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Frontmatter --Contents --Tables --Acknowledgments --1. Anarchy and Cooperation among Nations --2. Realism, Neoliberal Institutionalism, and the Problem of International Cooperation --3. The Tokyo Round Regime on Non-tariff Barriers to Trade --4. Rule Compliance and Dispute Settlement in the Tokyo Round NTB Regime, 1980-1987 --5. Rule Construction in the Tokyo Round NTB Regime, 1980-1987 --6. The Tokyo Round NTB Regime and Neoliberal Institutionalism --7. The Tokyo Round NTB Regime and Realist International Theory --8. Realism and Cooperation among Nations --Appendixes --Index

"The theoretical foundations for this book, rooted in the ongoing realism-liberalism (neoliberal institutionalism) debate, as well as more recent constructivist approaches to cooperation, provide a useful focal point for the study of RDBs. The comparison of four institutions allows for an assessment that goes beyond interests, preferences and outcomes. It provides a platform from which differences in norms, ideas, and culture, as well as hegemonic configuration, can be analyzed. The synthesis of these issues requires careful analysis. Although these underlying themes may be theoretical in nature, the ideological positions that they generate have a strong bearing on the "real world." An understanding of the theoretical premise of development can shed light on the approaches, critiques, and possibilities of development assistance and poverty alleviation policies"--

Intro -- Preface and Acknowledgements -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- 1.1 The Need for Explanations of European Disintegration -- 1.2 The Search for an Explanation of European Disintegration -- References -- Chapter 2: Neo-functionalism and European Disintegration -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Neo-functionalism and Integration -- 2.3 A Neo-functionalist Explanation of Disintegration Evaluated -- 2.4 Insights from Comparative Regionalism -- 2.5 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3: Realism, Intergovernmentalism, and European Disintegration -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Realism and Cooperation in Europe -- 3.2.1 Neo-realist Accounts of Declining Cooperation and Their Evaluation -- 3.3 Intergovernmentalism -- 3.3.1 From Classical Realism to Neoliberal Institutionalism -- 3.3.2 Liberal Intergovernmentalism on European Integration -- 3.3.3 Liberal Intergovernmentalism and European Disintegration -- 3.3.4 Problems in the Intergovernmentalist Explanation of European (Dis)integration -- 3.4 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4: Federalism and European Disintegration -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Comparative Federalism and Its Applicability to the European Union -- 4.3 Integration and Disintegration of Federal Political Systems -- 4.4 Secession and the European Union -- 4.5 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 5: Comparative Imperialism and European Disintegration -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Empire as Comparative Category -- 5.3 Defining Empire and Imperialism -- 5.4 Is the EU an Empire? -- 5.5 Explaining the Decline and Fall of Empires -- 5.5.1 EU Theories Concerning Enlargement -- 5.6 Comparative Analysis of Disintegrating Empires -- 5.7 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 6: Towards a Proper Explanation of European Disintegration -- 6.1 Introduction -- 6.2 Lessons Learned.

The aim of the article is to analyze the two institutional set-ups that have evolved within the framework of transatlantic security relations. First, it is NATO, which was created in 1949 as a military alliance whose original purpose was to counteract the threat posed by the Soviet Union and to control Germany by anchoring the United States on the European continent. Since then, and especially since the end of the Cold War, NATO has undergone a process of transformation, but a number of primary functions continue to be extremely important. Individual theories of international relations (neorealism, neoliberal institutionalism, social constructivism) interpret the changes in NATO differently. Second, an alternative institutional set-up to NATO may be security and defence relations between the European Union and the United States. It is more potential because the Union still has problems with its actorness in international politics. ; Celem artykułu jest analiza dwóch układów instytucjonalnych, które rozwinęły się w ramach transatlantyckich stosunków bezpieczeństwa. Po pierwsze, jest to NATO, które powstało w 1949 r. jako sojusz wojskowy, którego pierwotnym celem było przeciwdziałanie zagrożeniu ze strony Związku Radzieckiego i kontrola Niemiec dzięki zakotwiczeniu Stanów Zjednoczonych na kontynencie europejskim. Od tego czasu, a w szczególności od końca zimnej wojny, NATO przeszło proces transformacji, ale szereg pierwotnych funkcji nadal ma ogromne znaczenie. Poszczególne teorie stosunków międzynarodowych (neorealizm, neoliberalny instytucjonalizm, konstruktywizm społeczny) w odmienny sposób interpretują zmiany w NATO. Po drugie, alternatywnym układem instytucjonalnym dla NATO mogą być relacje w dziedzinie bezpieczeństwa i obrony pomiędzy Unią Europejską a Stanami Zjednoczonymi. Ma on bardziej charakter potencjalny, gdyż nadal Unia ma problemy ze swoją podmiotowością w polityce międzynarodowej.

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of Tables -- List of Figures -- Preface -- List of Contributors -- Introduction -- 1. The Rise of Neoliberalism and Institutional Analysis -- PART I : RATIONAL CHOIC E INSTITUTIONALISM -- 2. Explaining the Rise of Neoliberalism: The Mechanisms of Institutional Change -- 3. Have We Overestimated the Effects of Neoliberalism and Globalization? Some Speculations on the Anomalous Stability of Taxes on Business -- PART II : HISTORICAL INSTITUTIONALISM -- 4. Institutions, Investment, and the Rise in Unemployment -- 5. Institutionalizing Markets, or the Market for Institutions? Central Banks, Bankruptcy Law, and the Globalization of Financial Markets -- PART III : ORGANIZATIONAL INSTITUTIONALISM -- 6. Theorizing Legitimacy or Legitimating Theory? Neoliberal Discourse and HMO Policy, 1970-1989 -- 7. Institutional Analysis and the Role of Ideas in Political Economy -- PART IV: DISCURSIVE INSTITUTIONALISE -- 8. The "Crisis" of Keynesianism and the Rise of Neoliberalism in Britain: A n Ideational Institutionalist Approach -- 9. Translating Liberalization: Neoliberalism in the Danish Negotiated Economy -- Conclusion -- 10. The Second Movement in Institutional Analysis -- Index

This paper theorizes accounting's role in realizing the state's political ambitions. It triangulates Dillard et al.'s (2004) institutional theory framework with historical institutionalism in order to trace the institutional layers and political processes that connect micro-organizational changes with ideological transformations within the political state. Data comes from an 'extended case study' comprising a three-month fieldwork into an Egyptian electricity company's cost management practices and an extensive review of secondary materials on Egypt's electricity-sector reforms. Empirical findings provide insights into the ways in which accounting plays a political role in institutionalizing structural reforms and how that role evolves with the political ideologies of the state. Accounting's political role during the colonial regime was speculation of commercial and scientific gains, while it was signification of centralized political power during the postcolonial military regime. Accounting's role during the neoliberal regime was paradoxical – simultaneously a reformation technology and a deficient institutional apparatus that hindered privatization. Accounting takes political meanings when it institutionalizes the state's reformative ideologies. Accounting makes the connections between the macro-political and micro-organizational.

AbstractIn accounts of institutional change, discursive institutionalists point to the role of economic and political ideas in upending institutional stability and providing the raw material for the establishment of a new institutional setup. This approach has typically entailed a conceptualisation of ideas as coherent and monolithic and actors as almost automatically following the precepts of the ideas they hold and support. Recent theorising stresses how ideas are in fact composite and heterogeneous, and actors pragmatic and strategic in how they employ ideas in political struggles. However, this change of focus has, until recently, not included how foundational ideas of a polity, often referred to as 'public philosophies', are theorised to impact on institution‐building. Drawing on French Pragmatic Sociology, and taking as a starting point recent efforts within discursive institutionalism to conceptualise the dynamic nature of public philosophies, this article seeks to foreground moral justification in accounts of ideational and institutional change. It suggests that public philosophies are reflexively used by actors in continual processes of normative justification that may produce significant policy shifts over time. The empirical relevance of the argument is demonstrated through an analysis of gradual ideational and institutional change in French labour market policy, specifically the development from the state‐guaranteed minimum income scheme of 1988 to the neoliberal make‐work‐pay logic of the 2009 scheme, Revenu de solidarité active. The analysis shows that public and moral justifications have underpinned and gradually shaped these radical changes.

The «Miracle of San Martín» in the Peruvian Amazon is a metaphor that is known nationally and internationally, for the recovery of state order in a region that has been convulsed by terrorism and drug trafficking. With the lens of historical and social neo-institutionalism, this article explores economic policies, synergies and actors of «alternative development» in San Martín, who have been offered an alternative to coca by the implementation of organic and fair trade cocoa chains. This study finds that the construction of organic and fair trade cocoa chains, commonly perceived as relatively successful because of the intervention of international cooperation agencies, has been possible in fact due to two different key factors. On the one hand, the development of a proper and innovative landmark of a modernized regional government, that is permitted to be «developmental» in a mostly neoliberal context in Peru where direct state intervention in the economy is usually restricted. On the other hand, the rather unusual continuity of regional government´s staff in different government periods and their professionalization as an agricultural «green policy think and action tank» together with the formation of technical experts called «tigers», who contributed to a stable policy of the sustainable global value chains and their implementation. ; El «Milagro de San Martín» en la Amazonía peruana es una metáfora conocida a nivel nacional e internacional para la recuperación del orden estatal en una región anteriormente convulsionada por el terrorismo y el narcotráfico. Con el lente del neo-institucionalismo histórico y social, este artículo explora las políticas económicas, sinergias y actores del «desarrollo alternativo« en San Martín, a quienes se le ofrece una alternativa a la coca a través de la implementación de cadenas de cacao orgánicas y de comercio justo. Este estudio encuentra que la construcción de este t de políticas, comúnmente percibida como relativamente exitosa debido a la intervención de las agencias de cooperación internacional, en realidad ha sido posible a causa de dos factores clave diferentes. Por un lado, el desarrollo de un sello propio e innovador de un Gobierno regional modernizado, que le permite ser «desarrollista» en un contexto principalmente neoliberal en Perú, donde se suele restringir la intervención directa del Estado en la economía. Por otro lado, la continuidad inusual del personal del gobierno regional en diferentes períodos y su profesionalización como think and action tank en políticas agrícolas «verdes», conjuntamente con la formación de técnicos expertos, llamados «tigres» quienes contribuyeron a una política estable de cadenas de valor globales sustentables y su implementación.

Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to critically examine the youth narratives of Mr Leung Chun-ying, the Chief Executive (CE) of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) Government between 2012 and 2017, which steered the directions of youth policies in Hong Kong.


Design/methodology/approach
Informed by the ideational school of institutionalism, a qualitative documentary study was conducted to analyse the policy addresses, speeches, and blog posts delivered by the then CE, which were all available on the website of the HKSAR Government. It was through a thematic analysis of the database that themes and sub-themes were generated for the discussion. Representative verbatim quotes are used for illustrating some of the youth policy ideas and discourses promoted under the Leung's regime.


Findings
The findings suggest that the governing youth narratives could be categorised into two interrelated themes: behavioural patriotism and economic opportunism. The notions of youth development constructed in the narratives of Leung shape the definition of youth-related problems and solutions in relation to national identity and global competition.


Research limitations/implications
This study focusses on the previous term of HKSAR Government that cannot fully reveal the extent of policy continuities and changes. Yet, it could outline the overall picture and address the shortcomings of Hong Kong's current youth policies viewed from both normative and cognitive perspectives. Methodological and analytical implications can be drawn for further studies on policy ideas and discourses.


Originality/value
The paper has two major contributions; the first of which is the illustration of an analytical framework connecting contents, tools, and justification of policies for capturing the dynamics and complexities of youth policies. Second, the findings of this study develop a critical understanding of neoliberal youth policies in both economic and moral senses that pose new challenges to young people and policy makers.