Suchergebnisse

Since the beginning of the 2000s, a literature suggesting that development is an achievable goal for African states has emerged. Arguments like those that consider 'neo-patrimonialism' as an insurmountable obstacle to development have been cast-off in case states embark to re-invest rents in a long-term strategy (Khan and Sundaram 2000; Mkandawire 2001). This paper focuses on Angola, and it tries to determine whether oil rents have been so far employed according to a developmental strategy or for short-term consumption. It further argues that short-term consumption was initially encouraged and tolerated as part of an effort after the end of the civil war (2002) to foster elite cohesion, and it was later on demoted when the government adopted a comprehensive long-term development strategic vision, in 2007. However, the financial crisis of 2007-08 and the recent drop of oil prices have badly impacted on this strategy. As a result, the government is growingly turning to Chinese aid trying to keep the mismanagement of strategic resources under control. ; Dagli inizi degli anni 2000, è emersa una letteratura che guarda con più favore la possibilità di politiche di sviluppo da parte degli stati africani. Ipotesi come quella che guardava al 'neo-patrimonialismo' come un ostacolo insormontabile per lo sviluppo sono state ridimensionate in quei casi in cui gli Stati abbiano dimostrato capacità di reinvestire le rendite secondo strategie di lungo periodo (Khan and Sundaram 2000; Mkandawire 2001). Questo contributo si concentra sul caso angolano cercando di determinare se le rendite petrolifere siano state impiegate prevalentemente secondo strategie di sviluppo o per alimentare consumi di breve periodo. L'ipotesi è che i consumi di breve periodo siano stati effettivamente incoraggiati e tollerati dopo la fine della Guerra civile (2002), principalmente con lo scopo di rendere l'élite più coesa, ma che siano poi stati accompagnati dall'adozione di strategie di lungo periodo, a partire dal 2007. Tuttavia, la crisi finanziaria del 2007-08 e il calo dei prezzi petroliferi hanno avuto un impatto su queste strategie. Di conseguenza, il governo angolano si è visto costretto a ricorrere all'aiuto cinese e a mettere sotto più stretto controllo la cattiva gestione delle risorse strategiche.

The authors thank the Editors of this Special Issue, including the Managing Guest Editor Dr Philippe Lassou, and the two anonymous reviewers for their insightful feedback and comments that greatly improved our manuscript. The authors are also immensely grateful to Professor Teerooven Soobaroyen for his useful suggestions and critique of earlier versions of this paper, and whose feedback has helped to improve its quality significantly. Finally, we acknowledge the input of delegates at the 9th Asia-Pacific Interdisciplinary Research in Accounting (APIRA) Conference, held in Auckland, New Zealand. ; Peer reviewed ; Postprint

This article addresses the concern that democratization may contribute to the reproduction of neo-patrimonialism, rather than to counteract it. The article reports the result of a survey among members of parliament in Ghana regarding their election campaigns. Total spending, sources of funds, and their usage are analysed in the context of the consolidation of liberal democracy. The survey results are supplemented with data collected in 34 interviews with MPs. The data show that MPs are involved in patron-client relationships to a significant degree to reproduce their political power. Furthermore, the prevalence of patronage politics among MPs in Ghana has increased throughout the period of democratic rule. This persistent pattern of patronage politics threatens the very heart of democratic consolidation. Vertical accountability and legitimacy is threatened by alternative pacts of loyalty, expectations of corruption, and tendencies to delegative mandates. Horizontal accountability risks pervasion by "big man" interventions, and by insufficient allocation of time to monitoring the government and legislative activities. (Democratization - www.frankcass.com/DÜI)

Portugal has been characterized by a late discontinuous democratization process. This contribution discusses the case of state and public administration reform in Portugal by using approaches from democratization, modernization and Europeanization theories. In order to understand the Portuguese case, the concept of 'neo‐patrimonialism' is used. We characterize Portuguese public administration as still having 'neo‐patrimonial' features, and therefore is still in transition from old closed‐minded practices such as particularistic decision making or clientelistic relationships to new open‐minded ones. The 'new' governance agenda combines new public management instruments and a growing flexibilization of public administration towards networks with non‐statal actors and has certainly led to some improvement in the quality of the services associated with public administration. Although is still too early to assess, top‐down and horizontal Europeanization processes, particularly since the late 1990s, may have contributed to a more reflexive approach in moving towards a more endogenous strategic vision based on the needs of the Portuguese state and public administration.

This research discusses the issue of the influence of internal control on performance accountability. Bureaucracy reform in Indonesia has entered the new round with regulation of the minister of administrative reform and Bureaucratic Reform No. 25 of 2020 on the Road Map of bureaucratic reform in 2020-2025. The research measures how far the readiness of the National Civil Service Agency (BKN) in realizing performance accountability through internal control. The researcha also takes the institutional theory approach of isomorphism and neo-patrimonialism theory as a development of previous research and is a novelty in this research. The sample processed was 99 respondents are APIP (Aparatur pengawas internal pemerintah) in BKN. Data processing using Structure equation Modeling (SEM) with Partial Least Square (PLS) approach. The results of the study are controlling positively on performance accountability. Mimetic and Normative Isomorphism moderate the influence of internal control on performance accountability. coersive isomorphism and Neo-patrimonialism do not moderate the influence of internal control on performance accountability.

non-peer-reviewed ; This paper looks at the 'cultural turn' in Russian politics that took place after 2011 and explains it as a 'rhetoric of reaction' that was introduced to deal with a crisis of neo-patrimonialism in Russia.

Abstract Development thinking has been progressively dominated by neo-institutionalism, influencing major donors in Africa, and recently included in the UN 2030 Agenda for development. This paper discusses some unintended impacts of such strategies in neo-patrimonial regimes such as Angola and Mozambique, whereby neo-institutionalism favoured donors' apolitical "partnership" with resilient neo-patrimonial structures, facilitating its recycling, sophistication, and modernization, taking advantage of financial globalization to its own ends and improving its democratic image through elections, but leaving untouched the principles of neo-patrimonial political management for a minority to hold on to power since independence. Theoretically, this approach contrasts with varieties of democracy and varieties of capitalism perspectives.

This article re-examines a case of corruption that was perpetuated during a period of authoritarian rule in the Philippines: the subversion of 'coconut levies', a tax on coconut production imposed by strongman President Ferdinand Marcos from 1971 to 1982. Literature on the case has formed the basis for locating the political origins of the country's struggles with long-run economic transformation in terms of the extent of 'rent- seeking' and articulations of 'neo-patrimonialism' in this middle-income developing economy. The article interrogates how extant analyses of the case have explained associated malign developmental outcomes with reference to institutional design and governance conditions. It forwards a re-interpretation that focuses on the distributional contest underpinning levy mobilisation, including the types of state-engineered privileges contested, and how access to these were politically determined and regulated during and after the Marcos period. This approach, in which developmental possibilities of rent-creating state interventions are not universally denied but considered with reference to configurations of power and structures of political bargaining, will be shown to address limitations of preponderant analyses and bear relevance to developing countries where, because of structural reasons, neo-patrimonialism may be endemic but rent-creating state interventions cannot be discounted as instruments for promoting economic development.

During the last decade, the concept of patrimonialism has become firmly embedded in political science and the sociological literature, being used primarily to explain the operation of bureaucracies in the underdeveloped world. This research note examines some of the usages of the term and attempts to assess its explanatory value. It is suggested that, as employed in much recent literature, "patrimonialism" has not contributed a great deal to the understanding of underdeveloped polities. The author argues that this is primarily because the literature has generally ignored the broader structural factors of which the phenomenon of patrimonialism is a manifestation. Taking account of these structural factors and locating patrimonialism within the broader context of underdevelopment will better equip us to understand the character and operation of Third World bureaucracies.