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Abstract: On May 9th, 2012, the Argentinean Senate converted into law the long collective process, driven by trans* activism, towards the legal recognition of gender identity. The Gender Identity Act (GIA) meant a large contribution to the field of civil and sexual rights interationally, especially in the matter of trans* policy. Nevertheless, what was at stake in the approval of the GIA was not just a step forward in legal terms and at a personal level for trans* people, but a whole set of representations, desires and social stakes on trans* lives and population. Thus, as regards to the scope and achievements of the GIA and its social and parliamentary debates, we can assert that in that realm a specific trans* life does not qualify as a living life. This article addresses the specific ways of presentation and apprehension of trans* lives in parliamentary debates about the GIA, and in social disputes within trans* activism. A biopolitical analysis of gender identity leads us to rethink the social conditions that sustain life and, by the same token, the interpretative frameworks of death.Keywords: Gender Identity; Law; Trans*; Biopolitics; NecropoliticsNecropolíticas trans*: Ley de identidad de género en ArgentinaResumen: El 9 de Mayo de 2012, el Senado Argentino convirtió en ley lo que fuera un largo proceso colectivo impulsado por el activismo trans*, la llamada Ley de Reconocimiento a la Identidad de Género. La Ley de Identidad de Género (LIDG) significó un gran aporte de escala internacional en materia de derechos sexuales y civiles, y en particular, en materia de política trans*. No obstante, lo que estaba en juego en la aprobación de la LIDG significaba no sólo un avance de carácter personal y global en términos jurídicos, sino también un conjunto de representaciones, deseos y apuestas sociales sobre la población y la vida trans*. A tenor de los alcances y logros de la LIDG y sus respectivos debates, tanto sociales como parlamentarios, puede sostenerse que en ellos una vida concreta, una vida trans*, no califica como vida viva. El artículo propone una reflexión crítica sobre los modos específicos de presentación y aprehensión de una vida trans*, sea en los distintos debates parlamentarios en torno a la LIDG, sea en las disputas sociales del activismo trans*. Desde un análisis biopolítico sobre la identidad de género, el texto busca repensar las condiciones sociales que sostienen la vida y, por lo mismo, aquellos marcos interpretativos de la muerte.Palabras clave: Identidad de Género; Ley; Trans*; Biopolítica; NecropolíticaNecropolíticas trans*: Lei de Identidade de Gênero na ArgentinaResumo: Em 9 de maio de 2012, o Senado argentino converteu em lei o que fora um longo processo coletivo impulsionado pelo ativismo trans*, a chamada Lei de Reconhecimento da Identidade de Gênero. A Lei de Identidade de Gênero (LIDG) significou uma grande contribuição de escala internacional em matéria de direitos sexuais e civis e, em particular, em matéria de política trans*. No entanto, o que estava em jogo na aprovação da LIDG significava não só um avanço de caráter pessoal e global em termos jurídicos, mas além disso um conjunto de representações, desejos e apostas sociais sobre a população e a vida trans*. Nesse sentido, se nos ativermos aos alcances e êxitos da LIDG e aos seus respectivos debates tão sociais como parlamentares, poderemos sustentar que neles uma vida concreta, uma vida trans*, não se qualifica como vida viva. O presente artigo se propõe a uma reflexão crítica sobre os modos específicos de apresentação e de apreensão de uma vida trans*, seja nos distintos debates parlamentares em torno da LIDG, seja nas disputas sociais do ativismo trans*. A partir de uma análise biopolítica sobre a identidade de gênero, vamos repensar as condições sociais que sustentam a vida e, pela mesma razão, aqueles marcos interpretativos da morte.Palavras-chave: identidade de gênero; Lei; trans*; biopolítica; necropolítica ; Last May 9, 2012, the Argentinian Senate turned into a law what was a long colective process driven by trans activism, the so called Gender Identity Acknowledgemente Law. The Gender Identity Law, meant a large step forward at an international level in the sexual and civil rights field, and specifically in the Trans politics subject. Nontheless, what was concerned in the approval of the GIL implied not only an advance at a personal and global level in legal terms, but also a set of representations, desires and social pledges over Trans population and life. Theoretically, if we adjust to the scope of the GIL'S achievements, we can state that a concrete life, a Trans life, does not qualify as a living life. The following lines are centered in a critical consideration over the specific ways of presenting and understanding a Trans life, both in the variety of parliamentary debates regarding the GIL as in the social disputes withing Trans activism itself. From a biopolitical approach over gender identity, we plan to rethink the social conditions that sustain life, and consecuently, the interpretative frames of death.

Sinan Antoon's The Corpse Washer (2013) constitutes an account of post-war Iraq narrated by an Iraqi youth and authored by an Iraqi émigré. It is thus a valuable alternative to American fiction on the conflict and its aftermath. From this premise, this article explores how the myth of the trauma hero, which has whitewashed the American invasion in redemptive terms, is here replaced by a more nuanced discourse. Mbembe's necropolitics—i.e. the "subjugation of life to the power of death" (2003: 39)—helps explain the story of Jawad, the corpse washer of the title, and of Iraq as one of dehumanization, wounding and spatialization inflicted by Western supremacy and alleged 'rationality.' The novel challenges Western necropolitics in two main ways: Iraqi stereotypes are questioned, especially their identification with terrorism and martyrdom. On the other hand, surrealism and gothic elements help the protagonist and his country to sublimate the trauma derived from American neocolonial politics.

This thesis will discuss heteronormativity in healthcare. It will take a social science and theoretical approach to acknowledge LGBTQ+ health disparities, apply theoretical approaches to why these disparities exist, and offer solutions to combat health disparities experienced by sexual and gender minorities. Neoliberalism, bio-politics, and necropolitics will be the theoretical approaches utilized to understand the basis of disparities experienced by the LGBTQ+ community. Neoliberalism will include themes of capitalism and public health policies which influence discrimination in healthcare. Bio-politics will outline how the intersection of the biological body and politics can exacerbate health disparities through the power of controlling bodies. Necropolitics will examine how the combination of homophobia, transphobia, and racism aid in the government control of life and death of certain populations.

In this article I analyze the practice and politics of classifying a tiger as a 'man-eater' in South India to explore what doing so reveals more broadly about the relations between animal life and the kinds of human life marked as expendable by the state. I draw on Achille Mbembe's theory of necropolitics in order to analyze how the Indian State attempts to manage human-wildlife relations in a contested plantation landscape of high priority for wildlife conservation. While there is a large literature theorizing wildlife and biodiversity conservation as the practice of biopolitics, I argue conservation, as both a typology of space and set of ideologically malleable practices, remains under-theorized as a form of necropolitics, the politics mediating death. I examine how the Indian State goes about reclassifying tigers from a strictly protected endangered species to killable—the process of making the 'man-eater'—in relation to how the state both values and devalues human and non-human life as a process rooted in colonial histories of accumulation by dispossession. This article responds to calls across political ecology and political geography to better theorize the role of non-human animals as essential subjects of inquiry in political contestations. It does so through exploring the spatial contours of deadly encounter between plantation workers and tigers in the plantation-conservation necropolis.

The constitutional State is based on rules that set limits on the use of force to achieve its essential objective, peace. In 2016, Colombia signed a peace agreement, which was granted constitutional status by the Constitutional Court. However, Colombia's first post-agreement government has been unable to reverse the country's endemic violence and has failed in its duty to protect the right to life of its citizens. This government, which fails to understand its responsibilities, has created a relationship with necropolitics, selectively allowing its population to die by using war, the enemy, and terror as justification for this exception.

This article explores how time interacts forcefully with the experience of living within toxic spaces. Through ethnographic research and interviews with residents of a contaminated town in Louisiana, the article unpacks the uncertain temporalities of industrial pollution and potential means of resistance. Putting Mbembe's (2003) postcolonial treatise on necropolitics in conversation with Nixon's (2011) work on slow violence, the article examines the racialized, uneven, and attritional experience of petrochemical pollution in a former plantation landscape. By exploring the necropolitics of place, the article reveals how unjust exposure to toxic chemicals creates contemporary "death-worlds" that are experienced in temporally uncertain and constricting ways. The oppressive nature of uncertain temporality makes the material assemblages of petrochemical infrastructure daily environmental concerns. Yet by focusing on the lived experience of communities inhabiting this toxic geography, the article notes how witnessing gradual changes to the local environment has become a barometer for perceiving chronic pollution. The idea of "slow observation" is posited as a useful counterpoint to slow violence and the permanent wounding of toxic pollution. Slow observation is an important aspect of living with sustained environmental brutality and offers a potential means of political resistance and doing undone environmental justice.

The present article aims to reflect the access to health in Brazil, especially in the current context of the Covid-19 pandemic, establishing theoretical and conceptual paradigms between the fields of biopolitics and necropolitics. In this context, this study analyses the political discourses during the pandemic of Covid-19 in Brazil. The methodology comes from a bibliographic review, based on the hypothetical-deductive method, mostly based on the concept of necropolitics. Finally, it has been observed that even more dangerous than the virus itself is the necropolitical perspective that dictates who lives and who dies – in this case, who breathes and who suffocates - the nation's economy over human lives. It's also been verified that the admission of certain health protocols, under the bioethical perspective, portray the death policy that dictates who lives and who dies in a State completely ineffective in its political, social and even economic dimensions.

The present article aims to reflect the access to health in Brazil, especially in the current context of the Covid-19 pandemic, establishing theoretical and conceptual paradigms between the fields of biopolitics and necropolitics. In this context, this study analyses the political discourses during the pandemic of Covid 19 in Brazil. The methodology comes from a bibliographic review, based on the hypothetical-deductive method, mostly based on the concept of necropolitics. Finally, it has been observed that even more dangerous than the virus itself is the necropolitical perspective that dictates who lives and who dies – in this case, who breathes and who suffocates – the nation's economy over human lives. It's also been verified that the admission of certain health protocols, under the bioethical perspective, portray the death policy that dictates who lives and who dies in a State completely ineffective in its political, social and even economic dimensions.

This article presents results of a first-hand investigation that took a year of ethnographic work (methods of observation and interviews) during 2016&ndash ; 2017, with the post-structural theoretical framework of Gilles Deleuze, on the United States&ndash ; Mexico border, in the San Diego&ndash ; Tijuana corridor. The Center for Iberian and Latin American Studies of the University of California San Diego, PREVENCASA A. C., and Universidad Autó ; noma de San Luis Potosi supported this research. In this research, statistical data, observations, and synthesis of in-depth interviews were utilized about those defined as the &lsquo ; dispossessed&rsquo ; : users of hard drugs, and/or in homelessness conditions of discrimination in a highly contrasting border such as that of the United States and Mexico. Among the main results are the relations between mental and embodiment limits, necropolitics and territory, as well as the approach of post-structural political discourses about the body and mind that allow us to understand the subjectivities in question, proposing two types of homelessness.

With a focus on global cancer epidemics, the article discusses biopolitics in the Anthropocene against the background of a notion of dual governmentality, implying that efforts to make populations live and tendencies to let them die are intertwined. The conceptualization is based on postcolonial scholar Achille Mbembes notion of necropolitics and cultural critic Lauren Berlants notion of slow death, developing Foucauldian understandings of biopower. Liver cancer and breast cancer serve as cases showing the operations of an Anthropocene necropolitics, that is, its modes of working through political neglect of carcinogenic effects of conditions of poverty in postcolonial capitalism and chemical modernity. The article introduces Anthropocene necropolitics as an analytics, useful for a critical understanding of the global cancer epidemics. But it aims also to transgress a merely critical approach and to contribute to the search for critically affirmative points of exit into new and more promising worlding practices. Therefore, it engages in the discussion of the Anthropocene concepts lack of potentials to go beyond critique. Instead, the author tries out Donna Haraways proposal to complement the Anthropocene concept with the figuration of Chthulucene, calling for a shift of ethical stance and position of enunciation from the sovereign (white, Western) "I," waging "war" on cancer to a "we," based on a planetwide kinship of vulnerable bodies. Underlining that this shift can also commit to alternative modes of writing, the article ends with a poem, "Anthropos and the Canary in the Mine." The poem situates the analysis in the entanglement of political, ethical, theoretical, and personal passions brought about by the authors process of mourning her life partners cancer death.

Documentary photography has undergone a process of devaluation in post-apartheid South Africa. In response, Patricia Hayes has introduced the term "empty photographs" into the scholarly conversation, using it to designate images that have been derided as "'bad,' 'boring,' or repetitious" in post-apartheid settings ("The Uneven Citizenry," 189). This article revisits a subset of such images to contest their seeming emptiness—pallbearers escorting dead activists to their graves during political funerals in late-apartheid South Africa. Focusing specifically on Afrapix photographer, Gille de Vlieg's images of Themba Dlamini's funeral in Driefontein in 1990, the paper restores their local history to view and unpacks the visual cultural and material cultural circuits of militant mourning in which they were embedded. It then uses various orders of metonymy in the visual field to comment on the "necropolitics" of the apartheid regime (Achille Mbembe, "Necropolitics"). The paper concludes with a reflection on Ariella Azoulay's notion of the "civil gaze" (Civil Imagination) and considers what unfolds when a reckoning with the differential distribution of death that characterizes necropower reorients this faculty away from the individual photograph towards series, genre or corpus.

This article develops from current examinations of the link between racial subjectivity and death that increased in prominence after the publication of Achille Mbembe's 2003 article "Necropolitics." In a context specific to Native American/Indigenous Studies, Jodi Byrd (Chickasaw) points out how designating an individual or group "Indian" allows for their genocide. Elaborating on Mbembe's and Byrd's respective frameworks, my article provides a necropolitical reading of Louis Owens' 1994 novel Bone Game, arguing that the book prompts readers to discuss and reconcile the historical relationships between death and subjectivity and, more importantly, explore the possibilities of Indigenous futures and sovereignty. This article draws on Indigenous scholarship like Leanne Betasamosake Simpson's concept of 'Indigenous freedom,' Vine Deloria Jr.'s critique of Anthropological study, and Vizenor's notion of 'survivance,' in its analysis of the struggles and survivance strategies of Owens' characters, all of whom emphasize Native agency and sovereignty over the predominant, mainstream narrative of Native tragedy. The injustices and tragedies are part of the California landscape, written into the state and national histories, what Owens once described in an interview as "dark" but what this article characterizes as dystopic based on the novel's "defamiliarization" of a well-known setting for political purposes (Booker) and based on how it "depends on and denies history" (Baccolini). While illustrating the link between history and the present day of the book, up to and including how we can construct the future, my reading posits that the actions of Cole and his family help readers imagine possibilities for Indigenous futures. The first part of my article's title draws on one of Cole's quips about the history of California. Cole's reference to the state's "sordid past" critiques the common conception of California as a terra nullius paradise. California long exists in the public imagination as a source of hope (for gold, for a new beginning); it is thus appropriate that Owens sets his novel here to explore his own sense of hope for an Indigenous future, one that accounts for settler colonialism while also beginning to move past it, one that does not skirt the hard work of reconciliation and sovereignty.

Sin duda la trata de personas es uno de los delitos más denigrantes del mundo actual dado que reduce la condición del ser humano a una mercancía u objeto de explotación económica. A pesar de los avances mundiales en materia penal que previenen y sancionan este delito, las redes transnacionales de trata de personas se han incrementado. Este hecho, responde a varios factores. En primer lugar, la baja tasa de sentencias en contra de los responsables de este delito ha generado impunidad. En segundo lugar, la demanda ha crecido y ha sido observada de forma indiferente por los gobiernos, admitiendo con ello, un sistema de explotación que contribuye a la generación de dinero ilícito a costa del sufrimiento de las víctimas. Así se establece una política indirecta de necropolítica en la trata de personas, como un sistema invisible de explotación útil a un afán de lucro obstinado, ante lo cual, los Estados deben responder conforme sus obligaciones internacionales de respetar y garantizar los derechos de todas las personas. El análisis de normas y políticas públicas permiten saber si un Estado cumple con las mencionadas obligaciones, o si está generando una política de omisión o aquiescencia ante la trata de personas. Palabras clave: Trata de personas, necropolítica, cosificación, explotación sexual, políticas públicas. ; Without a doubt, human trafficking is one of the most degrading crimes in the world today since it reduces the condition of the human being to a merchandise or object of economic exploitation. Despite the international and national development of legislation that prevents and sanctions this crime, transnational human trafficking networks have multiplied, have become more technical, and their victims have increased worldwide. This fact responds to several factors. Firstly, the low rate of sentences against the direct and indirect perpetrators of this crime has generated impunity. Secondly, demand has grown and has been indifferently observed by governments, thereby admitting a system of global exploitation that contributes to the production of wealth at the cost of a death policy, since it is decided to let its victims die. This establishes an indirect necropolitical policy in human trafficking, as an invisible system of exploitation useful to a savage and voracious capitalism, to which, States should respond in accordance with their international obligations to respect and guarantee the rights of all persons. Keywords: Human trafficking, necropolitics, objectification, sexual exploitation, public policies.

The long and violent Sri Lankan Tamil conflict had its most severe impact on its closest neighbour Tamil Nadu, as exemplified by the violent response of the LTTE to the atrocities of the Indian Peace Keeping Force by the assassination of the ex-Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi at Chennai. By exploring the ramification of the suicide bombing of Rajiv Gandhi through the protracted trial and sentencing of Perarivalan (one of the three accused in the case, others being Santhan and Murugan), and the detailed reading of a contentious article that analyzes the causes for the failure of LTTE and addresses the polarization after the genocide, this essay argues how the specter of the suicide bombing is still haunting the Tamil psyche by underscoring its centrality for regional politics and media. By drawing attention to the figure at the heart of that specter Dhanu, the female suicide bomber who assassinated Rajiv Gandhi, this essay seeks to address the specificity of justice in the context of the Sri Lankan Tamil conflict and its bearing on bare lives.

Despite over 2 million deaths from COVID-19, the Anti-Mask movement has grown in Conservative spaces. This article takes a closer look at the breadth of the Anti-Mask movement, unpacking specific signs, cards, and anthems. I explore the necropolitical implications of their rhetoric, critiquing the ways American Conservative leadership, through the megaphone of the Trump administration, Senator Cruz, and Governor Kemp, facilitate this rhetoric. I aim to contextualize their rationale and explore how the rhetoric surrounding refusing to wear a mask ultimately leaves us with the harsh reality that they, and the politicians who support them, prioritize individual comfort over protecting vulnerable lives.