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This book examines three bipolar relationships that have emerged as a result of the Eurasian energy triangle-Russia-Former Soviet Union region, Russia-EU, and Russia-China-and the ways in which they, along with Putin's foreign energy policy, relate to the debate between neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism.

AbstractThis article looks at the issue of the dramatic rise of street homelessness in London among Polish migrants from the perspective of social anthropology looking at the relationship between structural constraints faced by Polish migrants and their own perception of the social world, their meaning‐making practices, norms and values, behavioral patterns. As I will show, focusing just on structural and economic determinants not only offers a simplistic and one‐dimensional picture but it also fails to give an explanation and predict what happens if these constraints and exclusionary policies are removed and homeless migrants gain the same set of social rights as the rest of British and EU citizens (which in theory will happen in May 2011). An anthropological approach to the functions, roles and cultural meanings of homelessness, group bonds, masculinities, alcohol consumption, perception of the state and dominant society as voiced by homeless migrants I 'hanged around' with, reveals that structurally rejected people with particular backgrounds reconstruct communities and form strong ties despite (or because of) a hostile, exclusionary and hegemonic social environment of the neoliberal order. Two conclusions are drawn from this analysis, empirical and theoretical: first, taking both structural and cultural factors into account, the levels of homeless among that group is going to rise, at least in London; second, the set of cultural forms of behavior and social practices described in academic literature as the homo sovieticus syndrome (Wedel 1986, Sztompka 2000, Morawska 1998) proves not only valuable and resourceful in highly individualized, neoliberal and capitalistic society but may in fact be reinforced in new conditions being a productive – socially and culturally ‐ counter‐reaction to the neoliberal order of social life in the global city.

Neorealist and neoliberal institutionalist explanations for the state and future of the Arctic region dominate the Arctic debate in international relations. While both schools focus on different aspects concerning the current and future state of Arctic affairs – neorealism evokes a confrontational rush for the Arctic's resources, whereas neoliberal institutionalism propagates the necessary reform of the institutional system governing Arctic issues – both share the underlying assumption of significant and rising stakes towards Arctic commodities. However, this article argues that this debate has hitherto failed to substantiate the actual stakes of the main actors involved. Consequently, many studies make grandiloquent statements about prospects of cooperation and conflict and the appropriate institutional framework for the Arctic region, based on only limited empirical support. This article aims to fill this gap by analysing the Arctic oil and gas interests of the five Arctic littoral states (Russia, USA, Canada, Norway and Denmark/Greenland). The analysis shows greatly different levels of interests towards the High North among the Arctic states. The findings make it possible to make more credible statements about the likelihood of confrontation over Arctic resources and necessary institutional adjustments. The evidence shows that the often-evoked issue of geopolitical rush for Arctic resources is unlikely to eventuate. Nonetheless, there remain institutional challenges for the protection of the fragile Arctic ecosystem.

Since the end of the Cold War and in the context of the recent spread of economic globalization, Southeast Asian regionalism has steadily deepened and expanded, centering on ASEAN. The concept of the ASEAN Community is one of the most important aspects of this regionalism, and there have been hopes that this will be realized by 2015. The mainstream theories such as neorealism, neoliberal institutionalism, and social constructivism have offered competing explanations of this transformation. However, recently, a new phenomenon that cannot be fully explained by these state-centric theories has arisen—the movement toward constructing a regional order from below by transnational civil society actors. By adopting the analytical viewpoint of the New Regionalism Approach, which has maintained a keen interest in civil society in the process of regionalization, this study attempts to empirically analyze still largely unexplored activities undertaken by transnational civil society actors, in particular who has promoted the "alternative regionalism" against the "neoliberal regionalism" in the course of the formation of the ASEAN Community. It also seeks to examine the embryonic change toward the establishment of a new regional order in Southeast Asia from the bottom-up perspective. In conclusion, the article proves that by engaging with transnational civil society actors, ASEAN is gradually moving from an "elite club" to a "people-centered" organization. However, given the predominance of neoliberal discourse, "alternative regionalism" has not had enough influence for this to be fully realized. Nevertheless, the growing number of transnational civil society actors is resulting in improved potential to transform the persistent sovereign state system.

Seeking to contribute to the governance stream of this year's Berlin Conference, the paper addresses an emerging phenomenon of global environmental governance: the increasing overlap and interplay among institutions that touch upon related subject matters. Presenting one of the first outcomes of the Earth System Governance project, the paper focuses on one specific case of institutional interplay, namely the overlap between the United Nations climate regime and the World Trade Organization (WTO). While parties of the UN climate regime discuss trade-related measures for a post-2012 agreement, WTO parties debate climate-related trade measures. This duplication of debates entails a lack of legal clarity, which may have detrimental implications for the further negotiation and implementation of both regimes. Drawing on neoliberal institutionalism and cognitivism, we identify two reasons for these interplay effects: the constellation of preferences and the lack of consensual knowledge on overlapping issues. Based on a workshop organized jointly with the UN Environment Programme, we developed suggestions to tackle these reasons. Policies could accommodate the lack of knowledge by means of flexible approaches, e.g. default values for border cost adjustments and 'living lists' of sustainability criteria for lifting trade barriers. With regard to the constellation of country preferences, a careful linkage of debates across arenas can produce additional trade-offs and break some of the deadlocks in which these discussions have ended up. On the other hand, the paper attends to the caveats and limits of such linkages.

Die gedruckte Ausg. ist im Rainer Hampp Verlag, München, Mering (www.Hampp-Verlag.de) erschienen.

National security as an ambiguous symbol / Arnold Wolfers -- Redefining security / Richard Ullman -- The national security problem in international relations / Barry Buzan -- The concept of security / David Baldwin -- Security and emancipation / Ken Booth -- Feminism and security / J. Ann Tickner -- The Third World and security studies / Amitav Acharya -- Redefining security (2) / Jessica Tuchman Matthews -- Human security / Roland Paris -- The renaissance of security studies / Stephen M. Walt -- Securitization / Ole Wµver -- The nemesis of utopianism / E.H. Carr -- A realist theory of international politics / Hans J. Morgenthau -- The concept of order in world politics / Hedley Bull -- Anarchic orders and balances of power / Kenneth N. Waltz -- Cooperation under the security dilemma / Robert Jervis -- The false promise of international institutions / John J. Mearsheimer -- Economics and the moral case for war / Norman Angell -- Neoliberal institutionalism / Robert Keohane -- Democratic peace / Michael W. Doyle -- Neo-Kantian perspective / Bruce Russett -- The social construction of power politics / Alexander Wendt -- Norms, identity and national security / Thomas U. Berger -- Nuclear deterrence / Ned Lebow and Janice Gross Stein -- Arms races / Barry Buzan and Eric Herring -- Why do states build nuclear weapons? / Scott Sagan -- New military conflict / Lawrence Freedman -- Technology and war / Michael O'Hanlon -- Resources and conflict / Thomas Homer-Dixon -- Migration and security / Myron Weiner -- Transnational crime and security / Phil Williams -- AIDS/HIV and security / P.W. Singer -- Economics and security / Jonathan Kirshner -- The long peace / John Lewis Gaddis -- The unipolar illusion / Christopher Layne -- Alliance politics / Glenn Snyder -- Alliance futures / Stephen M. Walt -- Multilateralism / John Gerard Ruggie -- Regimes / Robert Jervis -- Security communities / Emanuel Adler -- Interventionism / Adam Roberts -- Economic sanctions / Robert A. Pape -- Private military companies / David Shearer -- Security in the twenty-first century / Barry Buzan -- Instability in Europe? / John J. Mearsheimer -- Security dilemmas in East Asia? / Thomas J. Christensen -- Structural realism redux / Kenneth N. Waltz -- Security and global transformation / Ken Booth -- Globalisation and security / Victor D. Cha -- Terrorism / Walter Laqueur -- The war on terrorism / Michael Howard.

This seminal work is the first fully to engage human security with power in the international system. It presents global governance not as impartial institutionalism, but as the calculated mismanagement of life, directing biopolitical neoliberal ideology through global networks, undermining the human security of millions

ÖZETBu çalışma, Avrupa Birliği ve Rusya arasındaki ilişkileri 'enerji güvenliği' konsepti ışığında iki uluslararası ilişkiler teorisi aracıyla analiz etmektedir. Bunu gerçekleştirebilmek için, bu tez şu soruları cevaplamayı hedefler: "Avrupa Birliği ve Rusya ilişkilerinde enerji güvenliği konsepti ne anlama gelir?", "İki uluslararası ilişkiler teorilerinden hangisi iki aktör arasındaki ilişkileri enerji güvenliği açısından daha iyi ifade ediyor?" Ayrıntılı analiz üç sonuca ulaşmaktadır. İlk olarak, enerji güvenliği enerji tüketicileri, tedarikçiler ve transit ülkelerin arasında entegrasyon ve yakın işbirliği koşulu ile gerçekleşebilir. Çünkü, üç katılımcıdan birinin ihmal edilmesi enerji güvenliğinin gerçekleşmesini engeller. İkinci olarak, Avrupa Komisyon'unun enerji konusunda tam yetkisi bulunmadığından, ve üye ülkelerin 'birlik ses'inin eksik olması nedeniyle, Avrupa Birliği'nin esas dış enerji politikası söz konusu değildir. Son olarak, tezde gerçekleştiren analiz, enerji güvenliği bakış açısından, bu iki aktörün arasındaki ilişkilerin neorealism ile daha başarılı açıklandığını göstermektedir. ABSTRACTThis thesis aims at analysing the relations between the European Union and Russia from the perspective of 'energy security' concept by applying the two international relations theories, namely, neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism. In order to accomplish this task, the study targets the following questions: "What does the concept of energy security stand for in the relations between the EU and Russia?", and "Which theory of the international relations explains the relations between the actors in the light of 'energy security' better?" At the end of the thorough analysis, this study reaches three main conclusions. Firstly, energy security is a phenomenon, which can be reached under the condition of the integration and close cooperation between consumers, suppliers and transit countries. If any of the participants is neglected, 'energy security' is almost impossible to achieve. Secondly, there is no energy policy of the European Union with external dimension, mainly, due to the lack of single voice between the member states over energy issues, the absence of the European Commission competence in this sphere. Finally, the relations between the two actors in the light of 'energy security' concept are better explained by neorealism theory.

Africa's African Union : globalization and global governance --The evolving "African" suprastate : histories, anatomies, and comparisons --Pan-Africanist globalization and cultural politics : promoting the African world view --The African Union democracy : navigating indigenous rights and inclusions in neoliberal contexts --Pax Africana versus international security : new routes to conflict resolution --Driving the Pan-African agenda : ideology and institutionalism --The African Union's Africa : its prospects and its challenges --The (pan) African Union phenomenon : Mali as exemplar --Appendix:African Union : provenance and derivation of organs and institutions in comparative context.

This paper aims at analyzing the contribution of social policies to declining rates of income inequalities in Brazil since the 1990s. Based on a framework of historical institutionalism, Brazil is characterised as a traditionally patrimonial society, marked by the institution of slavery. Important ruptures occurred during democratization in the 1980 s, when social movements successfully fought for social rights which featured prominently in the democratic constitution of 1988. During the 1990s a contradictory confluence of these achievements and neoliberal reforms led to the promotion of "inclusive liberalism". From the mid-2000s onwards policies began to shift in the direction of "evelopmental welfare" combining active state interventionism in economic and social policies with targeted cash transfers. This combination avoided the pitfalls of "inclusive liberalism"and promoted a considerable reduction of social inequalities.

AbstractTwo parallel norms mandate an international duty to hold state leaders individually accountable for serious corruption and human rights crimes. The development of these new norms is poorly explained by realist and neoliberal perspectives, but there are also weaknesses in recent constructivist explanations of norm diffusion that emphasize agency at the expense of structure. Such approaches have difficulty explaining the source of and similarities between new norms, and treat norm entrepreneurs as prior to and separate from their environment. In contrast, drawing on sociological institutionalism, we present a more structural explanation of individual accountability norms. The norms derive from an overarching modernist world culture privileging individual rights and responsibilities, as well as rational-legal authority. This culture is more generative of norm entrepreneurs than generated by them. The specific norms are instantiated through a process of "theorization" within permissive post–Cold War conditions, and diffused via mimicry, professionalization, and coercive isomorphism.

The local government of Stockholm in 2008 introduced a growth scheme including a financial incentive for the independent arts sector. As financial incentives are virtually non-existent in the cultural sphere, this must be seen as a rather extreme development in cultural policy. The article explores both the rationale behind the new growth scheme as policy tool as well as its reception by the sector through three complementary perspectives: historical institutionalism, ideology analysis and policy values analysis. Contributing to the empirically under-researched area of cultural policy, the combined approach offers a broader understanding of policy development and implementation than would a single perspective interpretation, and acknowledges the complexities of policy making and policy change. The institutional perspective shows that marketisation policy is layered on a previous Folkhem policy with an extended budget facilitating its introduction. An ideology perspective shows how the new growth scheme follows neoliberal ideas of the role of the state as facilitator of market growth in the arts. A values perspective, finally, shows that the economic values of the new cultural policy are not shared by the independent arts sector, but new policy instruments are accepted as they expand resources available for the sector.