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The purpose of this article is to investigate the relationship between the notions of ethnocentrism and liberalism from the perspective of the neopragmatist philosopher Richard Rorty. In this sense, we show that this tenuous political philosophy, centered on these notions, emphasizes the connectivity between conversational practices and the moral, political and social issues shared by different cultures. In Rorty's philosophy, his thin notion of ethnocentrism acts as an articulating element between his anti-representationalist perspective of knowledge and his version of political liberalism. From the naturalist criticism that makes transcendental explanations of reality unfeasible Rorty draws the historicist consequences necessary for his proposition that there are no limits, except those of conversational character, for the apprehension and description of knowledge. In this ethnocentric proposal in which there is nothing transcendent in relation to cultural, contingent and historical practices, everything is considered to be dependent on the provisional intersubjective consensus, in terms of the vocabulary and politics of a given community and time.

O artigo discute a agenda educacional do Banco Mundial em perspectiva histórica, questionando se ela sofreu alguma mudança devido à eclosão da contaminação pelo novo coronavírus (Sars-cov2) em escala global, responsável pela pandemia da doença denominada Covid-19. Com base na documentação da própria instituição e tomando como referência o caso brasileiro, argumenta-se que não houve mudança no seu caráter neoliberal, vigente desde a década de 1980. Ao mesmo tempo em que o Banco apoia as medidas de urgência tomadas pelos governos dos países em desenvolvimento (clientes da instituição) para amenizar os impactos da pandemia – o que necessariamente leva ao aumento do gasto público –, a instituição continua a condicionar a liberação de recursos em troca da adoção de políticas neoliberais, além de manter a primazia normativa do ajuste fiscal como base da ação dos governos desses países no pós-pandemia. Inicialmente, o artigo apresenta e problematiza as diferentes atividades realizadas pelo Banco (concessão de empréstimos, aconselhamento, assistência técnica,advocacyem favor de determinadas pautas, articulação de iniciativas multilaterais e pesquisa econômica). A seguir, analisa a evolução histórica da agenda educacional da instituição, à luz do seu programa político mais geral. Por fim, discute a atuação do Banco na educação brasileira, com base em um exame da carteira de empréstimos e em documentos estratégicos da entidade para o país, que abrangem o período 2017-20, aos quais a sua agenda educacional está subordinada. ; This article discusses the educational agenda of the World Bank from a historical perspective, asking whether it has undergone any changes due to the outbreak of contamination on a global scale caused by the new coronavirus (Sars-cov2), responsible for the Covid-19 pandemic. Based on the institution's documentation and taking as a reference the Brazilian case, it is argued that no change has occurred in its neoliberal nature, in force since the 1980s. At the same time that the Bank supported the measures of urgency adopted by governments of developing countries (clients of the institution) to soften the impacts of the pandemic – which necessarily results in an increase in public expenditure –, the institution continues to condition the release of funds on the adoption of neoliberal policies, as well as maintaining the normative primacy of the fiscal adjustment as the basis of action for governments of these countries in the post-pandemic period. Initially, the article presents and problematizes the different activities carried out by the Bank (the granting of loans, advice, technical assistance, advocacy in favor of determined agenda, the linking of multilateral initiatives and economic research). Following this, it analyzes the historical evolution of the educational agenda of the institution, in light of its more general political program. Finally, it discusses the action of the Bank in Brazilian education, based on an examination of the organization's loan portfolio and strategic documents for Brazil, covering the period 2017-20, to which its educational agenda was subordinated.

I focus in this chapter on Revolutionary Marxist education, distinguishing it, in particular, from both Centrist, and Left versions of social democracy/revisionism. Accordingly, I set out what I consider to be five key aspects Marxists critique about education policy, and make proposals and seek to enact, relating to: (i) Curriculum and Assessment, (ii) Pedagogy, (iii) The Organisational Culture within the School/ Institution, (iv) Organisation of The Education System and of Students, that is, comprehensive schooling or selective schooling, and (v) Ownership and Control of Schools, Colleges and Universities. The conclusion sets out what is specifically Marxist about the proposals set out.

The mainstream view of the twentieth century suggests that the Scottish philosopher and economist Adam Smith made a tout court defense of individualism and the pure rational calculation of economics. However, we consider this to be a biased interpretation that ignores an integrated reading of his books, The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759) and Wealth of Nations (1776), which hinder a global view of his thinking. In opposition to this dominant view, we propose, as the central objective of this article, the conciliation between Smith's classical liberalism and his sentimental ethics, based on the notion of human dignity, present in the recognition of the other as an equal. If this hypothesis is confirmed, we will defend the thesis of sympathetic liberalism in Adam Smith's philosophical system. For this, we will analyze the feeling of Smithian sympathy and its interference in interpersonal relationships, then, the device of moral justification of impartiality as a promoter of fairness behavior. Finally, we will argue that the intertwining of these two elements of Smithian sentimental ethics in public space engenders a notion of human dignity compatible with his liberalism, insofar as it respects individual freedoms while fostering the progress of commercial societies. For such, we will make use of the work Theory of Moral Sentimentalism by Adam Smith and the article Sympathetic Liberalism: Recent Work on Adam Smith by Stephen Darwall.

Currently, republicanism is accused of thinking of civic virtue as linked to an ideal of the good life and, therefore, impossible to be realized in modern, plural and neutral societies. On the other hand, liberalism is accused of basing its argument on the ideal of individual autonomy, leading to political fragmentation. Faced with this clash, we intend to present the republican civic virtue as one of the political virtues required by political liberalism. The adequate foundation of this hypothesis will allow us to make sense of the recent proposals of a liberal republicanism as an answer to some of the current problems of liberal democracies.

This article aims to analyze the potential of New Institutionalism, especially in its historical version, for explaining public policy changes. The perspective at stake has been developed relying on theoretical heterogeneity as a basis, with an emphasis on stability, and, when it focuses on change, on the prominence of exogenous factors. However, the recent theoretical renewal of this area has allowed the emergence of analytical models attentive to the various types of change and the institutional dynamics – a term that refers to the connection between institutional factors and political processes. The contribution of this reformulation and its analytical potential, especially for public policy changes, guided the theoretical research whose results are presented in this article. ; El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el potencial del Nuevo Institucionalismo, especialmente en su versión histórica, para explicar cambios en políticas públicas. La perspectiva en cuestión se ha desarrollado basándose en la heterogeneidad teórica, con énfasis en la estabilidad y, cuando se centra en el cambio, en la prominencia de factores exógenos. Sin embargo, la reciente renovación teórica de esta área ha permitido el surgimiento de modelos analíticos atentos a los diversos tipos de cambio y a la dinámica institucional – término que se refiere a la conexión entre factores institucionales y procesos políticos. La contribución de esta reformulación y su potencial analítico, especialmente para cambios en las políticas públicas, guiaron la investigación teórica cuyos resultados se presentan en este artículo. ; O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o potencial do Novo Institucionalismo, especialmente em sua versão histórica, para a explicação de mudanças em políticas públicas. A perspectiva em questão tem se desenvolvido com base na heterogeneidade teórica, com ênfase na estabilidade, e, quando enfoca a mudança, no relevo de fatores exógenos. No entanto, a renovação teórica recente dessa área possibilitou o surgimento de modelos analíticos atentos aos diferentes tipos de mudança e à dinâmica institucional – termo que remete à conexão entre fatores institucionais e processos políticos. A contribuição dessa reformulação e seu potencial analítico, em especial para mudanças em políticas públicas, orientaram a pesquisa teórica cujos resultados são apresentados neste artigo.

The purpose of this article is to reinforce the alert that the German philosopher Hans Jonas makes in his work Principle responsibility for the imminent possibility of a tragic end of history for humanity if the unpredictable effects arising from the form of action of the liberal political-economic system and the inconsequential advance of the technology that follows are considered. In this intention, we chose as a strategy, to weaken and oppose the Hegelian idea, opposed to Jonah's view, that there would be no cause for alarm because history, in its development, is guided by an immanent and well-intentioned reason that inevitably leads humanity towards the realm of freedom and the absolute spirit. More recently, the American philosopher, economist and political scientist Francis Fukuyama, seeking support in Hegelian thought decreed that history had come to an end with the culmination of the sociocultural evolution of humanity. In this context, we initially seek to present an interpretative analysis of the ideas of Hegel and Fukuyama, and then to make a critique of this way of thinking, in the light of Hans Jonas' arguments. Finally, it is concluded, through the Jonasian lens, that the story, in addition to not having reached its end, as Fukuyama stated, may also have a quite different ending from that imagined by Hegel. Therefore, one should not disregard the occurrence of the hypothesis of an essential death followed by a physical death of the human race, well before the Hegelian project of freedom has a chance to take place. In doubt, it is better for man to be wary of the existence and(or) of the intention and(or) of the capacity of an imminent reason and to retake in time the reins of his own destiny, through the adoption of a new ethical principle: that of responsibility.

Este artigo tem por objetivo analisar alguns dos paradoxos relacionados ao liberalismo econômico e os discursos de segurança a ele subjacentes que, embora neguem os princípios basilares das democracias modernas, passam a fazer parte delas. Neste exame o principal eixo teórico será o pensamento de Foucault. Primeiramente será apontado que o liberalismo econômico, na análise foucaultiana, tem como premissa uma essência antropológica de ser humano, pois assume como ponto de partida que a liberdade só floresce na ausência de constrangimentos. Na medida em que esta premissa metafísica se impõe às instituições das democracias modernas, alguns desdobramentos se colocam. Surge a noção de que o papel das instituições democráticas é o de proporcionar liberdade. Entretanto, só pode haver liberdade se houver segurança. Assim, impõe-se um paradoxo: as democracias têm como telos a liberdade, mas a liberdade pressupõe medidas de segurança (na guerra ao terror, por exemplo) que negam tanto os preceitos democráticos quanto a própria liberdade. ; This article aims to analyze some of the paradoxes related to economic liberalism and the underlying security discourses that, although denying the basic principles of modern democracies, become part of them. In this exam the main theoretical axis will be Foucault's thought. First, it will be pointed out that economic liberalism, in Foucaultian analysis, has as its premise an anthropological essence of being human, since it assumes as its starting point that freedom only flourishes in the absence of constraints. As this metaphysical premise imposes itself on the institutions of modern democracies, some developments are posed. Arises the notion that the role of democratic institutions is to provide freedom. However, there can be freedom only if there is security. Therefore, a paradox is imposed: democracies have freedom as their telos, but freedom presupposes security measures (in the war on terror, for example) that deny both democratic precepts and freedom itself.

The 20th century's successful experiences of combining capitalism and democracy allowed Gramsci's diagnosis to be confirmed from the rereading of Machiavelli: political parties would be capable of creating a particular cultural and societal organization. However, in the Brazilian case, such organizations appear with greater vigor in public life after democratic opening, situated in a global environment of the diminished performance of these associations. Beholding the loss of this space of action, the present work addresses the action of neo-pentecostalism in the reconfiguration of the modern prince, achieving a certain collective will and re-updating the institutional political scenario. ; Las experiencias exitosas en el siglo XX de mezcla entre capitalismo y democracia permitió confirmar el diagnóstico de Gramsci a partir de la relectura de Maquiavelo: los partidos políticos serían capaces de hacer una determinada organización cultural y societaria. Sin embargo, en la situación brasileña, esas organizaciones aparecen con mayor fuerza en la vida pública tras la apertura democrática, localizado en un ambiente global de una diminuta actuación de esas asociaciones. Teniendo en vista la perdida de ese espacio de actuación, este trabajo aborda la acción del neo-pentecostalismo en la reconfiguración del moderno príncipe, haciendo una determinada voluntad colectiva y reactualizando el escenario político institucional. ; As experiências exitosas no século XX de combinação entre capitalismo e democraia permitia confirmar o diagnóstico de Gramsci a partir da releitura de Maquiavel: os partidos políticos seriam capazes de realizar uma determinada organização cultural e societária. No entanto, no caso brasileiro, tais organizações aparecem com maior vigor na vida pública pós abertura democrática, situado em um ambiente global de uma diminuta atuação destas associações. Tendo em vista a perda desse espaço de atuação, o presente trabalho aborda a ação do neopentecostalismo na reconfiguração do moderno príncipe, realizando ...