten katholischen Verbände sowie bedeutende Persönlichkeiten versammeln. Im Laufe der darauf folgenden zwanzig Jahre spielten sie eine zentrale Rolle bei der politischen Mobilisierung der Gläubigen. Der preußische Kulturkampf festigte die Bande zwischen dem im Jahre 1870 gegründeten Zentrum und den Katholikentagen, die sich allmählich zu dessen offiziellem Parteitag entwickelten. Gegen 1900 wurden sie dann zu Massenveranstaltungen mit mehreren tausend Teilnehmern, die die Solidarität der Bevölkerung mit der höheren Geistlichkeit einerseits und der Spitze des Zentrums andererseits demonstrieren sollten. Nach einer achtjährigen Unterbrechung wurde 1921 der erste nationale Katholikentag nach dem Krieg in Frankfurt am Main abgehalten. Danach wurden die Kongresse bis 1933 wieder regelmäßig jedes Jahr durchgeführt (außer 1923). In der Weimarer Republik waren die Kongresse die größten Massenveranstaltungen, die regelmäßig stattfanden: 1932 nahmen in Essen etwa 250.000 Katholiken an dem Festgottesdienst teil. Ihr Einfluss ging sogar, dank der Unterstützung durch die Geistlichkeit auf lokaler und nationaler Ebene, durch das Netz der katholischen Vereine sowie dank der Berichterstattung in der Presse erheblich über die zahlenmäßige Bedeutung hinaus. Aktueller Stand der Forschung und Problemstellung: Während das Zentrum bereits Gegenstand zahlreicher Monographien war, wurden die Katholikentage durch die Historiker vernachlässigt. Die wenigen Artikel, die sich mit dieser Frage beschäftigen, behandeln nur die Zeit vor dem Ersten oder nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg. Dabei wird der demokratische Charakter der Kongresse, die als Vorläufer der von Konrad Adenauer nach 1945 verkörperten Christdemokratie gelten, hervorgehoben. Ziel meiner Dissertation ist es, die Ambivalenzen, welche mit der offiziellen Entpolitisierung der Katholikentage in der Weimarer Republik verbunden waren, aufzuzeigen. Sie hinterfragt die Interpretation, wonach in Europa die autoritären Regime zwischen den Kriegen keine Anziehungskraft auf die deutschen Katholiken, und zwar weder auf die Eliten noch auf den Rest der Bevölkerung, ausübten. Verwendete Archive und Quellen: Zunächst analysierte ich die veröffentlichten Protokolle der Katholikentage, die offiziellen Quellen. In einem zweiten Schritt wertete ich (ergänzend) die Nachlässe der wichtigsten Führungspersönlichkeiten der Kongresse und katholischen Vereine aus. Das Zentralkomitee verfügt für die Zeit vor 1952 über keine Dokumente. Daher musste ich mich auf Quellen in den bischöflichen und städtischen Archiven der Orte, in denen zwischen 1921 und 1933 ein Kongress stattfand, stützen. Insgesamt wurden für die Arbeit Dokumente aus 42 Archiven ausgewertet. Gliederung der Dissertation: Die Dissertation gliedert sich in drei Teile. Im ersten Teil werden die Wiederaufnahme der Kongresse nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg, ihre Organisation, Finanzierung und die Art der zeremoniellen Gestaltung analysiert. Im zweiten Teil werden Inhalt und Tenor der zwischen 1921 und 1924 gehaltenen Reden untersucht. Der dritte Teil beschäftigt sich mit den Aussagen der Redner zwischen 1925 und 1932. Zusammenfassung: In den zwanziger Jahren trugen der Episkopat und Alois zu Löwenstein, seit 1920 an der Spitze des Zentralkomitees mit der Organisation der Kongresse betraut, durch die Katholikentage gegen ihren Willen zur Konsolidierung des republikanischen Systems bei, indem sie die Errungenschaften für die katholischen Minderheit durch die Weimarer Verfassung bewahren und ausweiten wollten. Die Aussagen vieler Redner gegen die Wirtschafts-, Sozial- und Kulturpolitik der Regierung waren allerdings eine kaum verhüllte Kritik des Zentrums. Durch die verwendete Symbolik wurde der Transzendenz in der Politik eine zentrale Stellung eingeräumt. Diese Symbolik stellte ein universales System der Interpretation der Welt vor, die nach dem Absoluten strebte, und brach damit mit dem republikanischen Pluralismus: Die Einheit sollte in Christus verwirklicht werden und nicht auf dem Wege des Konsens. In der Praxis gab es jedoch keine Opposition. Bei den Kongressen bemühte man sich, wie schon vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg, das Bild der Einheit zu wahren. Um diese Einheit aufrecht zu erhalten, unterstrichen die meisten Redner die Bedeutung der Wahrung der christlichen Werte. Zu Beginn der dreißiger Jahre half diese Haltung ihnen einerseits sich gegen die Verführung durch die Nationalsozialisten zu wehren. Andererseits hinderte sie sie daran, sich dauerhaft mit anderen politischen Kräften, insbesondere den Sozialisten, zu verbünden, um die Nationalsozialisten wirksam zu bekämpfen. My Ph.D. thesis, Les catholiques allemands et la République de Weimar: les Katholikentage, 1919 – 1932, is about the Catholic Congresses (Katholikentage) during the Weimar Republic. These unique congresses, which have been neglected by historians, gathered together both laic and clerical forces within the German Catholic Church and were held annually from 1848 throughout Germany. The Catholic Congresses' ecclesiastical and political functions were intended to demonstrate Catholic power and present specific demands to the State. During the Weimar Republic, the organization of the Catholic Congresses depended on the balance of power between laity and clergy, national and local leaders, the Centre Party and other political trends and finally between the various Catholic associations representing different social and economic groups. The Catholic Congresses were thus an exceptional means of assessing the mentality of German Catholics during this era. In my thesis, I shed light on the internal character of German Catholic life as well as its interaction with the political and economic crises, which led to the rise of Nazism. My aim was to answer the following major questions: How did German Catholic leaders view themselves, the laity, the Protestants, and the State? What did German Catholics think about the rapid industrialization of their country, about liberalism and communism, modern values, and democracy? How far did German Catholics follow the political and social teachings of the Papacy? In comparison to right-wing and left-wing extremists, how different or similar were the ideas of German Catholics? ; Fondés en 1848 à Mayence par un ecclésiastique, Mgr Adam Franz Lennig, afin de défendre les libertés religieuses, les Katholikentage – littéralement « Congrès des Catholiques » ou « Journées des Catholiques » – rassemblaient à l'origine les représentants des principales associations catholiques et des personnalités en vue. Au cours des quelque vingt années suivantes, ils jouèrent un rôle majeur dans la mobilisation politique des laïcs. Le Kulturkampf prussien (1872-1878) resserra les liens entre le Zentrum, créé en 1870, et les Katholikentage qui firent progressivement office de congrès annuel du parti. Vers 1900, ils devinrent des assemblées de masse groupant plusieurs dizaines de milliers de participants dans le but de démontrer la solidarité des populations à la fois avec la hiérarchie ecclésiastique et avec les dirigeants du Zentrum. Après une interruption de huit ans, Francfort-sur-le-Main accueillit en 1921 le premier Katholikentag national d'après-guerre et inaugura la reprise des Congrès, organisés ensuite annuellement jusqu'en 1933, à l'exception du Katholikentag prévu en 1923 à Cologne et interdit par les forces d'occupation. Sous la République de Weimar, les Congrès furent les plus grandes assemblées de masse ayant lieu régulièrement : 250.000 personnes assistèrent à la messe dominicale de celui d'Essen, en 1932. Leur influence dépassa largement le nombre de participants, grâce au soutien du clergé au niveau local et national, ainsi qu'à celui du réseau d'associations catholiques et à la presse. Alors que le Zentrum a fait l'objet de nombreuses monographies, les Katholikentage ont été jusqu'à présent négligés par les historiens. Les quelques articles consacrés à la question ne retiennent souvent que la période antérieure à 1914 ou celle postérieure à la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Ils mettent en avant le caractère démocratique des Congrès considérés comme les précurseurs de la Démocratie chrétienne incarnée par Konrad Adenauer après 1945. L'un des objectifs de cette thèse est de montrer les ambiguïtés liées à la dépolitisation officielle des Katholikentage sous la République de Weimar, période qui a été jusque-là soigneusement ignorée. Elle cherche à vérifier entre autre l'interprétation selon laquelle la séduction exercée par les régimes autoritaires sur les élites et les populations notamment européennes pendant la période de l'entre-deux-guerres n'aurait pas influencé les catholiques allemands avant le 30 janvier 1933. Les comptes rendus publiés des Katholikentage sont des sources officielles qui ont constitué la première étape de mon travail. Celui-ci a ensuite été complété par les archives privées des principaux dirigeants des Congrès et des associations catholiques. Comme le Comité central ne possède aucun fonds pour la période antérieure à 1952, j'ai dû rassembler des sources réparties dans les archives ecclésiastiques et civiles de chacune des villes où un Congrès a été organisé entre 1921 et 1933. Au total, 42 fonds d'archives différents ont été consultés. La thèse est divisée en trois parties. La première a pour objet d'analyser la reprise des Congrès au lendemain de la Première Guerre mondiale, leur organisation, leur financement et la nature de leur cérémonial. La seconde partie étudie le contenu et l'esprit des discours tenus aux Katholikentage de Francfort-sur-le-Main en 1921, de Munich en 1922 et de Hanovre en 1924. La troisième partie est consacrée aux messages délivrés par les conférenciers à partir du Katholikentag de Stuttgart en 1925 jusqu'au Katholikentag d'Essen en 1932. Pendant les années vingt, aux Katholikentage, l'épiscopat et le prince Alois zu Löwenstein, à la tête du Comité central chargé de l'organisation des Congrès, contribuèrent contre leur gré à la consolidation du système républicain car ils cherchèrent avant tout à préserver et à étendre les acquis obtenus par la minorité catholique grâce à la Constitution de Weimar. Certes, les propos tenus par de nombreux conférenciers contre la politique économique, sociale et culturelle du gouvernement étaient des critiques à peine voilées du Zentrum. De plus, la symbolique utilisée accordait une place centrale à la transcendance en politique. Elle proposait un système global d'interprétation du monde tendant vers l'absolu, en rupture avec le pluralisme républicain : l'unité était à réaliser en Christ et non sur le terrain du consensus. Cependant, cette opposition ne s'incarna pas dans la pratique car les Congrès s'efforcèrent de préserver l'image de l'unité comme ils l'avaient fait avant la Première Guerre mondiale. Pour préserver cette unité, la plupart des intervenants aux Katholikentage adoptèrent une attitude de repli, arc-boutés sur la défense des valeurs chrétiennes. En un sens, cette attitude les protégea au début des années trente de la séduction exercée sur beaucoup par les nationaux-socialistes. Toutefois, elle les empêcha de s'allier durablement à d'autres forces politiques, en particulier aux socialistes, pour lutter efficacement contre les nationaux-socialistes.

Manuscrit terminé en juillet 2004 ; Vorstellung des Themas: Die von Prälat Adam Franz Lennig 1848 zur Verteidigung der Religionsfreiheit gegründeten Katholikentage sollten anfangs lediglich die Vertreter der wichtigsten katholischen Verbände sowie bedeutende Persönlichkeiten versammeln. Im Laufe der darauf folgenden zwanzig Jahre spielten sie eine zentrale Rolle bei der politischen Mobilisierung der Gläubigen. Der preußische Kulturkampf festigte die Bande zwischen dem im Jahre 1870 gegründeten Zentrum und den Katholikentagen, die sich allmählich zu dessen offiziellem Parteitag entwickelten. Gegen 1900 wurden sie dann zu Massenveranstaltungen mit mehreren tausend Teilnehmern, die die Solidarität der Bevölkerung mit der höheren Geistlichkeit einerseits und der Spitze des Zentrums andererseits demonstrieren sollten. Nach einer achtjährigen Unterbrechung wurde 1921 der erste nationale Katholikentag nach dem Krieg in Frankfurt am Main abgehalten. Danach wurden die Kongresse bis 1933 wieder regelmäßig jedes Jahr durchgeführt (außer 1923). In der Weimarer Republik waren die Kongresse die größten Massenveranstaltungen, die regelmäßig stattfanden: 1932 nahmen in Essen etwa 250.000 Katholiken an dem Festgottesdienst teil. Ihr Einfluss ging sogar, dank der Unterstützung durch die Geistlichkeit auf lokaler und nationaler Ebene, durch das Netz der katholischen Vereine sowie dank der Berichterstattung in der Presse erheblich über die zahlenmäßige Bedeutung hinaus. Aktueller Stand der Forschung und Problemstellung: Während das Zentrum bereits Gegenstand zahlreicher Monographien war, wurden die Katholikentage durch die Historiker vernachlässigt. Die wenigen Artikel, die sich mit dieser Frage beschäftigen, behandeln nur die Zeit vor dem Ersten oder nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg. Dabei wird der demokratische Charakter der Kongresse, die als Vorläufer der von Konrad Adenauer nach 1945 verkörperten Christdemokratie gelten, hervorgehoben. Ziel meiner Dissertation ist es, die Ambivalenzen, welche mit der offiziellen Entpolitisierung der Katholikentage in der Weimarer Republik verbunden waren, aufzuzeigen. Sie hinterfragt die Interpretation, wonach in Europa die autoritären Regime zwischen den Kriegen keine Anziehungskraft auf die deutschen Katholiken, und zwar weder auf die Eliten noch auf den Rest der Bevölkerung, ausübten. Verwendete Archive und Quellen: Zunächst analysierte ich die veröffentlichten Protokolle der Katholikentage, die offiziellen Quellen. In einem zweiten Schritt wertete ich (ergänzend) die Nachlässe der wichtigsten Führungspersönlichkeiten der Kongresse und katholischen Vereine aus. Das Zentralkomitee verfügt für die Zeit vor 1952 über keine Dokumente. Daher musste ich mich auf Quellen in den bischöflichen und städtischen Archiven der Orte, in denen zwischen 1921 und 1933 ein Kongress stattfand, stützen. Insgesamt wurden für die Arbeit Dokumente aus 42 Archiven ausgewertet. Gliederung der Dissertation: Die Dissertation gliedert sich in drei Teile. Im ersten Teil werden die Wiederaufnahme der Kongresse nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg, ihre Organisation, Finanzierung und die Art der zeremoniellen Gestaltung analysiert. Im zweiten Teil werden Inhalt und Tenor der zwischen 1921 und 1924 gehaltenen Reden untersucht. Der dritte Teil beschäftigt sich mit den Aussagen der Redner zwischen 1925 und 1932. Zusammenfassung: In den zwanziger Jahren trugen der Episkopat und Alois zu Löwenstein, seit 1920 an der Spitze des Zentralkomitees mit der Organisation der Kongresse betraut, durch die Katholikentage gegen ihren Willen zur Konsolidierung des republikanischen Systems bei, indem sie die Errungenschaften für die katholischen Minderheit durch die Weimarer Verfassung bewahren und ausweiten wollten. Die Aussagen vieler Redner gegen die Wirtschafts-, Sozial- und Kulturpolitik der Regierung waren allerdings eine kaum verhüllte Kritik des Zentrums. Durch die verwendete Symbolik wurde der Transzendenz in der Politik eine zentrale Stellung eingeräumt. Diese Symbolik stellte ein universales System der Interpretation der Welt vor, die nach dem Absoluten strebte, und brach damit mit dem republikanischen Pluralismus: Die Einheit sollte in Christus verwirklicht werden und nicht auf dem Wege des Konsens. In der Praxis gab es jedoch keine Opposition. Bei den Kongressen bemühte man sich, wie schon vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg, das Bild der Einheit zu wahren. Um diese Einheit aufrecht zu erhalten, unterstrichen die meisten Redner die Bedeutung der Wahrung der christlichen Werte. Zu Beginn der dreißiger Jahre half diese Haltung ihnen einerseits sich gegen die Verführung durch die Nationalsozialisten zu wehren. Andererseits hinderte sie sie daran, sich dauerhaft mit anderen politischen Kräften, insbesondere den Sozialisten, zu verbünden, um die Nationalsozialisten wirksam zu bekämpfen. My Ph.D. thesis, Les catholiques allemands et la République de Weimar: les Katholikentage, 1919 – 1932, is about the Catholic Congresses (Katholikentage) during the Weimar Republic. These unique congresses, which have been neglected by historians, gathered together both laic and clerical forces within the German Catholic Church and were held annually from 1848 throughout Germany. The Catholic Congresses' ecclesiastical and political functions were intended to demonstrate Catholic power and present specific demands to the State. During the Weimar Republic, the organization of the Catholic Congresses depended on the balance of power between laity and clergy, national and local leaders, the Centre Party and other political trends and finally between the various Catholic associations representing different social and economic groups. The Catholic Congresses were thus an exceptional means of assessing the mentality of German Catholics during this era. In my thesis, I shed light on the internal character of German Catholic life as well as its interaction with the political and economic crises, which led to the rise of Nazism. My aim was to answer the following major questions: How did German Catholic leaders view themselves, the laity, the Protestants, and the State? What did German Catholics think about the rapid industrialization of their country, about liberalism and communism, modern values, and democracy? How far did German Catholics follow the political and social teachings of the Papacy? In comparison to right-wing and left-wing extremists, how different or similar were the ideas of German Catholics? ; Fondés en 1848 à Mayence par un ecclésiastique, Mgr Adam Franz Lennig, afin de défendre les libertés religieuses, les Katholikentage – littéralement « Congrès des Catholiques » ou « Journées des Catholiques » – rassemblaient à l'origine les représentants des principales associations catholiques et des personnalités en vue. Au cours des quelque vingt années suivantes, ils jouèrent un rôle majeur dans la mobilisation politique des laïcs. Le Kulturkampf prussien (1872-1878) resserra les liens entre le Zentrum, créé en 1870, et les Katholikentage qui firent progressivement office de congrès annuel du parti. Vers 1900, ils devinrent des assemblées de masse groupant plusieurs dizaines de milliers de participants dans le but de démontrer la solidarité des populations à la fois avec la hiérarchie ecclésiastique et avec les dirigeants du Zentrum. Après une interruption de huit ans, Francfort-sur-le-Main accueillit en 1921 le premier Katholikentag national d'après-guerre et inaugura la reprise des Congrès, organisés ensuite annuellement jusqu'en 1933, à l'exception du Katholikentag prévu en 1923 à Cologne et interdit par les forces d'occupation. Sous la République de Weimar, les Congrès furent les plus grandes assemblées de masse ayant lieu régulièrement : 250.000 personnes assistèrent à la messe dominicale de celui d'Essen, en 1932. Leur influence dépassa largement le nombre de participants, grâce au soutien du clergé au niveau local et national, ainsi qu'à celui du réseau d'associations catholiques et à la presse. Alors que le Zentrum a fait l'objet de nombreuses monographies, les Katholikentage ont été jusqu'à présent négligés par les historiens. Les quelques articles consacrés à la question ne retiennent souvent que la période antérieure à 1914 ou celle postérieure à la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Ils mettent en avant le caractère démocratique des Congrès considérés comme les précurseurs de la Démocratie chrétienne incarnée par Konrad Adenauer après 1945. L'un des objectifs de cette thèse est de montrer les ambiguïtés liées à la dépolitisation officielle des Katholikentage sous la République de Weimar, période qui a été jusque-là soigneusement ignorée. Elle cherche à vérifier entre autre l'interprétation selon laquelle la séduction exercée par les régimes autoritaires sur les élites et les populations notamment européennes pendant la période de l'entre-deux-guerres n'aurait pas influencé les catholiques allemands avant le 30 janvier 1933. Les comptes rendus publiés des Katholikentage sont des sources officielles qui ont constitué la première étape de mon travail. Celui-ci a ensuite été complété par les archives privées des principaux dirigeants des Congrès et des associations catholiques. Comme le Comité central ne possède aucun fonds pour la période antérieure à 1952, j'ai dû rassembler des sources réparties dans les archives ecclésiastiques et civiles de chacune des villes où un Congrès a été organisé entre 1921 et 1933. Au total, 42 fonds d'archives différents ont été consultés. La thèse est divisée en trois parties. La première a pour objet d'analyser la reprise des Congrès au lendemain de la Première Guerre mondiale, leur organisation, leur financement et la nature de leur cérémonial. La seconde partie étudie le contenu et l'esprit des discours tenus aux Katholikentage de Francfort-sur-le-Main en 1921, de Munich en 1922 et de Hanovre en 1924. La troisième partie est consacrée aux messages délivrés par les conférenciers à partir du Katholikentag de Stuttgart en 1925 jusqu'au Katholikentag d'Essen en 1932. Pendant les années vingt, aux Katholikentage, l'épiscopat et le prince Alois zu Löwenstein, à la tête du Comité central chargé de l'organisation des Congrès, contribuèrent contre leur gré à la consolidation du système républicain car ils cherchèrent avant tout à préserver et à étendre les acquis obtenus par la minorité catholique grâce à la Constitution de Weimar. Certes, les propos tenus par de nombreux conférenciers contre la politique économique, sociale et culturelle du gouvernement étaient des critiques à peine voilées du Zentrum. De plus, la symbolique utilisée accordait une place centrale à la transcendance en politique. Elle proposait un système global d'interprétation du monde tendant vers l'absolu, en rupture avec le pluralisme républicain : l'unité était à réaliser en Christ et non sur le terrain du consensus. Cependant, cette opposition ne s'incarna pas dans la pratique car les Congrès s'efforcèrent de préserver l'image de l'unité comme ils l'avaient fait avant la Première Guerre mondiale. Pour préserver cette unité, la plupart des intervenants aux Katholikentage adoptèrent une attitude de repli, arc-boutés sur la défense des valeurs chrétiennes. En un sens, cette attitude les protégea au début des années trente de la séduction exercée sur beaucoup par les nationaux-socialistes. Toutefois, elle les empêcha de s'allier durablement à d'autres forces politiques, en particulier aux socialistes, pour lutter efficacement contre les nationaux-socialistes.

Manuscrit terminé en juillet 2004 ; Vorstellung des Themas: Die von Prälat Adam Franz Lennig 1848 zur Verteidigung der Religionsfreiheit gegründeten Katholikentage sollten anfangs lediglich die Vertreter der wichtigsten katholischen Verbände sowie bedeutende Persönlichkeiten versammeln. Im Laufe der darauf folgenden zwanzig Jahre spielten sie eine zentrale Rolle bei der politischen Mobilisierung der Gläubigen. Der preußische Kulturkampf festigte die Bande zwischen dem im Jahre 1870 gegründeten Zentrum und den Katholikentagen, die sich allmählich zu dessen offiziellem Parteitag entwickelten. Gegen 1900 wurden sie dann zu Massenveranstaltungen mit mehreren tausend Teilnehmern, die die Solidarität der Bevölkerung mit der höheren Geistlichkeit einerseits und der Spitze des Zentrums andererseits demonstrieren sollten. Nach einer achtjährigen Unterbrechung wurde 1921 der erste nationale Katholikentag nach dem Krieg in Frankfurt am Main abgehalten. Danach wurden die Kongresse bis 1933 wieder regelmäßig jedes Jahr durchgeführt (außer 1923). In der Weimarer Republik waren die Kongresse die größten Massenveranstaltungen, die regelmäßig stattfanden: 1932 nahmen in Essen etwa 250.000 Katholiken an dem Festgottesdienst teil. Ihr Einfluss ging sogar, dank der Unterstützung durch die Geistlichkeit auf lokaler und nationaler Ebene, durch das Netz der katholischen Vereine sowie dank der Berichterstattung in der Presse erheblich über die zahlenmäßige Bedeutung hinaus. Aktueller Stand der Forschung und Problemstellung: Während das Zentrum bereits Gegenstand zahlreicher Monographien war, wurden die Katholikentage durch die Historiker vernachlässigt. Die wenigen Artikel, die sich mit dieser Frage beschäftigen, behandeln nur die Zeit vor dem Ersten oder nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg. Dabei wird der demokratische Charakter der Kongresse, die als Vorläufer der von Konrad Adenauer nach 1945 verkörperten Christdemokratie gelten, hervorgehoben. Ziel meiner Dissertation ist es, die Ambivalenzen, welche mit der offiziellen Entpolitisierung der Katholikentage in der Weimarer Republik verbunden waren, aufzuzeigen. Sie hinterfragt die Interpretation, wonach in Europa die autoritären Regime zwischen den Kriegen keine Anziehungskraft auf die deutschen Katholiken, und zwar weder auf die Eliten noch auf den Rest der Bevölkerung, ausübten. Verwendete Archive und Quellen: Zunächst analysierte ich die veröffentlichten Protokolle der Katholikentage, die offiziellen Quellen. In einem zweiten Schritt wertete ich (ergänzend) die Nachlässe der wichtigsten Führungspersönlichkeiten der Kongresse und katholischen Vereine aus. Das Zentralkomitee verfügt für die Zeit vor 1952 über keine Dokumente. Daher musste ich mich auf Quellen in den bischöflichen und städtischen Archiven der Orte, in denen zwischen 1921 und 1933 ein Kongress stattfand, stützen. Insgesamt wurden für die Arbeit Dokumente aus 42 Archiven ausgewertet. Gliederung der Dissertation: Die Dissertation gliedert sich in drei Teile. Im ersten Teil werden die Wiederaufnahme der Kongresse nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg, ihre Organisation, Finanzierung und die Art der zeremoniellen Gestaltung analysiert. Im zweiten Teil werden Inhalt und Tenor der zwischen 1921 und 1924 gehaltenen Reden untersucht. Der dritte Teil beschäftigt sich mit den Aussagen der Redner zwischen 1925 und 1932. Zusammenfassung: In den zwanziger Jahren trugen der Episkopat und Alois zu Löwenstein, seit 1920 an der Spitze des Zentralkomitees mit der Organisation der Kongresse betraut, durch die Katholikentage gegen ihren Willen zur Konsolidierung des republikanischen Systems bei, indem sie die Errungenschaften für die katholischen Minderheit durch die Weimarer Verfassung bewahren und ausweiten wollten. Die Aussagen vieler Redner gegen die Wirtschafts-, Sozial- und Kulturpolitik der Regierung waren allerdings eine kaum verhüllte Kritik des Zentrums. Durch die verwendete Symbolik wurde der Transzendenz in der Politik eine zentrale Stellung eingeräumt. Diese Symbolik stellte ein universales System der Interpretation der Welt vor, die nach dem Absoluten strebte, und brach damit mit dem republikanischen Pluralismus: Die Einheit sollte in Christus verwirklicht werden und nicht auf dem Wege des Konsens. In der Praxis gab es jedoch keine Opposition. Bei den Kongressen bemühte man sich, wie schon vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg, das Bild der Einheit zu wahren. Um diese Einheit aufrecht zu erhalten, unterstrichen die meisten Redner die Bedeutung der Wahrung der christlichen Werte. Zu Beginn der dreißiger Jahre half diese Haltung ihnen einerseits sich gegen die Verführung durch die Nationalsozialisten zu wehren. Andererseits hinderte sie sie daran, sich dauerhaft mit anderen politischen Kräften, insbesondere den Sozialisten, zu verbünden, um die Nationalsozialisten wirksam zu bekämpfen. My Ph.D. thesis, Les catholiques allemands et la République de Weimar: les Katholikentage, 1919 – 1932, is about the Catholic Congresses (Katholikentage) during the Weimar Republic. These unique congresses, which have been neglected by historians, gathered together both laic and clerical forces within the German Catholic Church and were held annually from 1848 throughout Germany. The Catholic Congresses' ecclesiastical and political functions were intended to demonstrate Catholic power and present specific demands to the State. During the Weimar Republic, the organization of the Catholic Congresses depended on the balance of power between laity and clergy, national and local leaders, the Centre Party and other political trends and finally between the various Catholic associations representing different social and economic groups. The Catholic Congresses were thus an exceptional means of assessing the mentality of German Catholics during this era. In my thesis, I shed light on the internal character of German Catholic life as well as its interaction with the political and economic crises, which led to the rise of Nazism. My aim was to answer the following major questions: How did German Catholic leaders view themselves, the laity, the Protestants, and the State? What did German Catholics think about the rapid industrialization of their country, about liberalism and communism, modern values, and democracy? How far did German Catholics follow the political and social teachings of the Papacy? In comparison to right-wing and left-wing extremists, how different or similar were the ideas of German Catholics? ; Fondés en 1848 à Mayence par un ecclésiastique, Mgr Adam Franz Lennig, afin de défendre les libertés religieuses, les Katholikentage – littéralement « Congrès des Catholiques » ou « Journées des Catholiques » – rassemblaient à l'origine les représentants des principales associations catholiques et des personnalités en vue. Au cours des quelque vingt années suivantes, ils jouèrent un rôle majeur dans la mobilisation politique des laïcs. Le Kulturkampf prussien (1872-1878) resserra les liens entre le Zentrum, créé en 1870, et les Katholikentage qui firent progressivement office de congrès annuel du parti. Vers 1900, ils devinrent des assemblées de masse groupant plusieurs dizaines de milliers de participants dans le but de démontrer la solidarité des populations à la fois avec la hiérarchie ecclésiastique et avec les dirigeants du Zentrum. Après une interruption de huit ans, Francfort-sur-le-Main accueillit en 1921 le premier Katholikentag national d'après-guerre et inaugura la reprise des Congrès, organisés ensuite annuellement jusqu'en 1933, à l'exception du Katholikentag prévu en 1923 à Cologne et interdit par les forces d'occupation. Sous la République de Weimar, les Congrès furent les plus grandes assemblées de masse ayant lieu régulièrement : 250.000 personnes assistèrent à la messe dominicale de celui d'Essen, en 1932. Leur influence dépassa largement le nombre de participants, grâce au soutien du clergé au niveau local et national, ainsi qu'à celui du réseau d'associations catholiques et à la presse. Alors que le Zentrum a fait l'objet de nombreuses monographies, les Katholikentage ont été jusqu'à présent négligés par les historiens. Les quelques articles consacrés à la question ne retiennent souvent que la période antérieure à 1914 ou celle postérieure à la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Ils mettent en avant le caractère démocratique des Congrès considérés comme les précurseurs de la Démocratie chrétienne incarnée par Konrad Adenauer après 1945. L'un des objectifs de cette thèse est de montrer les ambiguïtés liées à la dépolitisation officielle des Katholikentage sous la République de Weimar, période qui a été jusque-là soigneusement ignorée. Elle cherche à vérifier entre autre l'interprétation selon laquelle la séduction exercée par les régimes autoritaires sur les élites et les populations notamment européennes pendant la période de l'entre-deux-guerres n'aurait pas influencé les catholiques allemands avant le 30 janvier 1933. Les comptes rendus publiés des Katholikentage sont des sources officielles qui ont constitué la première étape de mon travail. Celui-ci a ensuite été complété par les archives privées des principaux dirigeants des Congrès et des associations catholiques. Comme le Comité central ne possède aucun fonds pour la période antérieure à 1952, j'ai dû rassembler des sources réparties dans les archives ecclésiastiques et civiles de chacune des villes où un Congrès a été organisé entre 1921 et 1933. Au total, 42 fonds d'archives différents ont été consultés. La thèse est divisée en trois parties. La première a pour objet d'analyser la reprise des Congrès au lendemain de la Première Guerre mondiale, leur organisation, leur financement et la nature de leur cérémonial. La seconde partie étudie le contenu et l'esprit des discours tenus aux Katholikentage de Francfort-sur-le-Main en 1921, de Munich en 1922 et de Hanovre en 1924. La troisième partie est consacrée aux messages délivrés par les conférenciers à partir du Katholikentag de Stuttgart en 1925 jusqu'au Katholikentag d'Essen en 1932. Pendant les années vingt, aux Katholikentage, l'épiscopat et le prince Alois zu Löwenstein, à la tête du Comité central chargé de l'organisation des Congrès, contribuèrent contre leur gré à la consolidation du système républicain car ils cherchèrent avant tout à préserver et à étendre les acquis obtenus par la minorité catholique grâce à la Constitution de Weimar. Certes, les propos tenus par de nombreux conférenciers contre la politique économique, sociale et culturelle du gouvernement étaient des critiques à peine voilées du Zentrum. De plus, la symbolique utilisée accordait une place centrale à la transcendance en politique. Elle proposait un système global d'interprétation du monde tendant vers l'absolu, en rupture avec le pluralisme républicain : l'unité était à réaliser en Christ et non sur le terrain du consensus. Cependant, cette opposition ne s'incarna pas dans la pratique car les Congrès s'efforcèrent de préserver l'image de l'unité comme ils l'avaient fait avant la Première Guerre mondiale. Pour préserver cette unité, la plupart des intervenants aux Katholikentage adoptèrent une attitude de repli, arc-boutés sur la défense des valeurs chrétiennes. En un sens, cette attitude les protégea au début des années trente de la séduction exercée sur beaucoup par les nationaux-socialistes. Toutefois, elle les empêcha de s'allier durablement à d'autres forces politiques, en particulier aux socialistes, pour lutter efficacement contre les nationaux-socialistes.

Manuscrit terminé en juillet 2004 ; Vorstellung des Themas: Die von Prälat Adam Franz Lennig 1848 zur Verteidigung der Religionsfreiheit gegründeten Katholikentage sollten anfangs lediglich die Vertreter der wichtigsten katholischen Verbände sowie bedeutende Persönlichkeiten versammeln. Im Laufe der darauf folgenden zwanzig Jahre spielten sie eine zentrale Rolle bei der politischen Mobilisierung der Gläubigen. Der preußische Kulturkampf festigte die Bande zwischen dem im Jahre 1870 gegründeten Zentrum und den Katholikentagen, die sich allmählich zu dessen offiziellem Parteitag entwickelten. Gegen 1900 wurden sie dann zu Massenveranstaltungen mit mehreren tausend Teilnehmern, die die Solidarität der Bevölkerung mit der höheren Geistlichkeit einerseits und der Spitze des Zentrums andererseits demonstrieren sollten. Nach einer achtjährigen Unterbrechung wurde 1921 der erste nationale Katholikentag nach dem Krieg in Frankfurt am Main abgehalten. Danach wurden die Kongresse bis 1933 wieder regelmäßig jedes Jahr durchgeführt (außer 1923). In der Weimarer Republik waren die Kongresse die größten Massenveranstaltungen, die regelmäßig stattfanden: 1932 nahmen in Essen etwa 250.000 Katholiken an dem Festgottesdienst teil. Ihr Einfluss ging sogar, dank der Unterstützung durch die Geistlichkeit auf lokaler und nationaler Ebene, durch das Netz der katholischen Vereine sowie dank der Berichterstattung in der Presse erheblich über die zahlenmäßige Bedeutung hinaus. Aktueller Stand der Forschung und Problemstellung: Während das Zentrum bereits Gegenstand zahlreicher Monographien war, wurden die Katholikentage durch die Historiker vernachlässigt. Die wenigen Artikel, die sich mit dieser Frage beschäftigen, behandeln nur die Zeit vor dem Ersten oder nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg. Dabei wird der demokratische Charakter der Kongresse, die als Vorläufer der von Konrad Adenauer nach 1945 verkörperten Christdemokratie gelten, hervorgehoben. Ziel meiner Dissertation ist es, die Ambivalenzen, welche mit der offiziellen Entpolitisierung der Katholikentage in der Weimarer Republik verbunden waren, aufzuzeigen. Sie hinterfragt die Interpretation, wonach in Europa die autoritären Regime zwischen den Kriegen keine Anziehungskraft auf die deutschen Katholiken, und zwar weder auf die Eliten noch auf den Rest der Bevölkerung, ausübten. Verwendete Archive und Quellen: Zunächst analysierte ich die veröffentlichten Protokolle der Katholikentage, die offiziellen Quellen. In einem zweiten Schritt wertete ich (ergänzend) die Nachlässe der wichtigsten Führungspersönlichkeiten der Kongresse und katholischen Vereine aus. Das Zentralkomitee verfügt für die Zeit vor 1952 über keine Dokumente. Daher musste ich mich auf Quellen in den bischöflichen und städtischen Archiven der Orte, in denen zwischen 1921 und 1933 ein Kongress stattfand, stützen. Insgesamt wurden für die Arbeit Dokumente aus 42 Archiven ausgewertet. Gliederung der Dissertation: Die Dissertation gliedert sich in drei Teile. Im ersten Teil werden die Wiederaufnahme der Kongresse nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg, ihre Organisation, Finanzierung und die Art der zeremoniellen Gestaltung analysiert. Im zweiten Teil werden Inhalt und Tenor der zwischen 1921 und 1924 gehaltenen Reden untersucht. Der dritte Teil beschäftigt sich mit den Aussagen der Redner zwischen 1925 und 1932. Zusammenfassung: In den zwanziger Jahren trugen der Episkopat und Alois zu Löwenstein, seit 1920 an der Spitze des Zentralkomitees mit der Organisation der Kongresse betraut, durch die Katholikentage gegen ihren Willen zur Konsolidierung des republikanischen Systems bei, indem sie die Errungenschaften für die katholischen Minderheit durch die Weimarer Verfassung bewahren und ausweiten wollten. Die Aussagen vieler Redner gegen die Wirtschafts-, Sozial- und Kulturpolitik der Regierung waren allerdings eine kaum verhüllte Kritik des Zentrums. Durch die verwendete Symbolik wurde der Transzendenz in der Politik eine zentrale Stellung eingeräumt. Diese Symbolik stellte ein universales System der Interpretation der Welt vor, die nach dem Absoluten strebte, und brach damit mit dem republikanischen Pluralismus: Die Einheit sollte in Christus verwirklicht werden und nicht auf dem Wege des Konsens. In der Praxis gab es jedoch keine Opposition. Bei den Kongressen bemühte man sich, wie schon vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg, das Bild der Einheit zu wahren. Um diese Einheit aufrecht zu erhalten, unterstrichen die meisten Redner die Bedeutung der Wahrung der christlichen Werte. Zu Beginn der dreißiger Jahre half diese Haltung ihnen einerseits sich gegen die Verführung durch die Nationalsozialisten zu wehren. Andererseits hinderte sie sie daran, sich dauerhaft mit anderen politischen Kräften, insbesondere den Sozialisten, zu verbünden, um die Nationalsozialisten wirksam zu bekämpfen. My Ph.D. thesis, Les catholiques allemands et la République de Weimar: les Katholikentage, 1919 – 1932, is about the Catholic Congresses (Katholikentage) during the Weimar Republic. These unique congresses, which have been neglected by historians, gathered together both laic and clerical forces within the German Catholic Church and were held annually from 1848 throughout Germany. The Catholic Congresses' ecclesiastical and political functions were intended to demonstrate Catholic power and present specific demands to the State. During the Weimar Republic, the organization of the Catholic Congresses depended on the balance of power between laity and clergy, national and local leaders, the Centre Party and other political trends and finally between the various Catholic associations representing different social and economic groups. The Catholic Congresses were thus an exceptional means of assessing the mentality of German Catholics during this era. In my thesis, I shed light on the internal character of German Catholic life as well as its interaction with the political and economic crises, which led to the rise of Nazism. My aim was to answer the following major questions: How did German Catholic leaders view themselves, the laity, the Protestants, and the State? What did German Catholics think about the rapid industrialization of their country, about liberalism and communism, modern values, and democracy? How far did German Catholics follow the political and social teachings of the Papacy? In comparison to right-wing and left-wing extremists, how different or similar were the ideas of German Catholics? ; Fondés en 1848 à Mayence par un ecclésiastique, Mgr Adam Franz Lennig, afin de défendre les libertés religieuses, les Katholikentage – littéralement « Congrès des Catholiques » ou « Journées des Catholiques » – rassemblaient à l'origine les représentants des principales associations catholiques et des personnalités en vue. Au cours des quelque vingt années suivantes, ils jouèrent un rôle majeur dans la mobilisation politique des laïcs. Le Kulturkampf prussien (1872-1878) resserra les liens entre le Zentrum, créé en 1870, et les Katholikentage qui firent progressivement office de congrès annuel du parti. Vers 1900, ils devinrent des assemblées de masse groupant plusieurs dizaines de milliers de participants dans le but de démontrer la solidarité des populations à la fois avec la hiérarchie ecclésiastique et avec les dirigeants du Zentrum. Après une interruption de huit ans, Francfort-sur-le-Main accueillit en 1921 le premier Katholikentag national d'après-guerre et inaugura la reprise des Congrès, organisés ensuite annuellement jusqu'en 1933, à l'exception du Katholikentag prévu en 1923 à Cologne et interdit par les forces d'occupation. Sous la République de Weimar, les Congrès furent les plus grandes assemblées de masse ayant lieu régulièrement : 250.000 personnes assistèrent à la messe dominicale de celui d'Essen, en 1932. Leur influence dépassa largement le nombre de participants, grâce au soutien du clergé au niveau local et national, ainsi qu'à celui du réseau d'associations catholiques et à la presse. Alors que le Zentrum a fait l'objet de nombreuses monographies, les Katholikentage ont été jusqu'à présent négligés par les historiens. Les quelques articles consacrés à la question ne retiennent souvent que la période antérieure à 1914 ou celle postérieure à la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Ils mettent en avant le caractère démocratique des Congrès considérés comme les précurseurs de la Démocratie chrétienne incarnée par Konrad Adenauer après 1945. L'un des objectifs de cette thèse est de montrer les ambiguïtés liées à la dépolitisation officielle des Katholikentage sous la République de Weimar, période qui a été jusque-là soigneusement ignorée. Elle cherche à vérifier entre autre l'interprétation selon laquelle la séduction exercée par les régimes autoritaires sur les élites et les populations notamment européennes pendant la période de l'entre-deux-guerres n'aurait pas influencé les catholiques allemands avant le 30 janvier 1933. Les comptes rendus publiés des Katholikentage sont des sources officielles qui ont constitué la première étape de mon travail. Celui-ci a ensuite été complété par les archives privées des principaux dirigeants des Congrès et des associations catholiques. Comme le Comité central ne possède aucun fonds pour la période antérieure à 1952, j'ai dû rassembler des sources réparties dans les archives ecclésiastiques et civiles de chacune des villes où un Congrès a été organisé entre 1921 et 1933. Au total, 42 fonds d'archives différents ont été consultés. La thèse est divisée en trois parties. La première a pour objet d'analyser la reprise des Congrès au lendemain de la Première Guerre mondiale, leur organisation, leur financement et la nature de leur cérémonial. La seconde partie étudie le contenu et l'esprit des discours tenus aux Katholikentage de Francfort-sur-le-Main en 1921, de Munich en 1922 et de Hanovre en 1924. La troisième partie est consacrée aux messages délivrés par les conférenciers à partir du Katholikentag de Stuttgart en 1925 jusqu'au Katholikentag d'Essen en 1932. Pendant les années vingt, aux Katholikentage, l'épiscopat et le prince Alois zu Löwenstein, à la tête du Comité central chargé de l'organisation des Congrès, contribuèrent contre leur gré à la consolidation du système républicain car ils cherchèrent avant tout à préserver et à étendre les acquis obtenus par la minorité catholique grâce à la Constitution de Weimar. Certes, les propos tenus par de nombreux conférenciers contre la politique économique, sociale et culturelle du gouvernement étaient des critiques à peine voilées du Zentrum. De plus, la symbolique utilisée accordait une place centrale à la transcendance en politique. Elle proposait un système global d'interprétation du monde tendant vers l'absolu, en rupture avec le pluralisme républicain : l'unité était à réaliser en Christ et non sur le terrain du consensus. Cependant, cette opposition ne s'incarna pas dans la pratique car les Congrès s'efforcèrent de préserver l'image de l'unité comme ils l'avaient fait avant la Première Guerre mondiale. Pour préserver cette unité, la plupart des intervenants aux Katholikentage adoptèrent une attitude de repli, arc-boutés sur la défense des valeurs chrétiennes. En un sens, cette attitude les protégea au début des années trente de la séduction exercée sur beaucoup par les nationaux-socialistes. Toutefois, elle les empêcha de s'allier durablement à d'autres forces politiques, en particulier aux socialistes, pour lutter efficacement contre les nationaux-socialistes.

Deep historical trends suggest the United States could be moving toward a distinctly novel form of fascism, embracing elements of the historical phenomenon as it appeared in such countries as Italy, Germany, Japan, and Spain while departing in significant ways. A twenty-first century fascism would hardly be revolutionary or totalitarian, as it would involve no dramatic break with the past, following a logic of continuity and building on firmaments of entrenched power going back to World War II. This new type of fascist regime would be driven by a tightening confluence of sectoral interests in American society: corporate, state, military, and cultural – interests favoring oligarchy, authoritarianism, the warfare system, and surveillance order within an expanding globalized matrix of power. The dominant historical forces emphasized by such theorists as C. Wright Mills (The Power Elite) and Sheldon Wolin (Democracy, Incorporated), an important foundation of this book, have grown stronger and more pervasive across the decades. An integrated power structure has been fueled by new advances in technology, a money-saturated political system, and neoliberal globalism bolstered by the spread of right wing populism that, among other things, has catapulted Donald Trump into the U.S. presidency.? A Peculiarly American Fascism?A very timely scholarly enterprise, this book will be of interest to students of contemporary radical politics, fascism more broadly, US political history, ideologies and party politics.Afterword: Mussolini in AmericaAmerican ExceptionalismElite Power, Mass AlienationEmpire Versus DemocracyFascism in PowerFriendly Fascism?Ideological RegenerationIn this book, Carl Boggs explores new political and ideological terrain in systematically considering the prospects for a gradual development of fascism in contemporary American society and, by extension, elsewhere across the advanced industrial world. He persuasively argues that modern fascistic trends, arguably most visible in the U.S., demonstrate a closer affinity with Mussolini's Italy (corporate state) than with the more extreme Nazi German model of tyranny and genocide.?? Militarism and TerrorismMills Power ElitePostwar NeofascismReactionary PopulismSuperpower: Politics, Ideology, CultureThe Logic of Capitalist RationalizationThe Rise of State CapitalismThe Globalization of Corporate PowerThe End of Liberalism The Rise of Interwar FascismThe Rightwing AscendancyThe Rambo CultureWolins "Inverted Totalitarianism"Xenophobic Politics.

В статье зафиксированы свойства знаний об обществе, которые показывают его специфику, выводят его за пределы требований к естественно-научному знанию и определяют его сущностные структуры и признаки. Категория «знание» определена как социальная форма информации, такая форма информации, которая не существует вне и без общества. Знания об обществе обладают особыми специфическими свойствами, которые не характерны для иных видов знания, в частности, для естествознания, исследованы важнейшие из этих свойств. Показана субъективная природа социального знания и неприменимость к нему критерия истинности в связи с высокой зависимостью от ценностно-целевых установок и от распространенности этого знания. Также имеются существенные ограничения по получению и применению научного знания об обществе, выявлена иерархическая структура профессиональных языков. Вместо истинности знания об обществе предложено применять критерий вписанности его в культурный контекст, воспроизводимости в культуре и институтах управления. Выявлена закономерность роста ошибок в социальном знании по мере накопления этих знаний. В результате поиска заказчика на разработку концептуальных оснований проектирования систем управления выявлена необходимость в особом институте метауправленце. В соответствии с выявленными свойствами знаний об обществе применено прямое использование в качестве средства научного исследования ценностных оснований деятельности. Показано, что экономическое знание есть часть нормативного, правового и шире нравственного знания, и существенные достижения в экономической науке всегда связаны с пересмотром ценностей. Наряду с методологическими инструментами настоящего исследования показана необходимость применения в отношении научного сообщества и научного знания антропологических методов исследования, в первую очередь структурного метода. Результаты данной работы получены в процессе обширного исследования марксистско-ленинских, либеральных, нацистских и брахмано-индуистских идеологий, практик социальных революций и реформ, бухгалтерских и институционалистских теоретико-методических разработок. ; The paper documents such characteristics of knowledge about society that show its specificity, move it beyond the requirements set for scientific knowledge and define its essential structure and features. The category of "knowledge" is defined as a social form of information, a form of information that does not exist outside and without society. Knowledge about society has special unique properties, which are uncharacteristic of other types of knowledge, in particular for natural sciences, and the paper studies the most important of these properties. The author shows the subjective nature of social knowledge, and the inapplicability to it of the criterion of truth due to its high dependence on value-target orientations and high prevalence of this knowledge. Besides, there are significant restrictions on the acquisition and use of scientific knowledge about the society, therefore a hierarchical structure of professional language is revealed. The author suggests that instead of true knowledge about society we should apply the criterion of its suitability to the cultural context, reproducibility in culture and institutions of governance. The author identifies the rule of the growing number of errors in social knowledge as long as such knowledge is gained. As a result of looking for a customer for the development of conceptual basics of designing management systems, the need for a special institution a metamanager has been identified. In accordance with the identified properties of knowledge about society the author applies the direct use as a means of scientific research on value foundations of activity. It is shown that economic knowledge is part of the regulatory, legal and, if a broader perspective is taken, moral knowledge, so significant achievements in economic theory are always associated with the revision of values. Along with the methodological tools of this study, the author shows the need to apply anthropological research methods, primarily the structural method, to both scientific community and scientific knowledge. The findings are based on the extensive study of Marxist-Leninist, liberal, Nazi and Brahman-Hindu ideologies, practices of social revolutions and reforms, accounting and institutionalist theoretical and methodological developments.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- Introduction The Origins of Neoleftism -- 1 Leftism and the New -- 2 The Antifascist New Left -- 3 Exile and the Spanish Experiment -- 4 Revolutionary Hope and Despair -- 5 Postwar New Beginning -- 6 Social Democratic Modernization -- 7 Left Socialism -- 8 The Sixties New Left -- Epilogue -- Acknowledgments -- Select bibliography -- Index

 The Best Joke in Barbie Years ago I remember encountering Félix Guattari's little essay, "Everybody Wants to be a Fascist." At the time its title seemed more clever than prescient. (Although it is worth remembering how much fascism, and the encounter with fascism was integral to Deleuze and Guattari's theorizing, well beyond the reference to Reich). Now that we are living in a different relation to fascism the problem posed by Guattari (and Deleuze) of desire seems all the more pertinent and pressing. One of the problems of using the word fascism today, especially in the US, is that it is hard to reconcile our image as a politics, a politics of state control of everything, and the current politics of outrage aimed at M&Ms, Barbie, and Taylor Swift. How can fascism be so trivial and so petty? This could be understood as the Trump problem, although it is ultimately not limited to Trump. There are a whole bunch of pundits and people getting incredibly angry about the casting of movies and how many times football games cut away to Taylor Swift celebrating in the expensive seats. The Fox News Expanded Universe is all about finding villains everywhere in every library or diverse band of superheroes. It is difficult to reconcile the petty concerns of the pundit class with the formation of an authoritarian state. I have argued before that understanding Trump, or Trumpism, means rethinking the relationship between the particular and universal, imaginary and real. Or, as Angela Mitropoulis argues, the question of fascism now should be what does it look like in contemporary captitalism, one oriented less around the post-fordist assembly line than the franchise. Or as she puts it, "What would the combination of nationalist myth and the affective labour processes of the entertainment industry mean for the politics and techniques of fascism?"It is for this reason (among others) that Alberto Toscano's Late Fascism is such an important book. As he argues in that book fascism (as well as in an interview on Hotel Bar Sessions) fascism has to be understood as kind of license, a justification of violence and anger, and a pleasure in that justification. We have to give up the cartoon image of fascism as centralized and universal domination and see it as not only incomplete persecution, unevenly applied, but persecution of some coupled with the license to persecute for others. Fascism is liberation for the racist, sexist, and homophobe, who finally gets to say and act on their desires. As Toscano argues, "...what we need to dwell on to discern the fascist potentials in the anti-state state are those subjective investments in the naturalizations of violent mastery that go together with the promotion of possessive and racialized conceptions of freedom. Here we need to reflect not just on the fact neoliberalism operates through a racial state, or that, as commentators have begun to recognize and detail, it is shaped by a racist and civilizational imaginary that delimits who is capable of market freedoms (Toscano is not referring to Tosel, but that is an important part of Tosel's work) We must also attend to the fact that the anti-state state could become an object of popular attachment or better, populist investment, only through the mediation of race." Toscano's emphasis is on race in this passage, but it could be argued to apply to sexism, homophobia, etc., to the enforcement and maintenance of any of the old hierarchies. As Toscano cites Maria Antonietta Macciochhi later in the book, "You can't talk abut fascism unless you are also prepared to discuss patriarchy." Possessive includes the family as the first and most vital possession. At this point fascism does not sound too different from classical conservatism, especially if you take the definition of the latter to be the following: "Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."  However, what Toscano emphasizes is the libidinal pleasure that comes with this, it is not just a matter of who is in and who is not, who is protected and who is not, but in the pleasure that one gets from such exclusion, a pleasure that is extended and almost deputized to the masses. While conservative hierarchies and asymmetries passed through the hallowed institutions of the state and the courts, the fascist deputies take to the streets and the virtual street fights of social media. As Toscano argues, pitting Foucault's remarks about the sexual politics of fascism in the seventies against Guattari's analysis,"For Foucault, to the extent that there is an eroticization of power under Nazism, it is conditioned by a logic of delegation, deputizing and decentralization of what remains in form and content a vertical, exclusionary, and murderous kind of power. Fascism is not just the apotheosis of the leader above the sheeplike masses of his followers; it is also, in a less spectacular but perhaps more consequential manner the reinvention of the settle logic of petty sovereignty, a highly conditional but very real 'liberalising' and 'privatising' of the monopoly of violence...Foucault's insight into the 'erotic' of a power based on the deputizing of violence is a more fecund frame, I would argue, for the analysis of both classical and late fascisms than Guattari's hyperbolic claim that "the masses invested a fantastic collective death instinct in...the fascist machine' --which misses out on the materiality of that 'transfer of power' to a 'specific fringe of the masses' that Foucault diagnosed as critical to fascism's desirability."I think that Toscano's analysis picks up an important thread that runs from discussions of fascism from Benjamin to Foucault (and beyond). As Benjamin writes in the Work of Art essay "The growing proletarianization of modern man and the increasing formation of masses are two aspects of the same process. Fascism attempts to organize the newly created proletarian masses without affecting the property structure which the masses strive to eliminate. Fascism sees its salvation in giving these masses not their right, but instead a chance to express themselves. The masses have a right to change property relations; Fascism seeks to give them an expression while preserving property. The logical result of Fascism is the introduction of aesthetics into political life."Today we could say that the right of expression includes a deputization of power and the pleasure in exercising it. In a capitalist society, in which the material conditions of existence must belong to the capitalist class, the only thing that can be extended to the masses is the power and pleasure to dominate others. Real wages keep on declining, but fascism offers the wages of whiteness, maleness, cisness, and so on, extending not the material control over one's existence but libidinal investment in the perks of one's identity.All of which brings me to Taylor Swift. I have watched with amusement and some horror as the fringes of the Fox News Expanded Universe have freaked out about Taylor Swift attending football games and, occasionally, being seen on television watching and enjoying the games. It is hard to spend even a moment thinking about something which has all of the subtlety of the "He-Man Woman Hater's Club," but I think that it is an interesting example of the kind of micro-fascism that sustains and makes possible the tendency towards macro-fascism. Three things are worth noting about this, first most of the conspiracy theories about Swift are not predicated on things that she has actually done, but what she might do, endorse Biden, campaign for Biden, etc., I think that this has to be seen as a mutation of conspiracy thinking from the actual effects of an action or event, Covid undermining Trump's presidency, to an imagined possible effect. One of the asymmetries of contemporary power is treating the fantasies or paranoid fears of one group as more valid than the actual conditions and dominations of another group. Second, and to be a little more dialectical, the fear of Swift on the right recognizes to what extent politics have been entirely subsumed by the spectacle fan form. (Hotel Bar Sessions did a show about this too) Trump's real opponent for hearts and minds, not to mention huge rallies, is not Biden but Swift. Lastly, and this really deserves its own post, some of the anger about Swift being at the game brings to mind Kate Manne's theory of misogyny, which at its core is about keeping women in their place. I would imagine that many of the men who object to seeing Swift at their games do not object to the cutaway shots of cheerleaders during the same game. It is not seeing women during the game that draws ire, but seeing one out of her place--someone who is enjoying being there and not there for their enjoyment.I used to be follow a fairly vulgar materialist line when it came to fascism. Give people, which is to say workers, actual control over their work, their lives, and their conditions and the appeal of the spectacle of fascist power would dissipate. It was a simple matter of real power versus its appearance. It increasingly seems that such an opposition overlooks the pleasures that today's mass media fascism make possible and extend to so many. It is hard to imagine a politics that could counter this that would not be a politics of affect, of the imagination, and of desires. Libidinal economy and micro-politics of desire seem less like some relic from the days of high theory and more and more like necessary conditions for thinking through the intertwining webs of desire and resentment that make up the intersection of culture, media, and politics. I think one of the pressing issues of the moment is the recognizing that all of these junk politics of grievances of popular culture should be taken seriously as the affective antechamber of fascism while at the same time not accepting them on their terms; there is nothing really to be gained by rallying to defend corporations and billionaires. 

Demonstrating, representing, or showing is at the heart of every educational action. Historical representations on screen and stage do not "teach" us history but rather influence our ideas and interpretations of it. The contributions to this volume explore the depiction of history in theater and film from the intersection of historical scholarship, aesthetics, memory studies, and education. They examine the creation of historical images, film production and reception, the scriptwriting process, educational programming, and depictions of German-American encounters. Above all else, they explore how various theatrical and filmic productions show history rather than tell it. (DIPF/Orig.)

Für die Historische Bildungsforschung ist seit langem ein Rückgang ihrer Repräsentanz in der Lehre und in akademischen Stellen zu verzeichnen. Zugleich hat sich das thematische und methodische Spektrum dieser Teildisziplin der Erziehungswissenschaft in den letzten zwei Jahrzehnten beeindruckend erweitert. Dieser, der Bildungshistorikerin Edith Glaser gewidmete Band soll jener stetig wachsenden Vielfalt der Historischen Bildungsforschung Rechnung tragen und den Legitimationsdiskurs über Nutzen und Notwendigkeit bildungshistorischer Erkenntnisse aus zwei Sichtweisen bereichern. So werden zum einen exemplarische Beschäftigungsfelder bildungshistorischen Arbeitens aufgezeigt, zum anderen wird die Relevanz der Historischen Bildungsforschung als Bezugspunkt für andere Teildisziplinen der Erziehungswissenschaft, der Politikwissenschaft und der Geschichtswissenschaft dokumentiert. (DIPF/Orig.)

Rezension von: Gert Geißler, Schulgeschichte in Deutschland. Von den Anfängen bis in die Gegenwart. Frankfurt a.M.: Lang-Verlag 2011 (1003 S.; ISBN 978-3-631-61435-8)

From the pages of The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte by Marx and understanding the political and social events in France between 1848 and 1852, several interpretations have been made, by Marxist and non-Marxist authors alike, regarding the role played by the lower middle class in moments of crisis. Particularly, after the advent of fascism in 20th century Europe, many voices have risen to signal the XVIII Brumaire as Marx's call of attention on the dangers set by the lower middle class's counterrevolutionary and reactionary spirit. Even more, some think of the XVIII Brumaire, and Marx's take on Bonapartism as the first, and extremely prophetic, definition and description of a modern fascist regime. The purposes of this essay are to: first, define and describe the lower middle class and its social and political consequences according to Marx; and, second, to explore how the lower middle class has been analyzed by a selection of Marxist and non-Marxist authors as a crucial sociological and historical problem. The latter has been taken to the extent of even comparing the political phenomenon of Bonapartism to Fascism and the lower middle class historical relationship in both of them. Bonapartism and Fascism are very distinct types of political regimes, even if they share some similarities. Nevertheless, it would be ahistorical to describe Louis Bonaparte's regime as fascist. Even so, Marx's typically coined reactionary or counter-revolutionary role played by the lower middle class in both cases was similar. (1)Several designations have been used to differentiate the lower middle class from the higher middle class or big bourgeoisie: petite bourgeoisie, Kleinburgertumand, the unpleasant, lumpen-bourgeoisie. It is impossible to assign fixed meanings in distinct times and places to those concepts. What they mean, and enfold, in different historical moments is determined by historically concrete political, social and economic structures and conditions. A social lower middle stratum was economically, but not so much politically, active during the preindustrial era. Its internal structure, predominantly formed by independent peasants, corporate-guild artisans and shopkeepers, and the nature of its relationship to the rest of society was particularly different from the economically, socially and more politically active, lower middle class of primarily dependent clerks, independent peasants, technicians, professionals and small shop owners of capitalist society (2). From Marx to the present there have been few attempts to define the lower middle class because the main issue was not the Kleinburgertum's own historical, social and political particularities; but, the fact that the petite bourgeoisie conformed a "classes class". In Marxist terms, the lower middle class was a class in but not foritself. This meant that the petty bourgeoisie was dependent on its own fate but not on its own existence. The lower middle class was torn, and it still may be today, between two possible outcomes: proletarianization or embourgeoisement (3). In the first one, the petite bourgeoisie is condemned to being proletarianized. In fact, during the early industrialization period of England the small artisans and some specialized technicians were dissolved or forced into the industrial working class (4). In the second scenario, they would integrate with the big bourgeoisie finally accomplishing a long social aspiration. It would, certainly, diminish the fears and concerns of being proletarianized and, lastly and possibly, would allow clerks and professionals to be the frontrunners of a classless postindustrial society (5). Accordingly, as Marx said in the XVIII Brumaire, the lower middle class should be viewed as a transitional class whose members would finally end up being part of the proletarians or the bourgeoisie. Nevertheless, the lower middle class has had a pivotal role in certain historically crucial events: revolutions and counterrevolutions. Marx attributed no apparent class-consciousness to the petite bourgeoisie, except in times of severe crisis. The lower middle class, following Marx, lacked its own class-consciousness because it was afraid to become proletarian and aspired to attain the bourgeoisie's style of living and class standing in society even though it also despised the big bourgeoisie's productive means and way of life. Marx, in a prophetic Freudian style analysis, would ascribe this apparent contradiction to the lower middle class own self-hate. Nevertheless, lacking its own class-consciousness did not mean that the petite bourgeoisie was not capable of generating its own separate culture, life-style and Weltanschauung. The problem was that it engendered its own ethos in direct opposition to the proletarian and bourgeoisie ones; affecting, then, its own cultural authenticity. All this said, the lower middle class may not have been self-conscious but it certainly was self-aware. It had distinctive class awareness (6). The interest of Karl Marx in the lower middle class was provoked by the role the author gave to it during the events that unfolded in France between February 1848 and December 1852, particularly the role played by the petite bourgeoisie in the ascendance to power of Louis Bonaparte in the coup d'état of December 1852. First of all, it is imperative to define how Marx understood the social composition of the lower middle class in mid-nineteen century France. Small independent peasants, clerks and small artisans and shopkeepers were Marx's main petty bourgeoisie members. All of them were part of this classless class because they lacked the property of the main means of capitalist production, that in mid-nineteen century France Marx attributed to the industrial, large-retail and financial sectors; and, because they were not even proletarians either because they were small owners (particularly small peasants and shopkeepers) or because their work did not constitute an intensive manual waged labor (artisans and specially State's clerks). Marx did not see in them any economic conditions of existence, under which they lived, that could separate their mode of life, their interests and their culture from those of other classes. Given this situation, the small peasants, clerks and shopkeepers were not in any hostile opposition (as a clearly defined class with its own interests, culture and mode of life) to the bourgeoisie or the proletariat. Marx did not witness any sense of class-consciousness in them. He only viewed a local interconnection among small peasants, shopkeepers and clerks; but there was no sense of identification of interests between all of them that could beget unity and political organization. But even if they did not conform a class on itself, they were aware of their own uncertain socio-economic circumstances: at any given moment the big bourgeoisie, either by the action of retail competition or that of bank executions of failed mortgage payments, could toss them into the proletarian class. This socio-economic fear of becoming part of a propertyless class put them in direct opposition with the working class and drove them into the arms of the big bourgeoisie in moments of severe political crisis. Only here did Marx perceive the existence of class-consciousness in the petty bourgeoisie. In the XVIII Brumaire Marx distinguishes three moments where the lower middle class acted as a class in itself: in the February Revolution of 1848 when they rebelled, alongside sectors of the big bourgeoisie and the proletarians, against the Orleanist monarchy; in June 1848 when they actively collaborated with the big bourgeoisie in crushing the proletarian rebellion; and finally, in December 1852 when they endorsed Louis Bonaparte's coup d'état against the bourgeoisie republic. In the first episode, Marx observes a revolutionary role embedded in the lower middle class. He recognizes a class-consciousness in them; a strive to enact political and social change in the wellbeing of their own interests. In June 1848, Marx assigns them a counter-revolutionary role. They react out of fear and misguided by the bourgeoisie. They are afraid that a proletarian revolution would forever kill their socio-economic aspiration to become part of the bourgeoisie. According to Marx they are right to be fearful. A proletarian revolution would lead to a dictatorship of the proletariat and to the end of all classes. Alas, their desire of a bourgeoisie life-style as a "heaven on earth" would be tromped. A classless society would take away from them what distinguished them from the proletariat and what would, eventually, provided them upwards-social mobility: small private property and better paid and socially-respected professional labor. It has to be added that Marx also makes the bourgeoisie responsible for the lower middle class actions in the June rebellion. The former convinced the latter not to support and even to fight the proletarians by guaranteeing them access to better social standing, better financial and trade benefits and inclusion into the higher middle class. These were all false promises, which lack of satisfaction led to the events of December 1852. The lower middle class, betrayed by the bourgeoisie and immersed in deeply economic despair (which they made the big bourgeoisie responsible for) decided to fully endorse Louis Bonaparte's coup d'état. Again, and maybe more than ever if Marx's argument is to be followed, the lower middle class acted as a fully conscious class and had a counter-revolutionary and, even more, a reactionary role against the French bourgeoisie republic. Why did the lower middle class support Bonapartism? According to Marx, Napoleon III was the only one that could represent the petty bourgeoisie's interests. They did not have any sense of class-consciousness, which meant that they were unable to express their interests in a collective way. Meaning, that they were, like Marx says, incapable of enforcing their class interests in their own name through a parliament or any other democratic convention or institution. The lower middle class needed, and were also longing for, a paternalistic, authoritarian and charismatic figure that would represent their interest and implement policies accordingly. Louis Bonaparte mirrored everything the lower middle class was pursuing: the protection of their interests by identifying them with France's interests; the understanding of France as an economically based petite bourgeoisie country in opposition to big bourgeoisie enterprises (banks and big retails companies); and, the conversion of the lower middle class's aspiration forgrandeur through the Second French Empire's expansionist foreign policy (7).Bonapartism protected them from the rapacious big bourgeoisie, assured their vital place in society as France's economic engine protecting small private property from socialist distribution of wealth drives coming from the working class and satisfied their sumptuousness desires by establishing a lower middle class based Empire as Europe's major power. Marx's perceptions and warnings on the lower middle class counter-revolutionary and reactionary roles in periods of political and economic crisis has been regarded, by Marxist and non-Marxist authors alike, as an indication for future revolutionary moments and as a prophetic alert on future authoritarian regimes like fascism. Lenin himself defined the petite bourgeoisie as a "half-class" or "quasi-workers" or "quasi-bourgeois" class that would be more difficult to eradicate than the big bourgeoisie and that would be politically unreliable (8). The lower middle class unpredictable behavior and dislike for radical policies could produce a reactionary backlash that could only be prevented by a rapid proletarization of all society. Nevertheless, even if Lenin was afraid of the possibility of an authoritarian government led by Kornilov and backed by the petty bourgeoisie (9); he later acknowledged, particularly by implementing the New Economic Policy, the lower middle class economic importance and envisaged them as a transitory class towards a proletarian society (10). Lastly, several authors have taken the XVIII Brumaire in order to compare Bonapartisim to fascism, even affirming that Napoleon's III rule was the first fascist regime in history, or to seek the social origins of both kinds of regimes in the lower middle classes. Jacob Schapiro not only sees the origins of 20th century fascism in 19th century Bonapartist France, he even defines Bonapartism as a type of fascism based on Marx's description of the regime in the XVIII Brumaire (11). Jost Dulffer analyses such comparison and, even if similarities are found, completely rejects its. He actually trends the historical origins of such comparisons to Trotsky's and August Thalheimer's writings on Nazism during the 1920s and 30s (12). Finally, Seymour Martin Lipset popularized the notion that fascism, just like Bonapartism, was an expression of the lower middle class resentments. According to Lipset, fascism was politically transformed rage of independent artisans, shopkeepers, small peasants and clerks that found themselves squeezed between better organized industrial workers and big businessmen and were "missing the boat" within the rapid social and economic changes of modern society (13). However, Ian Kershaw, Robert Paxton and Thomas Childers empirically confirm that fascism was not only a lower middle class phenomenon and that without the acquiesce of the conservative elites and sectors of the big bourgeoisie it would never had have come to power (14). Even if the comparisons between Bonapartism and fascism are historically pointless it is worth noticing, like Arno Meyer did, that Karl Marx was the first one to tackle the problem of the lower middle class lack of class-consciousness (15). Marx is correct in pointing out the lower middle class's awareness of itself and its dysfunctional and contradictory relationship vis-à-vis the big bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Even more so, Marx accurately identifies the social, political and historical role of the petty bourgeoisie: to gain consciousness in moments of crisis and pivotally function either as a revolutionary actor, alongside the bourgeoisie and the working class, or as a counter-revolutionary one, against the proletariat, or as reactionary one against the big bourgeoisie. This is, maybe, Marx's most important and timeless legacy from The Eighteen Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte.(1) Crossick, Geoffrey and Haupt, Heinz-Gerhard, The Petite Bourgeoisie in Europe 1780-1914, Rutledge, New York, 1998, pp. 16-38.(2) Mayer, Arno J., "The Lower Middle Class as Historical Problem", The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 47, No.3, Sep. 1975, pp. 409-436. (3) See Thompson, Edward, The Making of the English Working Class, Random House, New York, 1963.(4) See Bell, Daniel, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society: A Venture in Social Forecasting, Basic Books, New York, 1999. (5) See Giddens, Anthony, The Class Structure of Advanced Societies, Unwin Hyman, London, 1989.(6) See, Zeldin, Theodore, The Political System of Napoleon III, Macmillan, London, 1958.(7) Lenin, V. I., "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder: A Popular Essay in Marxian Strategy and Tactics, University of the Pacific Press, San Francisco, 2001, pp. 9-52. (8) Fitzpatrick, Sheila, The Russian Revolution, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2008, pp. 60.(9) Ibid, pp. 93-149.(10) Schapiro, Jacob S., Liberalism and the Challenge to Fascism, McGraw Hill, New York, 1949, pp. 308-31.(11) Dulffer, Jost, "Bonapartism, Fascism and National Socialism", Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 11, No.4, 1976, pp. 109-128.(12) Lipset Seymour M., Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics, Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1981, pp. 127-182.(13) See, Childers, Thomas, "The Social Bases of the National Socialist Vote",Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 11, No.4, 1976, pp. 17-42; Kershaw, Ian,"The Hitler Myth": Image and Reality in the Third Reich, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2001; Kershaw, Ian, The Nazi Dictatorship: Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2000; and, Paxton, Robert, The Anatomy of Fascism, Random House, New York, 2004.(14) Mayer, Arno J., "The Lower Middle Class as Historical Problem", The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 47, No.3, Sep. 1975, pp. 409-436. *Estudiante de Doctorado, New School for Social Research, New YorkMaestría en Estudios Internacionales, Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, Buenos AiresÁrea de Especialización: Procesos de formación del Estado moderno, sociología de la guerra, terrorismo, genocidio, conflictos étnicos, nacionalismos y minorías.E-mail: guere469@newschool.edu

SUMMARY: Étienne François explores the way in which the French project of creating "symbolic history" through studies of memory initiated by Pierre Nora's work can be continued in a different national context. For François, it is the question of whether history of memory can be pursued in the German case. François notes that despite Nora's insistence on the exclusivity of the French case, Germans have not less a "neurotic" attitude to their past.

At the same time, François admits that in Germany attitude to the national past memorial projects is profoundly different from the French case. Among such points of difference François notes that if in France national history is usually perceived as a long-term development rooted in the Middle Ages, in Germany looking at the past usually implies focusing on such topics as Nazism or "the second German dictatorship" in GDR. History of memory is problematic in Germany partly because most well known "places of memory" are concentration camps. It is also that in Germany perceptions of national identity are questioned to a greater extent than in France, which is a result of German history divided for the most part of the second half of the 20 th century.

Despite these profound differences, François insists that France and Germany entered the "memorial period" simultaneously about 20 years ago. The Franco-German rapprochement and the development of mass cultural tourism greatly contributed to that process. This "memorial boom" is reflected in three major developments: the growth of and greater attention to memorial events, such as the celebration of "Luther's year" in 1983; the public fascination with historical exhibitions; and the rise in popularity of historical museums. A development parallel to the growth of "memory" in Germany can be noticed in professional historical studies: in Germany, at the roots of the study of memory were Thomas Nipperdey and Reinhart Koselleck, while today the leading scholars in the field are Jan and Alaida Assman. The unification of Germany and the disappearance of the "German question" combined with dramatic improvements in the relationships between Germany and its neighbors created most favorable conditions for German memorial projects.

François touches upon the work of the conferences on "Nation and Emotion" held in Berlin in October 1993 and May 1995. At these events researchers agreed that the paradigm of "places of memory" that allows to create a symbolic history of a nation can be successfully implemented not only in France but elsewhere. The second conclusion of researchers was that it was impossible to replicate the French case in other national traditions. François notes four major principles that emerged out of the French-German cooperation in the studies of memory: the first is the preservation of a critical attitude to one's own work and resistance to temptations to legitimate the existing political situation; second, the specifics of German history required more attention to conflicts, ruptures, and breaks in the past; third, such research should be open and pluralistic with respect to chronology and geography, without limiting one's project to XIX and XX centuries or to the national level; finally, the pan-European context should be always taken into account, for varieties of national memory are often shaped by or in contact with "foreigners".

In the last paragraphs of his contribution François informs the reader about the seminar on cultural memory that he and Hagen Schulze conducted in Berlin, as well as touches upon the structure and methodology of the project of German "places of memory" study. François explains the decision to structure the project around the list of key memorial terms, such as "Reich", "Leistung", "Schuld", etc. François ends his article by pointing out the importance of German cultural memory in European context and in German national history.
Tony Judt explores the emergence of Pierre Nora's project of describing the French places of memory by locating it in the context of transformations that France was undergoing in the post-World War II period. As Judt argues, in 1956 France still reminded one the France of 1856 in terms of the social composition of its population, the structure of its economy defined by late industrialization and the importance of agriculture, and the authoritarian political regime. In the 1960s, fundamental changes in the economy led to the growth of urbanization. Rising prosperity undermined the position of the French Communist party and the departure of Charles de Gaulle combined with Mitterand's reluctance to pursue radically socialist policies left behind most divisive political distinctions between the conservative France and the left France. At the same time, the decline in importance of the French language combined with the revival of interest in regional identities and the loss of the French dominant position in world and European affairs contributed to the French perception that by 1980s their country was simultaneously undergoing several transformations: France was shrinking, breaking apart, and loosing its traditional identity. Pierre Nora's project was initiated during this period of flux and uncertainty. Thus, Nora's project was a response to the sense of loss of traditional France in public consciousness and an attempt to fixate in historical categories elements of public memory.

Judt notes the contradiction of Nora's project: designed as an attempt to fixate, explore, and repudiate various historical myths, the project itself finally turned into the celebration of the past. Judt sees several reasons for this transformation. First, Pierre Nora is an important figure on the French intellectual landscape, and he attracted best specialists to write articles in the collection. Second, there is no more consensus on the canon of the past and people disagree profoundly on what can or should be included in such a project. Taking possession of past events and places brought together accidentally underscores the break of the historical tradition. Third, despite many genius insights in the articles of the collection, it turned into a text that displays emotional attraction of researchers to the object of their study. The fact that the collection curiously omitted any references to the legacy of Napoleon Bonaparte or his nephew Louis Napoleon underscores how the project reflects French ambiguities about France's past. Judt also critically surveys Nora's claims of the specificity and exclusivity of the French historical experiences, which, allegedly, make France into a "nation of memory" like no any other nation.

Judt also analyses particular contributions to the volume, focusing on such topics as Catholicism and other religions in French memory. He notes that in the collection those studies that are dedicated to Protestants and Jews are characterized by more methodological innovation then the more traditional explorations of the role of Catholicism in French history and serve as a reminder to the editor of the collection, which avoided the memory of St. Bartholomew's Night. Judt also explores the ambiguity of perceptions of the countryside always characterized positively and of the province and the provincial always characterized negatively in the French history. Judt explores the role played in French history by memory of wars.

From Judt's point of view, Nora's project is informed by the fact that today (unlike earlier in French history) French public memory shaped by official representation differs from history as told by historians. As Judt argues, public memory without a foundation in narrative history looses coherence and turns into "places of forgetting".

According to Judt, Nora's project of describing "places of memory" was a response to the loss of the sense of eternal identity experienced by the French society at the juncture when two leading historical schools – the Annales and the (neo)Marxist historiography of the French revolution – lost their predominant position. Nora's story is about that meaning that the French ascribe to France and its identity, and those aspects of French history, such as Bonaparte's legacy of national minorities, were either omitted or pushed to the periphery of the narrative. In that sense, Nora's collection represents an example of a modern mythology and cannot be called a historical study properly, despite high quality contributions by professional historians.

Concerning the applicability of the French project to the Soviet context, Judt argues that it has little to offer to an understanding of a multinational state. In France, history is an established and respected discipline and Nora can offer an alternative approach to the past, while in post-Soviet societies the task is to return to scholarly writing of history. Finally, Nora's project is the product of the Parisian intelligentsia, self-assured and well versed in all details of French history. It has not been repeated elsewhere in Europe. It is a jeu d'esprit that can hardly be replicated elsewhere.
Marina Loskutova points out that "memory" is an imported methodology in Russia. At the same time, as most researchers of memory explain, the studies of memory are related to profound changes in Western societies in the post-war period. Correspondingly, the importation of memory studies will depend on similarity of experiences. In particular, the sense of the local landscape permeated by memorials of the past, the omnipresence of places of memory in Russia is not a given fact. Despite agricultural and peasant roots of most post-Soviet citizens, very few people will seek to uncover their village roots, and if they do, not industry of memorabilia exists for them. The study of memory in Western societies is also related to the communications revolution and to the new generation of mass-media, which brings forth the problem of the visual image as a sign of the past. It is the prevalence of visual culture, according to the author, that informs the upsurge in memory studies.

Loskutova then focuses on the contents of the concept of "memory". According to the author, it implies 1) social cadres that allow an autobio graphical memory to take shape; 2) oral memories circulating in society; 3) collective commemorations; 4) information devices, from newspaper to CD, delivering information about the past to an audience larger than professional historians' community; 5) habits of the body. As the author argues, these aspects are hardly related, and their combination within one research framework obscures rather then helps to solve the problem. At the same time, none of them is specifically related to the nation-state (with the exception of commemorations). It is traditional narrative history that provides the basis for national identity, even if we consider the explosive "memory" of ethnic minorities, which is often based on semi-professional historical accounts popularized by mass media.

Loskutova agrees with Judt's argument concerning the importance of a historical narrative taught at school; at the same time, she takes issue with him concerning the presence of such a narrative in Eastern Europe. She notes that in post-Soviet Russia there is little doubt about historians' right to talk about the past authoritatively and there is little criticism of traditional narrative historical modes.

For Loskutova, the experience of importing oral history methods into the Russian context is telling. On the one hand, the community of professional historians is skeptical about the use of oral histories interviews, pointing to the need to verify data using traditional methods anyway. Historians are also reluctant to accept the possibility that contemporary perceptions of the past should be in their sphere of competence. With respect to the Soviet past seen through oral history two drastically different positions are prevalent: "Soviet history is only possible on the basis of oral data for historians have always lied to us" and "People don't remember much and they do they won't tell". Loskutova notes that many memories of the Siege of Leningrad in World War II are told according to one scenario, which implies likely following prescribed expectations of such a memory. At the same time, research into what was told in families demonstrated significant variations in memories, thus undermining the interview method. Finally, Loskutova argues that it is possible to study "imperial memory" as informal knowledge of imperial social and political mechanisms. Nevertheless, such studies of memory cannot be an alternative to a meta-narrative of imperial history.
Igor Narskii points out that historiography knows works on functions of collective memory in imperial and Soviet Russia (Lotman, Wortman, Plaggenborg). Narskii criticizes approaches to memory in the editorial introduction as too narrow. For Narskii, memory is cultural context and includes not only images of the past but also mechanisms of their formation, circulation, manipulation, etc. Imperial memory is heterogeneous as much as the national memory. Narskii also focuses on varieties of imperial memory that support/maintain supranational unit without being totalitarian. The author refers to particular junctures in history when addressing the past becomes an important societal aspect. He also argues that the Russian scholarly community focuses on such issues as memory belatedly, when the problem has already been discussed in the West and triggers idiosyncratic reactions from Western colleagues.

For Narskii, historical memory is the field for research in the framework of new social and cultural history and it can become a key in interpreting the subjective world of people in the past. Narskii reminds that it is not just the concept itself but the hard work of adapting it to the needs of historical scholarship that matters.

По мнению Матта Мацуды , память империи следует скорее рассматривать не как коллективную (Хольбвакс), но как память "собранную" ( collected ), состоящую из отдельных фрагментов, артефактов, частей мозаики, порождающих "невольное", а не преднамеренно сконструированное значение. Мнемонические качества таких фрагментов гарантируются их разделенностью, фактом невозможности единого нарратива. Соответственно, противопоставление памяти и истории неправомерно: скорее, речь должна идти о памяти как об одном из видов истории, в котором главную роль играют не хроники развития, а моменты значения. По мнению Мацуды, проекты, подобные "Местам памяти" Пьера Нора, не являются оппозицией истории, они даже не являются "антинациональными": скорее, это – варианты национальных историй, в которых собраны различные субъекты. Такие истории выглядят странными только по сравнению с телеологическими историческими нарративами. Специфика исследований памяти состоит в том, что они делают процесс дистанцирования от прошлого предметом рефлексии. Если в 1950-60-е и затем в 1980-е гг. речь шла о распаде грандиозных территориальных империй, в начале ХХI века вопрос стоит о хроно-политической деколонизации субьектов, колонизированных телеологическими нарративами социализма или империализма.

Традиционное понимание империи состоит в представлении о территориальной замкнутости, множественности подданных и наличии центра власти. Можно, тем не менее, последовать примеру "мест памяти" и представить себе империю не как закрытую территорию власти, но как множество локальностей, каждая из которых является пространством соревнования меняющихся императивов. Исследования национализма говорят о нациях как практиках, а не как о реальных сущностях. Такой же подход должен быть применен к империи. Соответственно, в той же мере, в какой империи не суть закрытые историографические доминантные миры, память не является оппозицией истории. В терминах памяти можно говорить об империи как о наррации правил; при этом имперское пространство характеризуется неровным распространением этих правил. Подход к империи как ко множеству локальностей, определяемых и доминируемых политической, экономической или культурной властью, позволяет уйти от противопоставления "модерного" концепта памяти и "архаичного" концепта империи. Именно "архаичность" памяти об империи (Британской или Российской) позволяет глобальным империям XXI века (США) не замечать имперского характера собственного доминирования в мире.

Касаясь вопроса об "имперской памяти", Мацуда замечает, что она, скорее, является ширмой, за которой осуществляется непростое сосуществование разных народов, взаимоисключающих претензий на культурное наследие или различных культур. Освобождение от имперских уз часто ведет к реконституированию национального, причем агенты такого реконституирования предпочитают не помнить о том, что нации сыграли свою роль в создании империй. Касаясь вопроса о моделях памяти, воплощенных в обществах типа "Памяти" и "Мемориала", Мацуда отмечает, что и ностальгия как исторический принцип, и моральное банкротство попыток использования нарративов прогрессивных перемен для исправления исторических несправедливостей одинаково опасны.

В заключении Мацуда обращается к известной теме восстановления исторической справедливости, к требованиям платежей и репараций, выдвигаемым на основе памяти. По сути, вопрос стоит так: может ли память требовать репараций у истории? Вопросы исторической вины и компенсации в огромной степени зависят от факта признания, т.е. от допущения памяти. Это само по себе – вызов имперскому наследию, ведь главной задачей империи является забывание (поскольку сама империя расколота и неоднородна). Обращаясь к проблематике памяти, исследователи невольно напоминают нам об этой характеристике империи.

Old postcards and posters were used as illustrations to the roundtable.

В оформлении круглого стола использовались старые почтовые открытки и плакаты.

SEXUAL SADISM AS EXPERIENCED BY LISBETH SALANDER IN STIEG LARSSON'S THE GIRL WITH DRAGON TATTOO Dea Anissa Rahmat English Literature, Faculty of Languanges and Arts, Surabaya State University dearbepe@gmail.com Drs. Much. Khoiri, M.Si English Literature, Faculty of Languanges and Arts, Surabaya State University much.khoiri@yahoo.com Abstrak Sadisme dalam seksualitas adalah perasaan gairah seksual yang disebabkan oleh pemberian rasa sakit, penderitaan, dan penghinaan kepada orang lain. Perilaku sadisme yang nampak secara langsung dan terang-terangan dalam pencapaian titik klimaks perilaku seks seseorang dapat dijadikan indikator bahwa orang tersebut mengalami penyimpangan. Penyimpangan seks dalam kasus sadisme sering mengalami penurunan signifikasi dan fungsi akibat perilaku menyimpang dalam berfantasi. Orang yang menjadi mitra atau objek yang dikenai perilaku sadis dalam hubungan seks belum tentu menjadi rekan yang bersedia. Jika kegiatan seks yang identik dengan perilaku sadis ini disetujui oleh kedua pihak ataupun hanya seorang saja, maka dapat diartikan pihak yang melakukan kegiatan tersebut mengalami kegagalan seksual secara normal dan perlu alternatif lain untuk mencapai titik klimaks. Misalnya, melakukan aktifitas kekerasan pada saat berhubungan. Dalam kajiannya, peneliti sengaja mengambil novel dengan judul The Girl With The Dragon Tattoo untuk menganalisis perilaku menyimpang dalam hubungan seks yang dialami oleh tokoh Salander. Teori yang digunakan untuk menganalisis perilaku menyimpang dalam tokoh utama dalam novel berasal dari teori Sigmund Freud tentang psikologi dan kepribadian. Dengan dilengkapi teori relevan, penelitian ini mengambil beberapa kutipan dalam novel yang mewakili perilaku menyimpang dalam seksualitas untuk dijadikan data dalam kajian peneliti. Hasilnya, perilaku menyimpang dalam seks ditunjukkan oleh tokoh Lisbeth Salander dalam novel memberikan dua hipotesis. Pertama, dalam novel muncul beberapa sadisme seksual yang terjadi pada rekan tokoh Bjurman yang teridentifikasi dari data berupa kutipan teksnya. Salander sebagai korban sadisme seksual dari pengacara rekan Nails Bjurman. Kedua, beberapa faktor yang berkontribusi Lisabeth Salander untuk melakukan sadisme seksual. Penelitian ini mencerminkan pengalaman deskriptif sampel perempuan yang terlibat dengan perilaku sadisme seksual beserta faktor-faktor yang berkontribusi dibaliknya. Keywords: Sexual sadism, sadistic behavior, The Girl with The Dragon Tattoo Abstract Sexual sadism is a feeling of sexual excitement resulting from administering pain, suffering, or humiliation to another person.When sadism becomes directly and overtly related to sexual gratification, they are considered perversions. Sexual sadism often experiences significant impairment or distress in functioning due to actual sadistic behaviors or sadistic fantasies. With regard to actual sadistic behavior, the person receiving the pain, suffering, or humiliation may or may not be a willing partner. Whether or not the partner is consenting, it is the very real suffering they are experiencing that is arousing to the sadist. This study examines Stieg Larsson's The Girl With The Dragon Tatttoo, which is about sexual sadism as experienced by Salander. This study uses theory of sexual sadism and Sigmund Freud's theory of Psychology and Personality. By using relevant theories, the study analyses the data—i.e. quotations from the novel that represent sexual sadism. The result of this analysis shows that sexual sadism experienced by Lisbeth Salander as reflected in Steig Larsson's The Girl With The Dragon Tattoo can be described by two parts. First, it shows that there are several sexual sadism which occurs from her guardian Bjurman. Salander as a victim of sexual sadism from the guardian laywer Nails Bjurman. Second is to reveal the factors that contributed Lisabeth Salander to do sexual sadism. It is about a descriptive experiences of a sample of women who have been consensually involved with sexual sadism and factors that contribute to sexual sadism. Keywords: Sexual sadism, sadistic behavior, The Girl with The Dragon Tattoo INTRODUCTION In human sexual life, there are certain conditions of sexual disorder which consider as embarassing and dangerous situations from the society's point of view. Normally, sexual activity is the union of the female and male's genital and other sexual activity besides it is taken as "abnormal". Few examples of sexual deviations are: homosexual, masochism, sadism, necrophilia, fetishism, etc (Barlow, 2009: 364). Sadism implies pleasure in inflicting. When sexual sadism is applied to show fantasies, urges or behaviors that involve real acts in which the suffering of another person is found sexually exciting. The essential feature of sexual become directly related sexual gratification. That sexual gratification it considered perversions. Sadism is a feeling of sexual excitement resulting from administering pain, suffering, or humiliation to another person. The pain, suffering, or humiliation inflicted on the other is real, it is not imagined and may be either physical or psychological in nature. A person with a diagnosis of sexual sadism is sometimes called a sadist. The name of the disorder is derived from the proper name of the Marquis Donatien de Sade (1740-1814), a French aristocrat who became notorious for writing novels around the theme of inflicting pain as a source of sexual pleasure. The sadistic acts performed or fantasized by a person with sadism often reflect a desire for sexual or psychological domination of another person. These acts range from behavior that is not physically harmful although it may be humiliating to the other person (such as being urinated upon), to criminal and potentially deadly behavior. Acts of domination may include holding or imprisoning the partner through the use of handcuffs, cages, chains, or ropes. Other acts and fantasies related to sexual sadism include paddling, spanking, whipping, burning, beating, administering electrical shocks, biting, urinating or defecating on the other person, cutting, rape, murder, and mutilation. Psychopathia Sexualis, later defined sadism as: "The experience of sexual, pleasurable sensations (including orgasm) produced by acts of cruelty, bodily punishment afflicted on one's person or when witnessed in others, be they animals or human beings. It may also consist of an innate desire to humiliate, hurt, wound or even destroy others in order, thereby, to create sexual pleasure in one self". This kind of sexual sadism has appeared in the literature (Kraft-Ebing, 1886: 274) . One of the writers that written about sexual sadism in a novel is Stieg Larsson. The novel was released to great acclaim in Sweden and later, on its publication in many other European countries. In the original language, it won Sweden's Glass Key Award in 2006 for best crime novel of the year. It also won the 2008 Booke Prize, and in 2009 the Galaxy British Book Awards for Books Direct Crime Thriller of the Year, and the prestigious Anthony Award for Best First Novel. Larsson was posthumously awarded the ITV3 Crime Thriller Award for International Author of the Year in 2008. The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo debuted at number four on The New York Times Best Seller list. The novel received mixed reviews from American critics. In a review for The New York Times upon the book's September 2008 publication in the United States, Alex Berenson wrote, "The novel offers a thoroughly ugly view of human nature"; while it "opens with an intriguing mystery" and the "middle section of Girl is a treat, the rest of the novel doesn't quite measure up. The book's original Swedish title was Men Who Hate Women, a label that just about captures the subtlety of the novel's sexual politics." The Los Angeles Times said "the book takes off, in the fourth chapter: From there, it becomes classic parlor crime fiction with many modern twists.The writing is not beautiful, clipped at times (though that could be the translation by Reg Keeland) and with a few too many falsely dramatic endings to sections or chapters. But it is a compelling, well-woven tale that succeeds in transporting the reader to rural Sweden for a good crime story."Several months later, Matt Selman said the book "rings false with piles of easy super-victories and far-fetched one-in-a-million clue-findings."Richard Alleva, in Commonweal, wrote that the novel is marred by "its inept backstory, banal characterizations, flavorless prose, surfeit of themes (Swedish Nazism, uncaring bureaucracy, corporate malfeasance, abuse of women, etc.), and--worst of all author Larsson's penchant for always telling us exactly what we should be feeling." Discussing and analyzing about character or human, they cannot be separated from personality terms. Personality derives from the Latin word persona, which refers to a mask used by actors in a play. The character is easy to see how persona came to refer to outward appearance, the public face we display to the people around us. Personality refers to the characteristics patterns of behavior and ways of thinking that determine a person's adjustment to his environment. The personality of somebody has built from the experiences that they got from the social surrounding and also the genetic factor gives the background of someone's personality Schultz (2009: 8). The direct influences of sexuality on personality comes from the effects of sex hormones. It influences body build, body functioning, and the quality of the individual behaviour. The indirect influence comes up from three sources: the effect of cultural influences sex drive, the attitudes of significant people and their treatment to the individual caused by sexuality, also the molding of personality pattern of sex appropriatenes, which admitted by society. To understand the aspect of psychology within literary work, needed psychology of literature, it is used to investigate the psychology aspect, which shown by the character within the novel The Girl with Dragon Tattoo by Stieg Larsso. Wellek and Werren (1989: 81) stated psychology of literature, mean the psychological study of the writer as type and as individual, or the study or creative process, or the study of the psychological types and laws present within works of literature, or, finally, the effects literature upon its readers (audience psychology). Sigmund Freud emphasizes how early stage of childhood is important part to create someone's adulthood personality and behavior. He says that part of our personality is formed on the basis of the unique relationships we have as children with various people and objects. Accordingly we develop a personal set of character attributes, a consistent pattern of behavior that defines each of us as an individual (Shannon, 2009: 64). Grossman (1991) states the psychological effects trauma, wheteher in infancy or adult life, are best understood in connection with the development and functioning of the capacity to fantasize. Here, a child which has been experienced physical and psychological trauma can build a fantasy refers to the violence.Violence can be in the form of hitting, slamming, humiliating, and so on. Consequently, a child can imagine that she/he is happy if he/she hurts and or being hurt by another people. This kind of fantasy can cause sexual sadism behaviour. In accordance of background study above, it can be simplify to discuss among two problems that emerge as significant concern toward this novel. How is sexual sadism as experienced by Lisbeth Salander reflected in Steig Larsson's The Girl With Dragon Tattoo? What factors contributed Lisabeth Salander to do sexual sadism in Stieg Larsson's The Girl With Dragon Tattoo? This study will uses two theories which are in line with the statement of the problems.The first is about review of related literature which contains the theories that are used in the analysis. In this chapter, the concept of sexual sadism and will be related to the concept of sexual sadism and theory of personality. The second will deal with the core of the study, which is the analysis of the study. The last chapter of this study is the conclusion as the result of the analysis. The additions will be added and got along with the analysis such as appendix, which consists of the biography of the author of this novel, and the synopsis of the novel. Those additions are to be the closing of this study. RESEARCH METHOD Research methodolgy that used in this analysis here must be qualified as an applying in literary appreciation. The thesis is regarded as a descriptive-qualitative study and uses a library research. This study uses novel of Stieg Larsson entitled The Girl with The Dragon Tattoo that published Seven Stories Press, 140 Watts Street, New York in 2007 as the data source of this study. The data are in the form of direct and indirect speech of the characters, dialogues, epilogues and quotations which indicate and represent aspect of power abuse and sexualization which is experienced by the main character. This thesis is using the library method in collecting the data. It does not use the statistic method. That is why it is not served in numbering or tables. Library research used an approach in analyzing this study. The kind of library research which is used here is intensive or closely reading to search quotations or phrases. It also used to analyze the literary elements both intrinsic and extrinsic. The references are taken from library and contributing ideas about this study from internet that support the idea of analyzing. The analysis is done by the following steps: (1) Classification based on the statement of the problems. This classification is used to avoid the broad discussion. There are two classifications in this study. (2) Describe the reflection of Sexual sadism as experienced.(3) To reveal the factors that contributed Lisabeth Salander to do sexual sadism in Stieg Larsson's The Girl With Dragoon Tattoo.The quotations that showed how the character's sexuality is affected by his power are taken as data. (4) Drawing the conclusion based on the analysis which is in line with the problems. ANALYSIS The first section is about the analysis of sexual sadism as experienced by Salander. The experience of Salander in sexual sadism is started when she meets her new guardian lawyer. Sexual sadism happened when she has an interview with Bjurman just after he became her guardian. Bjurman, on the other hand is recognize as a person who likes to do sex by sentence that is written in the novel. Salander is uncomfortable with Bjurman question and she feels that it is not her business by asking about sex in some kind of an interview. Salander's statement proves it. "No, it's not particulary nice to be fucked in the arse but what the hell business is it of yours?" . She left his office with a feeling of disgust. (Larsson, 2008: 220) The statement that Bjurman has no business with Salander sexual background, even he asks her impolitely. His authority is all about Salander legal powers, no more than that. Salander, moreover, express her disgust feeling to him after she feels that Bjurman was going too far. It can be concluded that she feels uncomfortable with Bjurman's questions. Salander thinks that it is not his right to ask her those questions. Then, she has been decided that she does not like Bjurman by leaving his office. The sex that is done by Bjurman is not like the sadist thing that he will do to Salander. He does some enjoyable acts to make Salander comfortable and feel horney. The nice thing is also given to her so she enjoyed the sex because Bjurman has a plan to have a sex with her again. The sex act done by Bjurman can be seen in quote below. He stood behind her. Suddenly he was massaging the back of her neck, and he let one hand slide from her left shoulder across her breasts. He put his hand over her right breast and left it there. When she did not seem to object, he squeezed her breast. Salander did not move. She could feel his breath on her neck as she studied the letter opener on his desk; she could reach it with her free hand (Larsson, 2008: 241). The incident happened when Salander comes to Bjurman office ask money to buy new computer, since her old laptop broken caused by an accident. She does not get the money easily because Bjurman forces her to do something. Bjurman assaults her by touching her breast. The quotation shows that Bjurman sexual sadism her by touching and squeezing her breasts. This is the one of sexual part that shows from the novel. Salander did nothing with all what Bjurman has already done to her. She got one lesson from Holger Palmgren that when there was an impulsive actions led to trouble, and trouble could have unpleasant consequences. Salander will never do anything without first weighing the consequences. In that quotation stated Salander feeling towards Bjurman. She has plan to use the letter opener as th weapon to fight againts him. Sexual sadism has formed her to be a person not easy to back down, she would always take revenge to all forms of act that try to hurt her. However, her status limits her to do that. Even, Salander cannot do something because she needs the money. All that she thinks is about the consequences. Bjurman starts to say what adult usually says which one another are known what the conversation means is. "I think you and I are going to be a good friend," he said. "we have to be able to trust each other." When she did not replay he said: "you're a grown woman now, Lisbeth" She nooded. "Come here," he said and held out his hand. (Larsson, 2008: 242) Salander just fixed her gaze on the letter opener for several seconds before she stood up and went over to him. In her heart, she says, consequences. It means that she knows the consequences by having such a lawyer guardian. The real acts that lead to sex activity are shown by Bjurman. The statement is explained bellow. He took her hand and pressed it to his crotch. She could feel his genitals through the dark gabardine trousers. While said, "If you're nice to me, I'll be nice to you." He puts his other hand around her neck and pulled her down to her knees with her face in front of his crotch. (Larsson, 2008: 242) It is shown that Bjurman rapes to her. In this case, he forces to suck his genital or can be called as oral sex. At the time she is just thinking that she did it for the money. In this case, Bjurman makes it difficulty to Salander in getting her money. In addition Bjurman treat her by saying: "If you're nice to me, I'll be nice to you," he repeated. "If you make trouble, I can put you away in an institution for the rest of your life. Would you like that?" (Larsson, 2008: 243) In this case, Salander cannot do anything to protect herself. She said nothing if Bjurman only gives words in order to treat Salander, without caring with Salander answer about his question, he continues the sex to Salander. He waited until she lowered her eyes, in what he regarded as submission. Then he pulled her closer. Salander opened her lips and took him in her mouth. He kept his grip on her neck and pulled her fiercely towards him. She felt like gagging the whole ten minutes he took to bump and grind; when finally he came, he was holding her so tight she could hardly breathe. (Larsson, 2008: 243). From the quotation above, it is clearly stated how Salander is forced to suck her guardian genital. He places his genital in Salander's mouth in order to get satisfied. Salander passively action towards those kinds of sadism makes Bjurman thinks more to hurt her. It is supported by (Krafft-Ebing, 2008: 14) that Sadism in sexual pleasurable sensations (including orgasm) produced by acts of cruelty, bodily punishment afflicted on one's own person or when witnessed in others, be they animals or human beings. The additional terrifying expression is shown by Salander in the quotation bellow. She realized with terrifying clarity that she was out of her depth. (Larsson, 2008: 273). It makes Salander in dead feeling. She thinks that Bjurman is doing something so serious and injury. What can help Salander this time is only keeping the pain that she gets? In another situation Bjurman turn mad and crazy. By taking metal stuffs that Salander hear from the sound of the clanking. The clanking sound of metal shows that Bjurman begins to do the sexual sadism, beside he says the words to treat Salander. The quotation is show at below: "You have to learn to trust me, Lisbeth," he said. "I'm going to teach you how this grown-up is played. If you don't treat me well, you have to be punished. When you're nice to me, we'll be friends."( Larsson, 2008: 274) From the quotation above Salander seems not to do anything. She only does what Bjurman wants and the only thing that she can feel is sick and gets more pain by Bjurman. Bjurman do not stop his act to Salander. In another situation, Bjurman asks Salander wheather she likes to do anal sex or not by asking "So you don't like anal sex, he said"(Larsson, 2008: 274). The more Salander keep silence, the more he maltreats her. Anal sex is the act of sexual by putting something in someone anus. It is really dangerous for someone's health or even can caused a great injury to victim. He also starts the sadism acts along sexual activity. The quotation below shows his sadist act that Bjurman does to Salander. Salander opened her mouth to scream. He grabbed her hair and stuffed the knickers in her mouth. She felt him putting something around her ankles, spread her legs apart and tie them so that she was lying there completely vulnerable. She heard him moving around the room but she could not trough the T-shirt around her face. It took him several minutes. She could hardly breathe. Then she felt an excruciating pain as he forced something up her anus. (Larsson, 2008: 274) The using of metal stuffs are cannot be tolerated anymore. The sadist action in sexual is real happening to Salander. Stuffed the knickers in Salander mouth is an act that hurt Salander physically. Bjurman spreads her legs apart and ties her so that she is completely vulnerable. Those acts are considered as physical sadism that she gets when having sex with Bjurman. Salander is completely pain of being sadistic by Bjurman when they having sex. It is shown when she felt an excruciating pain as forced something up her anus. Bjurman must do something to her anus that makes Salander in total pain. Beside, Bjurman did more and more tricks so that he could release his sadism along the act that he applied to Salander. Bjurman is going crazy more than before. The acts that Bjurman has done is supported by Matsumoto (2009: 490) theory about sexual sadism that defines sexual sadism is a paraphilia in which sexual arousal occurs as the result on inflicting physical or mental pain on another person as a means of exercising control over him or her. It means that the sadist feels pleasure and lust when he/she sexual partner suffered. Thus she/he can show his/her domination and power. Then, the second section will show factors contributed Salander to do sexual sadism. Then, the second section will show the factors that contributed Lisabeth Salander to do sexual sadism. This chapter will apply the theory in chapter two as the base theory, and hopefully this analysis will not deviate from the theory that has been explained before. Bjurman, now, has responsible for Salander's assets and financial, but he handles it out of his authority. He is a corrupt guardian that used Salander victim. He opened a new account in her name, and she was supposed to report it to Milton's personal office and use it from now on. The good old days were over. In future Bjurman would pay her bills, and she would be given an allowance each month. He told her that expected her to provide receipts for all her expenses."This had to do with the fact that i'm responsible with for your mone," he said. "You have to put money aside for the future. But don't worry; I'll take care all of that." (Larsson, 2008: 182) The quotation above shows that how Bjurman make Salander financially dependent happen is done by Bjurman. Although he is responsible for her assets and financial, but he handle it out of his authority. He is a corrupt guardian that used Salander victim. It is totally different with the precede guardian who let her free to manage her own money even though her status still under guardianship. Since, Bjurman is a corrupt, he take over and fully contol Salander money. He does not let Salander free access to use her money. Even, he force Salander to open a new account in a bank and requiring the victim to justify all money spent, so that Bjurman can control it. Besides, the statement in the quotation, "You have to put money aside for the future. But don't worry; I'll take care all of that"(Larsson, 2008: 182). Support the fact that Bjurman has abuse her financial as well. It is found that his life is to be a guardian of mentally disturbed likes Salander. He lives in her prosperity which is comes from his clients assets or money. He uses their weakness in legal status power, so that he is easily corrupt their money. Their weakness in legal status would make them afraid and do nothing about it. Obviously, it is form of economical as factor. The second form of economical that is done by Bjurman towards Salander is that by withholding the money or the access to the money. It is a complicated for Salander to ask her money, even for buying food. She has to work and Bjurman easily take over the money. It is prove by this quotation. Bjurman moved back to his side of the desk and sat on his comfortable leather chair. "I can't hand out money to you whenever you like,'' he said. "Why do you such an expensive computer? There are plenty of cheaper models that you can use for playing computer games." "I want to have control of my own money like before." Bjurman gave her a pitying look. (Larsson, 2008: 242) The quotation clearly stated can be concluded that Bjurman has underestimates her by saying that she did not need such sn expensive computer. It means that she is only a stupid girl that needs a computer just for playing games. Here, how Bjurman make a difficulty for Salander to get her money. He always ask or even demand her to do something first before she get the money. In this case, he would give Salander money after he takes advantages from her in terms of satisfying him by oral sex and anal sex, touching her breasts, and so forth. On the one hand, Bjurman has been abuse Salander by those various forms of violence. On the other hand, he has been abuse his profession as a guardian who is supposed to be protect the client. Here, he is withholding Salander own money that supposed to be her rights. Her authority is only take over Salander assests and financial so that the money can be used in a right way. However, Bjurman has been corrupted the money give some terms for her in getting her own money. Thereby, Bjurman has already one other forms ef economical as factor towards Salander. In the next meeting with Bjurman, Salander really need to buy a food. All the money that is kept by Bjurman is locked. It such the difficult thing to get the money like she must kill him first then she will get her own money. Psychological sadism is always given by the prepetator in order to treath the victims so they agree to do the sexual sadism. Psychological sadism also happen in the process of the sex itself in order to make the victims cannot avoid the prepetator to do sadism along the sex process. This is shown by Salander that she agree when Bjurman treat her to be nice with him. A threat could make the victim afraid psychologically. If the victim feels afraid with threat of the perpetrator, so they will be easily to do what they want to the victim. You have to learn to trust me, Lisbeth,'' he said. "i'm going to teach you how this grown-up game is played. If you dont treat me well, you have to be punished. When you're nice to me, we'll be friends (Larsson, 2008: 274) The quotation above shows Salander is threatened by Bjurman. After force to suck his genital, he threat her not to tell anyone about that. Salander just keep silence because she is feels afraid about the consequences related with her status if she reports it. He treats her as a whore not as a girl under his protection. In supported by Freud who insisted his sexual theory applied to all mental illness. However, in this moment, Bjurman not only threats her but he has done threatening harm. It is stated that threat and hurt her b slap and grip chin tight. It can be concluded that combine sadism always happened to Salander. Salander is not only facing of psychological but also accompanied by physical. The same thing also happened to her which is done by Bjurman. In another hand, the personality of somebody is built from the experiences they got from the social surrounding and also the genetic factor gives the background of someone's personality. Part of our personality is formed on the basis of the unique relationships we have as women with various people and objects. We develop a personal set of character attributes that defines each of us as an individual. The personality of Salander is considered as having a bad image. In her life, she likes to do dangerously violent things made her caught up by the police. One of her acts is explained below: When she turned fifteen, the doctors had more or less agreed that she was not, after all, dangerously violent, nor did she represent any immediate danger to herself. (Larsson, 2008: 174) Salander, in her life, she does not only danger someone near with her but also herself. Such of her bad behavior is leading her personality as a bad teenage. In other situation she has troubles with surrounding and herself by consuming alcohol and drug abuse. She builds an image that she has the negative attitude toward anybody and herself. It is said by Salander that the sex world is nothing new for her. It happens because she has already done the sex with more than ten people in her teen age. It is supported by the information she had had over fifty partners since the age of fifteen that she totally sex players. It is shown that by doing such of the sex activities will make her impression that going to be judge by other person. This is supported by Schultz (2009: 8) that based on its derivation, we might conclude that personality refers to our external and visible characteristics, those aspects of us that other people can see. Our personality would then be defined in terms of the impression we make on others that is, what we appear to be. In short, our personality may be the mask we wear when we face the outside world. CONCLUSION The analyzing of sexual sadism in Stieg Larsson's The Girl with Dragon Tattoo has give better understanding about several forms of sexual sadism as experienced that occurs and factors contributed Lisabeth Salander to do sexual sadism . Through the thesis analyzing, is is found that Salander has suffered from several forms of sexual sadism. As explained above that Salander as the main character experiences some forms sexual sadism, they are physical sadism, psychological and factor that contribute to do sexual sadism, they are threat and economical The conslusion of research question 1 are sexual sadism as experienced by salander is as an object. She gets both physical and psychological experiences by Bjurman asher guardian lawyers. She gets pain and suffer from physical experience. While in pysichological experience, she gets treatments from Bjurman. These are the conslusion of research question 2. The factors that make Salander to do the sexual sadism are unbelieveable because not all people want to be an object of sexual sadism. They are pyschology, personality, and economic factors. The psychology is like trearments that Bjurman has given to her and the personality is when Salander has such a bad personality backgrond, like havinh sex with many people. Finally, economic is the main factor for Salander to sexual sadism because if she wants to get her money, she must do the sex with Bjurman which bring her to sexual sadism. In Stieg Larsson The Girl with Dragon Tattoo, we can see Salander gets some forms of sexual sadism from Bjurman. There is not only sexual insult verbal, but also some kinds of sexual sadism of rape forms. The experience of Salander in sexual sadism is started when she meets her new guardian lawyer, Bjurman. On the other hand is recognize as a person who likes to do sex in the novel. Bjurman takes an opportunity by keeping Salander account and if she wants to get the money she must do the sex with him first. It is also supported by interview that is done, Bjurman asks about Salander sex life which is turn out to be another interrogation by asking her private aspect in her life, is that about her sexual background. All she wanted is about the money without making and giving any sexual sadism with him. With all scare feeling she agrees to do it again with Bjurman. The thing that she hates so much is having sex with a condition and compulsion. The fear is appears on Salander body language. This sexual sadism has made Salander suffered from some physically. It has become the worst experience ever in her life. Sexual sadism which is experienced by Salander is mostly done by Bjurman. Bjurman is not only doing the sexual sadism toward Salander in form of rape, but also psychological. In this case, Salander can be concluded to get she witnesses and watching other person, or even the person that she like, suffered from physical sadism. In this novel, Salander has been found experiencing sexual sadism. REFERENCES Barlow, H. David, Durand. V. Mark. 2009. Abnormal Psychology 5th edition. USA : Wadsworth Cengage Learning. Hoeksema, Susan Nolen. (2004). Abnormal Psychology. Third edition. New York: McGraw-Hill Comapanies Inc. Krafft-Ebing, Richard von. 1933. Psychopathia Sexualis: With Especial Reference to the Antipathic Sexual Instinct: A Medico-Forensic Study. New York: Physicians and Surgeons Book Co. Larsson, Stieg. (2008). The Girl with Dragon Tattoo. New York: Vintage Books. Matsumoto, David. 2009. The Cambridge Dictionary of Psychology. USA: Cambridge University Press. Schultz, D. P. & Schultz, S. E. (2009).Theories of personality 9th Edition. United States of America:Wadsworth Cengange Learning. Shannon, Joyce Brennfleck. 2009. 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