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The phenomenon of German neo-liberalism as a peculiar political–economic doctrine which became popular after World War II is analysed in the context of the ideology of neo-liberalism. Attempts have been made to show historical and cultural conditions which favoured the implementation of the ideas developed by W. Eucken, theoretician of the German neo-liberalism, and the representatives of the Freiburg school. The aim of the paper is to identify the peculiarities that make this economic thought different from classical neo-liberalism and have stimulated the development of the economy in post-war West Germany.

The phenomenon of German neo-liberalism as a peculiar political–economic doctrine which became popular after World War II is analysed in the context of the ideology of neo-liberalism. Attempts have been made to show historical and cultural conditions which favoured the implementation of the ideas developed by W. Eucken, theoretician of the German neo-liberalism, and the representatives of the Freiburg school. The aim of the paper is to identify the peculiarities that make this economic thought different from classical neo-liberalism and have stimulated the development of the economy in post-war West Germany.

The phenomenon of German neo-liberalism as a peculiar political–economic doctrine which became popular after World War II is analysed in the context of the ideology of neo-liberalism. Attempts have been made to show historical and cultural conditions which favoured the implementation of the ideas developed by W. Eucken, theoretician of the German neo-liberalism, and the representatives of the Freiburg school. The aim of the paper is to identify the peculiarities that make this economic thought different from classical neo-liberalism and have stimulated the development of the economy in post-war West Germany.

The phenomenon of German neo-liberalism as a peculiar political–economic doctrine which became popular after World War II is analysed in the context of the ideology of neo-liberalism. Attempts have been made to show historical and cultural conditions which favoured the implementation of the ideas developed by W. Eucken, theoretician of the German neo-liberalism, and the representatives of the Freiburg school. The aim of the paper is to identify the peculiarities that make this economic thought different from classical neo-liberalism and have stimulated the development of the economy in post-war West Germany.

The phenomenon of German neo-liberalism as a peculiar political–economic doctrine which became popular after World War II is analysed in the context of the ideology of neo-liberalism. Attempts have been made to show historical and cultural conditions which favoured the implementation of the ideas developed by W. Eucken, theoretician of the German neo-liberalism, and the representatives of the Freiburg school. The aim of the paper is to identify the peculiarities that make this economic thought different from classical neo-liberalism and have stimulated the development of the economy in post-war West Germany.

The paper explores the paradoxes of the political philosophy of liberalism. Liberal conception of justice is incapable of providing grounds for an identity of liberalism. Liberals do not have a moral conception of their own. This is a source of a paradox. Political identity points to morality and moral identity points to politics. The aim of this paper is to clarify this paradox. Political liberalism is based on certain assumptions of a philosophy of culture. Liberals defend a conception of culture which justifies their inconsistencies. They lack any coherent conception of morality and politics. The article is an attempt to prove this by using the "final position" – an alternative to the Rawlsian "original position".

The paper explores the paradoxes of the political philosophy of liberalism. Liberal conception of justice is incapable of providing grounds for an identity of liberalism. Liberals do not have a moral conception of their own. This is a source of a paradox. Political identity points to morality and moral identity points to politics. The aim of this paper is to clarify this paradox. Political liberalism is based on certain assumptions of a philosophy of culture. Liberals defend a conception of culture which justifies their inconsistencies. They lack any coherent conception of morality and politics. The article is an attempt to prove this by using the "final position" – an alternative to the Rawlsian "original position".

Significance of freedom and equality to democracy has been widely analyzed in political theory, but the third fundamental value of democracy - solidarity - has so far been overlooked. The dissertation seeks to fill this theoretical gap in defense of the claim that the separation of freedom and equality from solidarity deepens the democratic deficit. The concept and phenomenon of solidarity are analyzed from the point of view of critical theory, the influence of neo-liberalism on narrowing and "professionalization" of political participation is being explored, new international solidarity subjects are sought. The dissertation analyzes alterglobalist movements, workers' movement and left feminist movements. By treating solidarity not as a homogenous phenomenon, but as one of a dual nature, the theses claim that solidarity forms can be subdivided into "emancipatory" solidarity and "insular" solidarity. The theses present a typology of solidarity assessment criteria and analyzes Bolivian emancipatory indigenous movements as one of test examples for the case.

Significance of freedom and equality to democracy has been widely analyzed in political theory, but the third fundamental value of democracy - solidarity - has so far been overlooked. The dissertation seeks to fill this theoretical gap in defense of the claim that the separation of freedom and equality from solidarity deepens the democratic deficit. The concept and phenomenon of solidarity are analyzed from the point of view of critical theory, the influence of neo-liberalism on narrowing and "professionalization" of political participation is being explored, new international solidarity subjects are sought. The dissertation analyzes alterglobalist movements, workers' movement and left feminist movements. By treating solidarity not as a homogenous phenomenon, but as one of a dual nature, the theses claim that solidarity forms can be subdivided into "emancipatory" solidarity and "insular" solidarity. The theses present a typology of solidarity assessment criteria and analyzes Bolivian emancipatory indigenous movements as one of test examples for the case.

Significance of freedom and equality to democracy has been widely analyzed in political theory, but the third fundamental value of democracy - solidarity - has so far been overlooked. The dissertation seeks to fill this theoretical gap in defense of the claim that the separation of freedom and equality from solidarity deepens the democratic deficit. The concept and phenomenon of solidarity are analyzed from the point of view of critical theory, the influence of neo-liberalism on narrowing and "professionalization" of political participation is being explored, new international solidarity subjects are sought. The dissertation analyzes alterglobalist movements, workers' movement and left feminist movements. By treating solidarity not as a homogenous phenomenon, but as one of a dual nature, the theses claim that solidarity forms can be subdivided into "emancipatory" solidarity and "insular" solidarity. The theses present a typology of solidarity assessment criteria and analyzes Bolivian emancipatory indigenous movements as one of test examples for the case.

Significance of freedom and equality to democracy has been widely analyzed in political theory, but the third fundamental value of democracy - solidarity - has so far been overlooked. The dissertation seeks to fill this theoretical gap in defense of the claim that the separation of freedom and equality from solidarity deepens the democratic deficit. The concept and phenomenon of solidarity are analyzed from the point of view of critical theory, the influence of neo-liberalism on narrowing and "professionalization" of political participation is being explored, new international solidarity subjects are sought. The dissertation analyzes alterglobalist movements, workers' movement and left feminist movements. By treating solidarity not as a homogenous phenomenon, but as one of a dual nature, the theses claim that solidarity forms can be subdivided into "emancipatory" solidarity and "insular" solidarity. The theses present a typology of solidarity assessment criteria and analyzes Bolivian emancipatory indigenous movements as one of test examples for the case.

Building on the latest scholarship in the nationalism-economy nexus studies, the arti cle examines how nationalism inhabits other ideologies in the economic realm. First ly, the article presents the latest strands in the nationalism-economy nexus research, namely compatibility between economy and nationalism understood as ideology. Then, using Foucault's concept of governmentality, the article shows how the two phe nomena are compatible on the theoretical level. Going further, the article connects the latest nationalism-economy nexus scholarship with existing literature on national neoliberalism in the post-socialist Baltic states. The article argues that national neo liberalism in the Baltics provides an example of what the compatibility of nationalism and economy may look like in practice. The Baltic states' Soviet experience encour aged their elites to undertake radical neoliberal reforms, in which the processes of na tion-state and market economy building overlapped. The states were built to create the markets which would in turn guarantee the prosperity of their respective nations. The article juxtaposes different, yet related scholarships and provides a basic theoretical toolkit that could facilitate potential inquiries into the nationalism-economy nexus in Lithuania and a

Building on the latest scholarship in the nationalism-economy nexus studies, the arti cle examines how nationalism inhabits other ideologies in the economic realm. First ly, the article presents the latest strands in the nationalism-economy nexus research, namely compatibility between economy and nationalism understood as ideology. Then, using Foucault's concept of governmentality, the article shows how the two phe nomena are compatible on the theoretical level. Going further, the article connects the latest nationalism-economy nexus scholarship with existing literature on national neoliberalism in the post-socialist Baltic states. The article argues that national neo liberalism in the Baltics provides an example of what the compatibility of nationalism and economy may look like in practice. The Baltic states' Soviet experience encour aged their elites to undertake radical neoliberal reforms, in which the processes of na tion-state and market economy building overlapped. The states were built to create the markets which would in turn guarantee the prosperity of their respective nations. The article juxtaposes different, yet related scholarships and provides a basic theoretical toolkit that could facilitate potential inquiries into the nationalism-economy nexus in Lithuania and a

Building on the latest scholarship in the nationalism-economy nexus studies, the arti cle examines how nationalism inhabits other ideologies in the economic realm. First ly, the article presents the latest strands in the nationalism-economy nexus research, namely compatibility between economy and nationalism understood as ideology. Then, using Foucault's concept of governmentality, the article shows how the two phe nomena are compatible on the theoretical level. Going further, the article connects the latest nationalism-economy nexus scholarship with existing literature on national neoliberalism in the post-socialist Baltic states. The article argues that national neo liberalism in the Baltics provides an example of what the compatibility of nationalism and economy may look like in practice. The Baltic states' Soviet experience encour aged their elites to undertake radical neoliberal reforms, in which the processes of na tion-state and market economy building overlapped. The states were built to create the markets which would in turn guarantee the prosperity of their respective nations. The article juxtaposes different, yet related scholarships and provides a basic theoretical toolkit that could facilitate potential inquiries into the nationalism-economy nexus in Lithuania and a

Building on the latest scholarship in the nationalism-economy nexus studies, the arti cle examines how nationalism inhabits other ideologies in the economic realm. First ly, the article presents the latest strands in the nationalism-economy nexus research, namely compatibility between economy and nationalism understood as ideology. Then, using Foucault's concept of governmentality, the article shows how the two phe nomena are compatible on the theoretical level. Going further, the article connects the latest nationalism-economy nexus scholarship with existing literature on national neoliberalism in the post-socialist Baltic states. The article argues that national neo liberalism in the Baltics provides an example of what the compatibility of nationalism and economy may look like in practice. The Baltic states' Soviet experience encour aged their elites to undertake radical neoliberal reforms, in which the processes of na tion-state and market economy building overlapped. The states were built to create the markets which would in turn guarantee the prosperity of their respective nations. The article juxtaposes different, yet related scholarships and provides a basic theoretical toolkit that could facilitate potential inquiries into the nationalism-economy nexus in Lithuania and a