Suchergebnisse

Attempts to evaluate the performance of neoliberalism since its emergence out of the structural crisis of the 1970s & 1980s in the major capitalist economies. A Marxist perspective is employed to explore the dynamics of capitalism, its historical tendencies & crises, & the interpretation of neoliberalism in the context of the "new capitalism." Internal contradictions of neoliberalism that challenge its survival, both politically & economically, are described. Characteristics of neoliberalism likely to contribute to its sustainability or decline are identified. US hegemony in the new neoliberal world order is discussed, & the US economy is compared to that of France, Germany, & the UK, drawing on international statistics on rates of capital accumulation & growth & business cycle fluctuations. The compatibility of neoliberalism with the continuing transformation of relations of production is addressed, & alternatives to neoliberalism that might arise with different power configurations are reviewed. 7 Figures. K. Hyatt Stewart

Attempts to evaluate the performance of neoliberalism since its emergence out of the structural crisis of the 1970s & 1980s in the major capitalist economies. A Marxist perspective is employed to explore the dynamics of capitalism, its historical tendencies & crises, & the interpretation of neoliberalism in the context of the "new capitalism." Internal contradictions of neoliberalism that challenge its survival, both politically & economically, are described. Characteristics of neoliberalism likely to contribute to its sustainability or decline are identified. US hegemony in the new neoliberal world order is discussed, & the US economy is compared to that of France, Germany, & the UK, drawing on international statistics on rates of capital accumulation & growth & business cycle fluctuations. The compatibility of neoliberalism with the continuing transformation of relations of production is addressed, & alternatives to neoliberalism that might arise with different power configurations are reviewed. 7 Figures. K. Hyatt Stewart

The neoliberal development model used in the urban economic revitalization of downtown Philadelphia, PA, illustrates the commodification of urban space by the removal of the poor from the public sphere & the suburbanization of the American consciousness. Contemporary research on urban poverty is explored to determine neoliberal practices that shift resources to suburbanization & away from the promotion of social equality. Postwar policies for suburbanization started the capital strategies that fostered uneven development, economic polarization, & a stratified geographical & symbolic landscape. Unfortunately, the same rhetoric of the corporate elites is reflected in urban studies. The class-based rhetoric of a multiracial welfare rights organization in Philadelphia serves as an example of contemporary research that acknowledges political economy & respects the position of the urban poor. L. A. Hoffman

The neoliberal development model used in the urban economic revitalization of downtown Philadelphia, PA, illustrates the commodification of urban space by the removal of the poor from the public sphere & the suburbanization of the American consciousness. Contemporary research on urban poverty is explored to determine neoliberal practices that shift resources to suburbanization & away from the promotion of social equality. Postwar policies for suburbanization started the capital strategies that fostered uneven development, economic polarization, & a stratified geographical & symbolic landscape. Unfortunately, the same rhetoric of the corporate elites is reflected in urban studies. The class-based rhetoric of a multiracial welfare rights organization in Philadelphia serves as an example of contemporary research that acknowledges political economy & respects the position of the urban poor. L. A. Hoffman

Offers a broad historical overview of efforts in the US to overcome racial inequalities, & parallel opposition to such changes, since the late 18th century. Three specific challenges by elite opinion shapers, academics, & journalists raised to judicial activism on behalf of racial minorities -- eg, affirmative action, civil rights rulings -- are explored in detail: balkanization, democratic, & competence criticisms. Though they are found to have a modicum of legitimacy, this does not imply that all efforts to improve the situation of racial & ethnic minorities should be abandoned; specific features of these approaches that proved to be counterproductive are identified. It is concluded that larger changes are needed in contemporary liberal politics & policy if more effective & democratic solutions are to be achieved in obliterating inequalities. K. H. Stewart

"Im Verlaufe des Globalisierungsprozesses und der damit verbundenen tief greifenden Umstrukturierung unserer sozioökonomischen und politischen Systeme haben die Weltgesellschaft und ihre Teilsegmente in den letzten zwei bis drei Jahrzehnten Entwicklungspfade eingeschlagen, die von vielen kritischen Autoren wohl zu Recht als bedenklich oder gar gefährlich eingeschätzt werden. Zu diesen Entwicklungstendenzen zählen die dramatische Zunahme sozialer und regionaler Disparitäten, die radikale Emanzipation der Geldwirtschaft von der Realökonomie, die auf allen Maßstabsebenen (global, regional und lokal) wirksam werdende Entdemokratisierung bedeutsamer Entscheidungen, die Krise der Arbeit, die Erosion der Menschenrechte und der sozialen Netzwerke sowie nicht zuletzt die Verschärfung so genannter Umweltprobleme. Der Autor unternimmt den Versuch, einige der wichtigsten ideologischen Hintergründe und Rahmenbedingungen für derartige Entwicklungstendenzen zu skizzieren und exemplarisch zu belegen. Als wichtige Determinanten der angesprochenen Prozesse werden auf der Steuerungsebene der Werthaltungen und Ideologien der Neoliberalismus und die normative Dominanz der neoklassischen Ökonomie identifiziert. In der Folge wird gezeigt, dass die auf der Grundlage derartiger Werthaltungen in Gang gesetzte Entwicklungsdynamik durch bestimmte Rahmenbedingungen, die aus den aktuellen Strukturen der politischen Ökonomie ableitbar sind, sehr erheblich verstärkt, verfestigt und geradezu potenziert wird. Zugespitzt auf eine politikökonomische These, lassen sich diese Rahmenbedingungen wie folgt umschreiben: 'Politiker agieren nicht, um Probleme zu lösen. Die primäre Intentionalität ihres Handelns liegt in der Produktion politischer Güter zweiter Ordnung. Zu den wichtigsten politischen Gütern dieser Kategorie zählen Wählerstimmen, Budgetverfügbarkeit, Nutzen für das eigene Klientel und Macht.' Aus dieser Maxime politischen Handelns resultieren in Kombination mit den aktuell wirksamen generellen Werthaltungen, Ideologien und Doktrinen die eingangs angesprochenen gefährlichen Entwicklungspfade unserer Gesellschaftssysteme. Zur Lösung dieser Problemlagen wird immer wieder auf die Notwendigkeit einer generellen Ethikdiskussion und der Implementierung zivilgesellschaftlicher Regelungssysteme im Sinne des GovernanceKonzepts verwiesen. Im letzten Abschnitt werden einige Argumente besprochen, vor deren Hintergrund derartige Lösungsvorschläge eher skeptisch beurteilt werden müssen." (Autorenreferat)

The scholarship on transnational social movements & advocacy networks has expanded our understanding of movement dynamics above & across borders, but much of it fails to conceptually connect such manifestations of "globalization from below" to the economic & political aspects of "globalization from above." The author argues that the emergence & spread of transnational feminist networks (TFNs) are best understood in terms of the neoliberal economic shift & its impact on female labor, the decline of the welfare & development state, & the rise of fundamentalism-all of which are key elements of globalization. The development of transnational women's groups is traced from the early decades of the 20th century, through the post-Keynesian & post-communist transitions, & the emergence of fundamentalist movements that led to the convergence of feminist perspectives across the globe. The activities & goals of TFNs are identified as assisting global networks to mobilize pressure outside states, participation in multilateral & intergovernmental political arenas, & agitating within states to enhance public awareness & participation. TFNs activities are concluded to disseminate new ideas about reinventing globalization, the role of the state & "gender justice" with full consideration of economic justice that addresses the gendered (& racial) makeup of working people. References. J. Harwell

Argues that globalization & the new economic order have become strong enough for serious consideration to be given to the possibility that nation-states are becoming incapable of maintaining control over their own affairs. Arguments for the obsolescence of states are critically assessed to determine their soundness. Distinctions are made between weak & strong globalization, noting that the weak version is compatible with nation-states & multinational states, while the strong variant represents a kind of neoliberalism that threatens democracy as well as the autonomy of both nation-states & multinational states. It is contended that claims about the obsolescence of socially oriented nation-states should not be dismissed as either "a potful of neoliberal ideology" or something that involves an "unanswerable question." Neoliberal capitalist globalization presents the possibility of making the current "moral wilderness" even "denser, darker, & more encompassing;" therefore, it is crucial to seek strategies to resist strong globalization in order to create a better world than capitalism. 69 References. J. Lindroth

Discusses the origins & development of modern markets, with particular focus on neoliberalism, the "culture of the market," & the "culture of consumption." But while consumption has unquestionably gained social & analytic centrality in studies of neoliberalism, we must keep in mind that the producers of commodities & services need to labor incessantly to stir & provoke consumer desires & imaginings. That is, it is imperative to challenge the prominence granted to consumption within neoliberal discourse & to stress anew the crucial, if not preeminent, role of production. The neoliberal privilege of consumerism also overlooks the increasing range of techniques & cultural & economic resources utilized by mediators in advertising, design, fashion, & the media to foster an evidently insatiable desire by consumers for consumption. K. Coddon

The development of two new forms of protest in Argentina & points of convergence & dissimilarity between them & between these new forms & prior ones are examined. The piqueteros -- mainly unemployed workers & impoverished rural producers -- form picket lines at major bridges & highways to disrupt the circulation of goods. The caceroleras -- middle-aged men & women -- beat pots & pans to protest monetary policy that has demolished their savings. Both forms of protest are reactions against the failure of the neoliberal model to strengthen the state's economic power & unify the population behind the dream of being a first world country. Measures proposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to achieve fiscal reform are untenable to a majority of the population & in fact ignore the IMF's role in the crisis. Formerly antagonistic class sectors need to forge an alliance under a unifying nationalist discourse. M. Pflum

The development of two new forms of protest in Argentina & points of convergence & dissimilarity between them & between these new forms & prior ones are examined. The piqueteros -- mainly unemployed workers & impoverished rural producers -- form picket lines at major bridges & highways to disrupt the circulation of goods. The caceroleras -- middle-aged men & women -- beat pots & pans to protest monetary policy that has demolished their savings. Both forms of protest are reactions against the failure of the neoliberal model to strengthen the state's economic power & unify the population behind the dream of being a first world country. Measures proposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to achieve fiscal reform are untenable to a majority of the population & in fact ignore the IMF's role in the crisis. Formerly antagonistic class sectors need to forge an alliance under a unifying nationalist discourse. M. Pflum