Poverty becomes the main problem, which prevents Third World Countries to be equal as any other countries in the world. This issue could be analysing from the development strategies of the Third World countries. They implemented Western Development strategies, which finally failed to overcome the problem. The main cause of the poverty in the Third World countries is the asymmetry in the world political economy. This article discusses this phenomenon by using three different theories: Centre-Periphery theory, Neo-Marxism and Dependency theory and Classic Marxism theory. The conclusion is, the effects of the asymmetry in the world political economy could be minimize by enforcing the global egalitarianism.
In: Sociological inquiry: the quarterly journal of the International Sociology Honor Society, Band 66, Heft 3, S. 374-395
ISSN: 1475-682X
Book reviewed in this article: Marxism in the Postmodern Age: Confronting the New World Order, edited by Antonio Callari, Stephen Cullenberg, and Carole Biewener. New York: Guilford, 1995, 560 pages. Cloth $49.95; paper $19.95. After Marxism, by Ronald Aronson. New York: Guilford, 1995, 321 pages. Paper $18.95. The Semiotic Self: by Norbert Wiley. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994, 250 pages. Cloth, $39.95; paper, $19.95. Reshaping the Female Body: The Dilemma of'Cosmetic Surgery, by Kathy Davis. New York and London: Routledge, 1995, 206 pages. Cloth $55.00; paper $16.95. Fear of Crime: Interpreting Victimization Risk, by Kenneth F. Ferraro. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995, 179 pages. Paper, $19.95 Auto Opium: A Social History of American Automobile Design, by David Gartman. London and New York: Routledge, 1994, 264 pages. Paper, $17.95. Berefi of Reason: On the Decline of Social Thought and Prospects for Its Renewal, by Eugene Halton. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1995, 304 pages. Cloth, $39.95. A Festival of Violence: An Analysis of Southern Lynchings, 1882–1930, by Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck. University of Illinois Press, 1995. Cloth, $49.95; paper, $19.95. Selling Free Enterprise: The Business Assault on Labor and Liberalism, 1945–1960, by Elizabeth A. Fones‐Wolf. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1994, 307 pages. Cloth, $49.95; paper, $16.95. The Executive Way: Conflict Management in Corporations, by Calvin Morrill. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995. Cloth, $29.95.
This article offers critical readings of two works that are symptomatic of a troubling repudiation of postcolonialism and Marxism by each other. Locating itself within the subfield of postcolonial international relations, John Hobson's The Eurocentric Conception of World Politics (2012) dismisses Marx as imperialist and Lenin (and various forms of neo-Marxism) as Eurocentric. Vivek Chibber's Postcolonial Theory and the Specter of Capital (2013) renews the Marxist attack on postcolonialism, ironically casting subaltern studies as a form of orientalism. I argue that the relative lack of attention in these polemics to reparative possibilities immanent within the theoretical formations being criticized is disabling, forcing us to choose positions that insist on the priority of some axes of marginality over others. In the tradition of feminist intersectionality, my critiques of these texts insist on reading their respective theoretical antagonists in ways that bridge the supposed gulf between postcolonalism and Marxism.
THE MAJOR THESIS OF THE WRITINGS OF ERNESTO LACLAU AND CHANTAL MOUFFE IS THAT THE CORE OF ALL MARXIST THEORY IS BASED ON A NECESSITARIAN, DETERMINISTIC LOGIC THAT EMPHASIZES IRON LAWS, A STRICT SUCCESSION OF STAGES, THE INEVITABILITY OF THE PROLETARIAN REVOLUTION, AND SO FORTH. THIS LOGIC REDUCES COMPLEXITY AND LEADS TO AN ESSENTIALIST VIEW OF THE SOCIAL AND TO A CLOSED, MONISTIC TYPE OF THEORETICAL DISCOURSE. ALL ATTEMPTS TO SOFTEN MARXISM'S DETERMINISTIC CORE BY STRESSING INDETERMINACY, COMPLEXITY, THE IMPORTANCE OF AGENCY, AND THE RELATIVE AUTONOMY OF THE POLITICAL ARE SIMPLY AD HOC ADDITIONS TO A THEORETICAL EDIFICE THAT, IN ITS FOUNDATIONS, REMAINS IRRETRIEVABLY MONISTIC.
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political science ; official journal of the Dutch Political Science Association (Nederlandse Kring voor Wetenschap der Politiek), Band 23, Heft 3, S. 310-331
It is argued that contemporary Marxism is in a crisis from which it is not likely to recover. Nevertheless, discussion of Marxism in the context of contemporary political philosophy is appropriate for two reasons: (1) Marxists set the agenda for current political & philosophical debate; & (2) Marxism has recently, at least in the West, given rise to a new & lively debate about the value of fundamental Marxian notions such as the idea of historical materialism & exploitation by the so-called (& self-styled) "analytical Marxists." The Marxians have undertaken a critical evaluation of Marxist political philosophy & have departed from orthodox Marxism. The analytical Marxists have tried to rephrase & uphold the framework of Karl Marx's political & materialist philosophy or have taken it upon themselves to construct a new Marxist edifice of political philosophy, even to reconstruct the whole Marxist scheme. This analytical Marxism is discussed in detail, along with endeavors by Western Marxists & dissident Marxists in & from Eastern Europe to come to terms with actually existing socialist societies & their basic political tenets. 63 References. Modified HA
One: The Immanence of Marxism-Leninism -- 1. Emergence of the "New Soviet Man" -- 2. The Scientific-Technological Revolution -- 3. Dialectical Logic -- 4. The Dialectic of Nature -- 5. Meta-Marxism -- Two: The Transcendence of Neo-Thomism -- 6. Natural Law and the Common Good -- 7. Nature and Knowledge -- 8. Logic and Knowledge -- 9. Immateriality -- 10. The "Predicamental" Perspective -- Three: The Concreteness of Pragmatism -- 11. Context -- 12. Science and Progress -- 13. Making Logic Practical -- 14. Nature and the Natural -- 15. "Context" as a Philosophical Concept -- Four: The Transcendentalism of Phenomenology -- 16. The Phenomenological Movement -- 17. An Approach to Social Context -- 18. Phenomenological Methodology -- 19. An Ontological Phenomenology? -- 20. Meta-Phenomenology -- Five: Conclusion -- Notes -- Index of Names -- Index of Subjects.
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An introduction to a special journal issue on "The Urban Informal Sector" examines five theoretical approaches commonly used to analyze this sector: modernization theory, dependency theory, neoliberalism, Marxism/neo-Marxism, & world systems theory. The contributions, briefly described here, are generally influenced by classical or neo-Marxism & emphasize the exploitation of informal sector workers under capitalism. 66 References. J. Lindroth
В современном знании потенциал неомарксизма как источника политической теории не раскрыт. В статье демонстрируются основные достижения диссертационного исследования, которые заключаются в выявлении политических теорий среднего уровня в рамках неомарксизма и их комплексном определении. Предлагается ввести в научный оборот категории «политологический неомарксизм» и «неомарксистская парадигма исследований политики». ; Potential of Neo-Marxism as a source of political theory isn't discovered in current knowledge. Fundamental achievement, which lays in its comprehensive definition and in detection of politics theories of a mid level within the framework of Neo-Marxism, of dissertation research is demonstrated. It ought to enter the categories «politological Neo-Marxism» and «Neo-Marxist paradigm of politics research» in a scientific speed.
На основе общенаучных методов (исторического, компаративного, системного), а также контент-анализа выявляется генезис неомарксизма и его эвристическая значимость для социального познания. Проанализировано поэтапное становление неомарксизма, установлены его исходная парадигма и основные теоретики. Разграничены неомарксизм, ревизионизм и идеологии рабочего движения. Определена роль диалектики в становлении неомарксистской критической теории общества. Неомарксистские концепции оптимизированы по следующим направлениям: социальная сфера, культура, политика, идеология, глобальный порядок. Выявлено теоретико-методологическое значение работы А. Негри и М. Хардта «Империя» для развития неомарксизма. обозначена перспектива становления нового направления неомарксизма – синергетического марксизма. Практическая значимость полученных результатов заключается в фундаментальном обобщении неомарксизма, определении его роли в современных исследованиях социальности. = In the article the genesis of neo-Marxism and its heuristic significance for social cognition is revealed with the scientific methods (historic, comparative, system ones) and content-analysis. Analysis is given to a phased formation of neo-Marxism, described were its source paradigm and main theorists. Neo-Marxism, revisionism and ideology of working class movement were given differentiation. The role of dialectics in establishing neo-Marxist critical theory of society was described. Social neo-Marxist conceptions were generalized into a number of directions such as social sphere, culture, politics, ideology, global order. The theoretic-methodological value of the work «Empire» by A. Negri and M. Hardt for developing neo-Marxism was revealed. The perspective of establishing a new neo-Marxist trend – that of synergistic Marxism – was sounded. The practical significance of the obtained results is seen in the fundamental generalization of neo-Marxism, highlighting its role in modern researches of sociality.
While the national discourse on &lsquo ; eco-civilization&rsquo ; drives conceptual thinking on sustainable urban development in China, in practice a systematic implementation gap appears to exist when it comes to local implementation. This paper examines how the leakage occurring in the trajectory from central government ideas to municipal and district level construction projects can be explained. More specifically, it aims to spot whether it is merely the result of mismatches resulting from ineffective interactions among players in the policy process, institutional misalignment between policy goals and policy instruments, or even if the mobilization of bias in the policy process is systematic enough to justify a neo-Marxist explanation of the abovementioned implementation gap. I found two main sources of structural bias: capital accumulation in the mechanisms for urban development and power accumulation in the mechanisms underlying the administrative process.