Suchergebnisse

Ovaj rad se sastoji od pet poglavlja. U prvom poglavlju rad se bavi pregledom pojma neutralnosti, povijesnog razvoja instituta trajne neutralnosti, glavnih razlika između privremene i trajne neutralnosti te modusa osnivanja trajne neutralnosti na međunarodnom polju. U drugom poglavlju rada analiziraju se prava i dužnosti neutralnih država uz poseban naglasak na postojanje distinkcije između onih prava i dužnosti koje se odnose kako na trajno neutralne tako i na privremeno neutralne države te onih koji vrijede isključivo za trajno neutralne države. Fokus trećeg poglavlja sastoji se u obradi pitanja članstva u međunarodnim organizacijama, naročito analize problematike glede članstva trajno neutralnih država u organizacijama s ustrojenim sustavima kolektivne sigurnosti. U ovom poglavlju daje se pregled različitih reakcija i stajališta koje su pojedine trajno neutralne države zauzimale prilikom odlučivanja o pristupanju pojedinim međunarodnim organizacijama te se daje osvrt na njihov današnji položaj unutar međunarodne zajednice. Četvrto poglavlje prvenstveno se bavi Švicarskom, Austrijom i Maltom kao primjerima trajno neutralnih država. U ovom poglavlju analizira se povijesni kontekst stjecanja svojstva trajne neutralnosti, njegov razvoj, specifičnosti te prava i obveze koje vežu ove tri države. Konačno, u posljednjem petom poglavlju daje se osvrt na ulogu trajno neutralnih država u očuvanju mira i stabilnosti u međunarodnoj zajednici uslijed sve kompliciranijih odnosa između subjekata međunarodnog prava. ; This thesis consist of of five chapters. In the first chapter the thesis examines the concept of neutrality, the historical development of the institute of permanent neutrality, the main differences between temporary and permanent neutrality, and the mode of establishment of permanent neutrality in the international field. In the second chapter of the paper the rights and duties of neutral states are analyzed with special emphasis on the existence of a distinction between those rights and duties that apply to ...

Na temelju socijalnog institucionalizma i promatrajući neutralnosti iz političke perspektive, ovaj članak istražuje domaće političke rasprave o neutralnosti u Austriji, Švedskoj i Finskoj. Cilj je bio odgovoriti na pitanje kako su se njihovi koncepti neutralnosti rekonceptualizirali u odnosu na europske norme mira, demokracije, slobode, ljudskih prava i vladavine prava tijekom aplikacije za članstvo u EZ/EU . U austrijskom slučaju, neutralnost je uokvirena da bude kompatibilna s članstvom. Međutim, unatoč sličnim normama, švedska neutralnost nije bila prilagodljiva s europskim normama, zbog nacionalne autonomije i iznimne povezanosti s neutralnošću. Konačno, finska neutralnost, prije svega zamišljena i razvijena radi sigurnosnog interesa, nije redefinirana u odnosu s europskim normama, već se smatra sigurnosnim alatom koji bi bio napušten kada bi nestala prijetnja s istoka, kako bi se u potpunosti integrirali sa zapadnom Europom. Ovaj članak dolazi do zaključka da neutralnost nije samo pitanje sigurnosti, već je povezana s kulturnom dimenzijom, što rezultira različitim odnosom naspram europskih normi, otkuda potječu različita tumačenja neutralnosti. To bi u budućnosti moglo imati određene implikacije na uloge tih zemalja u zajedničkoj vanjskoj i sigurnosnoj politici. ; Based on sociological institutionalism and approaching neutrality from a political perspective, this article investigates domestic political debates on neutrality in Austria, Sweden and Finland. The aim was to answer the question how their concepts of neutrality were reconceptualised in relation to European norms of peace, democracy, liberty, human rights and rule of law during their EC/EU membership applications. In the Austrian case, neutrality was framed to be compatible with membership due to its same embedded normative aspects as the European norms. However, despite similar norms, Swedish neutrality was not argued to be adaptable to the European norms because of the notion of national autonomy and exceptionalism associated with neutrality. Finally, Finnish neutrality, first and foremost conceived and develop ed out of security concern, was not redefined with reference to European norms as such, but rather considered a security tool to be abandoned once the threat from the East disappeared in order to get fully integrated with the Western Europe. This article comes to the conclusion that neutrality is not merely a matter of security, but also embedded with cultural dimension, resulting in different reactions with European norms, hence different interpretations of neutrality. This would in the future have a certain implication on those countries' roles in the Common Foreign and Security Policy.

Rad problematizira vanjsko-političku situaciju Republike Srbije koja se nalazi između članstva u euroatlantskim integracijama, odnosno koja je vojno neutralna država okruženama članicama Organizacije Sjeveroatlantskog ugovora. Nadalje, u radu se, primjenom istraživačke metode analize sadržaja, analiziraju članci objavljeni na portalima ''Politika Online'' i ''Danas''. Članci uzeti u obzir odabrani su unutar dvomjesečnog roka (svibanj i lipanj 2016. godine). Cilj analize sadržaja jest utvrđivanje usmjerenja medija spram spomenute teme i vanjsko-političke situacije Srbije, kao utvrđivanje općih novinarskih standarda prilikom prenošenja takvih vijesti (poput argumentiranosti, uravnoteženosti i objektivnosti). Članci su razvrstani prema pripadnosti u rubrici, a zatim kronološki. Suvremena dilema Srbije, koja se nalazi i između članstva u Europskoj Uniji, i sa visokim intenzitetom suradnje sa NATO savezom (članica programa Partnerstvo za mir) neobično je važna za sigurnosni aspekt čitavog prostora Jugoistočne Europe. ; This paper reviews the situation of foreign policy of the Republic of Serbia, which is located between membership in Euro-Atlantic integration, and it's military neutrality while surrounded by members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Furthermore, through the application of research methods of content analysis articles analysed were published on the portals '' Politika Online '' and '' Danas ''. Articles were selected within the two-month period (during the months of May and June 2016). The goal of the content analysis is to determine the orientation of the media towards these themes and situation of foreign policy of Serbia, as well as identification of the general journalistic standards when transmitting such news (such as objectivity and balance). Articles are sorted by belonging to thecertain section, and then chronologically. This modern dilemma of Serbia, which is also a member of the European Union, with the high intensity of cooperation with NATO (member of the Partnership for Peace) ...

The author discusses the concept of state neutrality through the debate led by political theorists over the last 30 years. The notion of neutrality is presented as crucial for legitimacy & the scope of liberal-democratic government & also as an institutional solution of the rising cultural, religious, & moral plurality of contemporary Western societies. Starting with Rawls's theory of justice, the article continues with Nozick's libertarian criticism, MacIntyre's criticism of liberalism, & the arguments of Sandel, Taylor, & Raz (respectively) about the incompatibility of the concepts of the common good & state neutrality. The author discusses relations between neutrality & the welfare state, plurality of values, public policy, & the common good. In conclusion, the author distinguishes neutrality of principle & neutrality of public policy, advocating for the former understanding of the notion of neutrality. 22 References. Adapted from the source document.

Switzerland's major contribution to the shaping of neutrality as an institution of international law lies in its centuries-old practice & its international recognition. However, Swiss neutrality still conforms to the classical military/political conflict, since in the past, it proved to be a successful security/political instrument in the protection of independence & territorial integrity. In the contemporary international/global constellation, there is almost no room for a neutral stance due to the global interdependence within the international community & the collective security, on the one hand, & the new threats & dangers lacking a classical military dimension, on the other. All this is conducive to the solidarity & cooperation whose purpose is protection, which requires international security/political efforts in securing peace. The Swiss government is of the opinion that participation in a collective security system such as the UN does not run counter to its permanent neutrality, since the UN Charter forbids war & does not recognize it as a means of the international regulation of conflicts. Also, the UN Charter does not oblige member countries to participate in any coercive military measure. Finally, by the admittance of the permanently neutral Austria into the UN, the practice has proved that neutrality & the collective security are compatible. On several occasions, the Swiss have raised the issue of UN membership; in the 1986 referendum, the Swiss citizens voted against this proposal, while on 3 Mar 2000, they voted in favor of it; the only other country besides Switzerland not in the UN is the Vatican. 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

The main task of the Swiss security policy up to the collapse of the bipolar system was the country's military defense. The content of its defense doctrine was elaborated on & further expanded as total defense in the non-military direction. The end of the cold war marked a departure from the classical defense doctrine & also relativized the mythological character of permanent neutrality, forcing Switzerland to redefine its security policy in the altered European security setting. The expansion of the concept of security went hand in hand with an increased interest in international peace efforts & international cooperation. In the meantime, Switzerland's instruments & activities have multiplied in both fields. In certain aspects, eg, the control of the policy of disarmament & armament, Switzerland has excelled. Concerning the new forms of threats & intimidation it has shown willingness for across-the-border cooperation, while the traditional formula security through neutrality & independence increasingly gives way to the new motto: Security through cooperation -- a shift from its time-honored foreign- & security/political course of restrictive & detached attitude towards a more intensive cooperation. Although conceptually the development of Swiss security policy & consequently its shift towards some peace policy has not been even remotely supported by a satisfactory redistribution of financial & personal resources, the Swiss military reform -- introduced in early 2004 -- is de facto a conceptual accommodation of the Swiss military force to the new plan on European security. Switzerland has become a member of the PfP although, due to its policy of neutrality, it is not planning to join the NATO. Nevertheless, Switzerland is vacillating between the EU membership & a more substantial rapprochement with the NATO, at the same time putting all its hopes into the development of global management under the direction of the United Nations & the joint security system. 2 Tables, 3 Figures, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

U članku se tvrdi da John Rawls u svojoj kritici perfekcionizma sa stajališta liberalističke neutralnosti razmatra koncepcije dobra bez demarkacije između njih, odnosno bez njihova razlikovanja. Naime, Rawls ne razrješava pitanje o tome je li tu riječ o sveobuhvatnoj religijskoj odnosno filozofsko-etičkoj koncepciji ili je riječ o parcijalnom poimanju lokalnih vrijednosti, dobara i ciljeva. Bez obzira na spornu upotrebu pojma sveobuhvatnosti, neophodno je zadržati koncept razložnosti jer poimanja dobra, da bi bila relevantna u političkoj raspravi, trebaju biti relativno dobro zasnovana, konzistentna i koherentna. Kada se pođe od danih razlikovanja, može se tvrditi da u pojedinim slučajevima uvođenje razmatranja određenih dobara u rasprave o osnovnim principima političkog ustrojstva može biti dobro potkrepljeno i, sa stajališta razložnog pluralizma, moralno opravdano. Ipak, umjereni liberalistički perfekcionizam treba precizirati odnose li se političke odluke na stvaranje opcija, na promociju vrijednih ili na odvraćanje od bezvrijednih dobara i u skladu s tim treba odrediti doseg perfekcionističkih mjera. ; The paper argues that Rawls' critique of perfectionism from the standpoint of neutral liberalism scrutinizes the conceptions of the good without demarcation between them, that is, without distinguishing whether they are comprehensive religious or philosophical conceptions, or whether they are piecemeal comprehensions of local values, concepts and goods. In addition to the high contestability in the use of the concept of comprehensiveness, it is necessary to retain the concept of reasonableness, as comprehensions of the good have to be to some extent well-founded, consistent and coherent to be considered relevant in a political dispute. Considering these distinctions, it can be claimed that, in particular cases, the application of considerations of the good in disputes concerning constitutional essentials can be supported and, considering reasonable pluralism, morally justified. Nevertheless, moderate perfectionism has to specify whether political decisions create and support options, promote valuable goods or they discourage worthless goods. It is necessary to delineate the limits of perfectionistic measures accordingly.

The author analyzes fundamental concepts of the school of rational expectation (RATEX, an offspring of the Chicago school of economics). Theoretical foundations of the neoclassical macroeconomy are set out: the hypothesis of rational expectations in the circumstances of perfect competition & the principle of strategic interdependence. Central to these are the hypotheses of variants, misallocation of resources, & neutrality of economic policy. Outlined are rent-seeking & direct unproductive profit-seeking as well as alternative models in the new theoretical economy: economic constitutionalism, deficitarians, the theory of political business cycles, & supply-side economics. 22 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author compares the new law on higher education with the program demanded by the Croatian Social-Liberal Party. This is a two-level comparison: a direct comparison of excerpts from the text & the articles of the law, & an indirect comparison of fundamental principles & general policies. The law plays lip service to the requirements for private universities, autonomy, & ideological neutrality. In implementation of the law, the procedures as well as the law itself have been contravened. This is illustrated by a detailed outline of the unsatisfactory provisions of the law & the U of Zagreb statute regarding students. Adapted from the source document.

The author compares the new law on higher education with the program demanded by the Croatian Social-Liberal Party. This is a two-level comparison: a direct comparison of excerpts from the text & the articles of the law, & an indirect comparison of fundamental principles & general policies. The law plays lip service to the requirements for private universities, autonomy, & ideological neutrality. In implementation of the law, the procedures as well as the law itself have been contravened. This is illustrated by a detailed outline of the unsatisfactory provisions of the law & the U of Zagreb statute regarding students. Adapted from the source document.

The author thinks that liberalism, as a political doctrine, is eminently contradictory, the contradiction being embodied in its two variants. The perfectionist doctrines by William Galston & Joseph Raz advocate liberal forms of good life (autonomy, tolerance, openness to the world), while the antiperfectionist doctrine of John Rawls limits itself to defining the procedural foundations of justice. Raz's & Galston's liberal perfectionism is in danger, in the name of liberal values & virtues, of violating the principle of neutrality of political authority in relation to individual choice of values, while Rawls's concept of procedural justice cannot steer clear of the danger that the total permissiveness regarding individual value options eventually undermines the foundations of liberal society. The author concludes that the balance between perfectionism & anti perfectionism is essential for the defense of liberalism. Such argumentational strategy has to take into consideration the liberal notion of justice, the necessity of a liberating democratic politics, & the concept of a citizen as a subject who, by practicing active tolerance, accepts the responsibility for the community. Adapted from the source document.

The author thinks that liberalism, as a political doctrine, is eminently contradictory, the contradiction being embodied in its two variants. The perfectionist doctrines by William Galston & Joseph Raz advocate liberal forms of good life (autonomy, tolerance, openness to the world), while the antiperfectionist doctrine of John Rawls limits itself to defining the procedural foundations of justice. Raz's & Galston's liberal perfectionism is in danger, in the name of liberal values & virtues, of violating the principle of neutrality of political authority in relation to individual choice of values, while Rawls's concept of procedural justice cannot steer clear of the danger that the total permissiveness regarding individual value options eventually undermines the foundations of liberal society. The author concludes that the balance between perfectionism & anti perfectionism is essential for the defense of liberalism. Such argumentational strategy has to take into consideration the liberal notion of justice, the necessity of a liberating democratic politics, & the concept of a citizen as a subject who, by practicing active tolerance, accepts the responsibility for the community. Adapted from the source document.

Posljednjih godina svjedočimo buđenju ekološke svijesti općenito, kako u svijetu tako i u Europi. No kako to Europska unija upravlja svojim financijskim sektorom i usmjerava ga ka održivosti? Na koji način ona provodi "pozelenjivanje" svog financijskog sektora? Odgovori na to su sljedeći. Europska je unija krenula od uzroka. Kratkoročna ulaganja nisu povoljna kao dugoročna ulaganja kada govorimo o održivosti. Trend kratkoročnih ulaganja puno je privlačniji od dugoročnih ulaganja u Europi, stoga je Europska unija odlučila promijeniti dosadašnje trendove kroz veću transparentnost zelenih investicija i njihovu klasifikacija kroz sustav taksonomije zajedno sa standardom zelenih obveznica. Sve to u cilju postizanja, prvenstveno, Pariškog klimatskog sporazuma, a potom postizanja glavnog cilja, odnosno klimatske neutralnosti do 2050. godine. ; In recent years, we are witnessing the rise of environmental awareness, both on the global and European levels. But how does the European Union manage its financial sector and steers it towards sustainability? How is it implementing greening in its financial sector? This thesis attempts the answer these guestions by explaining recent EU policy developments. The European Union decided to address some of the main problems. For instance, short-term investments are not as favorable as long-term investments when it comes to sustainability. Short-term investments are much more attractive than long-term investments in Europe, so the European Union has decided to change the current trends through greater transparency of green investments and their classification through the taxonomy system together with the green bond standard. All this in order to achieve, primarily, the Paris Climate Agreement, and then to achieve the main goal, that is climate neutrality by 2050.

Posljednjih godina svjedočimo buđenju ekološke svijesti općenito, kako u svijetu tako i u Europi. No kako to Europska unija upravlja svojim financijskim sektorom i usmjerava ga ka održivosti? Na koji način ona provodi "pozelenjivanje" svog financijskog sektora? Odgovori na to su sljedeći. Europska je unija krenula od uzroka. Kratkoročna ulaganja nisu povoljna kao dugoročna ulaganja kada govorimo o održivosti. Trend kratkoročnih ulaganja puno je privlačniji od dugoročnih ulaganja u Europi, stoga je Europska unija odlučila promijeniti dosadašnje trendove kroz veću transparentnost zelenih investicija i njihovu klasifikacija kroz sustav taksonomije zajedno sa standardom zelenih obveznica. Sve to u cilju postizanja, prvenstveno, Pariškog klimatskog sporazuma, a potom postizanja glavnog cilja, odnosno klimatske neutralnosti do 2050. godine. ; In recent years, we are witnessing the rise of environmental awareness, both on the global and European levels. But how does the European Union manage its financial sector and steers it towards sustainability? How is it implementing greening in its financial sector? This thesis attempts the answer these guestions by explaining recent EU policy developments. The European Union decided to address some of the main problems. For instance, short-term investments are not as favorable as long-term investments when it comes to sustainability. Short-term investments are much more attractive than long-term investments in Europe, so the European Union has decided to change the current trends through greater transparency of green investments and their classification through the taxonomy system together with the green bond standard. All this in order to achieve, primarily, the Paris Climate Agreement, and then to achieve the main goal, that is climate neutrality by 2050.

Koncept ili oznaka pametnog grada postala je sve popularnija u znanstvenoj literaturi, kao i u kreiranju suvremene urbane politike, gdje se popularizira u svrhu rješavanja složenih urbanih problema. Ovaj rad usredotočuje se na pregled postojeće literature o ovom konceptu uz primjenu pristupa analize kodiranja sadržaja. Istraživanjem se potvrđuje da se u zadnje vrijeme ovaj koncept popularizira, te preuzima (i zamjenjuje) ulogu nekih starih pojmova, što bi se djelomično moglo pripisati njegovoj terminološkoj neutralnosti i širem sadržaju koji pokušava obuhvatiti. Međutim, glavni praktični poticaj za njegov rast popularnosti može se pripisati tehnološkom zamahu. Sve veći broj istraživanja ovog područja djelomično odražava i dostupnost sredstava za istraživanje, što ukazuje da je istraživanje pametnih gradova također temeljeno na politici. Slijedeći ovaj trend, ne treba zanemariti potencijal za nastajanje novih oznaka gradova u budućnosti. ; Smart city concept or label has become increasingly popular in scientific literature as well as in contemporary urban policy-making, where it has been popularized for the purpose of solving complex urban problems. This paper focuses on the review of the existing literature on this concept, following mainly manifest content analysis approach. The scrutinisation process reveals that this concept has been indeed popularized recently, overtaking (and substituting) some more older concepts, which could be partly contributed to its terminological neutrality and broader content that it tries to address. However, the main practical impetus for the growth of popularity can be attributed to the technology push. The increase in the volume of research partially also reflects the availability of research funds, thus indicating that smart city investigation is also policy-driven topic. Following a trajectory, a potential for the new city label emergence in the future should not be disregarded.