The article presents integrational processes observed among the dwellers of. the new voivodships established in 1975. On the grounds of questionnaire surves realized in the Gorzów voivodship the author analyses social attitudes towards reorganization of administration, qouting examples of local conflicts emerged on that background and establishes the main reasons for the integrational difficulties. The barriers are embeded both in the objective scope (errors in the new administrative division of the state, incorrect implementation of thereform, infringing traditional regional bonds, etc.) and in the subjective views and psychological attitudes of people (innovational stress, irrational reservations towards the new center of power, apprehensions against "selfishness of the district capital"). Partially those problems are specific for the Gorzów region, other are typical for all the new voivodships in Poland. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The conception of local self-government contained in the law of March 8, 1990, refers to the tradition of Polish self-government and yet meets the requirements provided for in the European Local Government Charter. The .atbove makes it possible, on the one hand, to return to the institutions previously known to the Polish law, and, on the other, to compare them with their European counterparts. The re-instatement of self-government has brought back to light the issue of duality of public administration and its division into government and selfgovernment administration. In view of the principle in force in the former political regime namely the principle of "unity of government on the level of a locality, the solution to the problem of duality is far from easy". New legislation creates grounds for a new, structurally diversified model of state administration. At the Województwo level (the highest unit of local organization), there operates a nominated official, Wojewoda, the organ of government administration, whereas at a local level — in gmina — the ,,basic form of organization of public activity" is local self-government. The duality of administration manifests itself in many legislative acts. The most important of them are: the Act on Local Self-Government and the Act on Government Administration; mention should also be made about the Act on division of tasks and powers between various organs representing basically different types of administration, etc. Some issues posed by the model require further amendments. Problems of particular gravity arise in connection with the question of regions as subsidiary units of basic administrative division of the country, created to further the tasks of government administration at a local level, the absence of deep structural reforms at a central government level, the absence of a clear determination of position of government administration vis-a vis self-government, disputable budgetary and financial solutions, etc. All this leads to the conclusion that the legislative conception of duality of state administration is not sufficiently clear. Neverheless, it is beyond doubt that the new structure of administration is presently in its formative period. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The reconstruction of public administration is one of the most important structural tasks. Decentralization through Self- government is the most advanced form of the enforcement of public administration. However, it is not a sufficient reorganization undertaking. For decentralization to be efficiently implemented, certain general conditions should be met. One of them is a deep reconstruction of t he central government administration, which in its present form is not correlated with a new political structure of the State, its new tasks and with a new position of Government (as set forth in the Constitutional Act of 17 October 1992). Besides, there exists a need to provide for a smooth course of, and correlation between, the making of politics by the Government and the functioning of the administrative apparatus. In such a context, a new conception of creating districts (powiaty) as a new unit of territorial division and self-governmental authority seems premature. It needs to be added that the position of a district in the draft Law is not unequivocal. In particular, it is not clear to what extent the district bodies are to represent the district community, and to what extent they will only be the executors of certain tasks set forth in the Law. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The Movement of a Hundred (Polish: Ruch Stu) was to become an alternative for the political class that emerged after 1989. The whole political class was supposed to be substituted in a democratic manner by new people entering the political arena. The minimum political platform was to unite the activists of diversified political provenience. The Movement of a Hundred was to provide a new way of functioning for the political parties. The very naming of the party as the "movement", that is a common activity of new people, was of significant importance itself. They were to introduce a new quality of politics and a new model of a politician. Current political events in- volved the Movement of a Hundred in a never-ending spiral of political elections. The two most important events were supporting Lech Wa³êsa before the presidential elec- tions and the decision to join the structures of the AWS (Solidarity Election Action). The Movement of a Hundred was to be an alternative and novelty on the Polish political arena. However, it became a tiny, hardly observable, component of the right wing of the former political class. It was commonly known to have been incorporated by the old elite. The Movement of a Hundred adopted behavioral models that were typical of a former political class (including the conflicts between the leaders), as well as the heavily criticized faults (struggle for gaining influence in the AWS) that resulted in the collapse of the whole right wing in the next parliamentary elections.
The Movement of a Hundred (Polish: Ruch Stu) was to become an alternative for the political class that emerged after 1989. The whole political class was supposed to be substituted in a democratic manner by new people entering the political arena. The minimum political platform was to unite the activists of diversified political provenience. The Movement of a Hundred was to provide a new way of functioning for the political parties. The very naming of the party as the "movement", that is a common activity of new people, was of significant importance itself. They were to introduce a new quality of politics and a new model of a politician. Current political events involved the Movement of a Hundred in a never-ending spiral of political elections. The two most important events were supporting Lech Wa³êsa before the presidential elections and the decision to join the structures of the AWS (Solidarity Election Action). The Movement of a Hundred was to be an alternative and novelty on the Polish political arena. However, it became a tiny, hardly observable, component of the right wing of the former political class. It was commonly known to have been incorporated by the old elite. The Movement of a Hundred adopted behavioral models that were typical of a former political class (including the conflicts between the leaders), as well as the heavily criticized faults (struggle for gaining influence in the AWS) that resulted in the collapse of the whole right wing in the next parliamentary elections.
The paper deals with a description of institutionalism and focuses on its contemporary form - the so-called neo-institutionalism. The main three parts relate to: (1) characteristics and criticism of neo-institutionalism; (2) the relationship between neo-institutionalism and the mainstream economics; (3) the relationship between neo-institutionalism and the new institutional economics. In the authors opinion neither neo-institutionalism nor the new institutional economics should be seen as alternatives to the mainstream economics. Instead, an attempt should be made to combine their strengths and achievements in order to provide a better explantation of the market economy mechanisms In conclusion, attention is paid to the applicability of neo-institutionalism and of the new institutional economics to the analysis of transition from a centrally planned to a free market economy. Many of the related phenomena (inertia and slow evolution of institutions as obstacles to the economic transition) are best explicable on the level of institutional analysis. In this context neo-institutionalism seems more useful for macroeconomists, whereas the new institutional economics can be of help both to mezo- and microeconomists ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The article starts with a series of questions concerning the relations between particular levels of adjustment and the forms and contents of the youths' participation in culture. Having commented on basic dilemmas of contemporary adjustment, the author distinguished and discussed five basic types of the youths' participation in culture, determined according to the criterion of the level of social adjustment. The first (the lowest) level consists in participation in massand pop-culture in institutional frames, with the elements of revolt and individualism. A characteristic feature of the second level of adjustment is the past association with local cultural institutions and the present participation in cultural institutions of more universal character. A determinant of the third level of adjustment is cultural superficiality and syncretism. The essence of the fourth level of adjustment is the continuity of interests and the past participation in school extracurricular activities. Finaly, a characteristic symptom of the fifth (the highest) level of adjustment is the autotelic (in the past) and pragmatic (at present) character of the reading habit. The article ends with the confrontation of the adjustment levels with the character of the youths' participation in culture. In that part the author synthetically discusses the stages and periods of adjustment in relation to the types of participation in culture. Here, the author distinguished eight types of participation in culture, starting from the simplest one (habitual), characterized by the mere participation in mass culture, and ending with the fullest and comprehensive participation, characterized i.a. by one's own creative activity. 10
The article is focused on the pattern of marital attitudes expressed symptomathically by the attitude towards marriage and the planned age of concluding marriage. An attempt to identify the patterns of marital attitudes of 4264 unmarried youths (aged 18 - 34) has been conducted on the basis of empirical material obtained in years 1985 - 1987 from the whole territory of Poland by the random- -quota method. The results indicate that in Polish conditions marriage gains in importance in the (hierarchy of socially accepted values and is generally accepted by the unmarried youths. Marital plans were declared by 94% of youths. A basic determinant of the pattern is the pisychoisociological factor, while demographic factors (age, sex) and the environment only modify its functioning. A peculiarity of the pattern is a high concentration of preferred age of concluding the marriage. Women plan to get married between 20 - 24 years of age, while men between 25 - 29 years of age. It justifies the opinion that in the future the tendency to conclude early marriages will be preserved and that relatively high birth potential will be retained. Among Polish unmarried youths a formal marriage is preferred by 92,7°/o of respondents. It allows to expect a domination of children born in wedlock, a tendency which should be approved. Polish youths wish to live in institutional marriages based on interpersonal relations created by friendship and emotional ties. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The article aims at presenting basic problems of decision-making independence of an enterprise arising in connection with the present (instituted in 1982) economic reform which opened new and hitherto unknown possibilities for an enterprise to shape independently its own activity at short and long range. The considerations are laid in a historical background, helping to accentuate innovatory and progressive conceptions of the reform and to expose the facts of retaining or rejecting some solutions introduced by previous reforms. The starting point has been provided by the thesis about limied decision-making independence of an enterprise as long as the national economy functions under the conditions of socialized basic means of production and the active role of the central plan. However, the above does not settle explicitly the question of the range and types of independence; the latter may be shapd in various ways. Accepting fully an extensive, and as broad as possible, independence of an enterprise in current and developmental matters, the author carried out the detailed analysis of three main decision-making spheres: 1) the decisions concerning production and exploitation, 2) the decisions concerning supplies and sales, 3) the decisions concerning property and income. The results of the analysis are to inform the management of new opportunities and prerogatives of its decision-making activity and of the problems to be autonomically overcome and solved by means of decision-making measures. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The aim of this work is to attempt to answer the following questions: what were the dominant tendencies in the years 1990—1994 in the declarations and actions purporting to construct a system of security in the post-Cold War Europe? What model of security was needed by the international community, and what was the direction of the international practice? Which model of international security suited better the strategic national security interests of the Visegrad Group states, and which model was actually favoured by the foreign policy of those states? In the years 1990—1994 there was a steadily growing discrepancy, among the states of the European Conference on Security and Co-operation, between the declared and the actually realised model of international security. As far as declarations are concerned, the majority of the politicians of the states of the European Conference on Security and Co-operation pointed to a system of collective security as the best possible model of European security in the post-Cold War era. In practice, various tendencies were gaining in strength that favoured the formation of a new balance of power. From the point view of the strategic security interests of Poland and other states of the Visegrad group, the tendencies to establish a new balance of power should be regarded as detrimental.
The paper presents the results of an investigation carried out to determine how the public opinion and the knowledge learnt from the results of public surveys have influenced the members of the 2nd term Parliament of the Republic of Poland. The role of such surveys and their position among other sources of information expressing public opinion to the MPs has been analysed and the extent of the use of such knowledge determined. The degree of trust among members of the Polish parliament in the results of public opinion polls has been examined and their attitudes to the possibilities of manipulation in the survey investigated. Further, the views of the politicians with regards limitations put on the publication of survey results before elections and the possible use of pre-election surveys results in election campaigns has been presented. Finally, the opinion of MPs on the influence of such results on the attitudes and way of thinking of politicians and their electorates has been determined. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The article presents the results of the April 1985 survey conducted by the Department of Sociology of Labor and Organization of the Institute of Sociology of the Warsaw University and by the Center of Public Opinion Surveys by the Polish Radio and Television on the relation of the Polish society to the economic reform. The research considered questions of a social reaction to the methods of reforming system of management: a mature of that reaction and its group and environmental differentiation. It can be generally stated that the public opinion which views the state of our economy as poor has doubts whether the implemented economic reform can be the means to draw the country out of the crisis. It is stated that the reform fails mostly in the domain of prices, quality of goods and material situation of the workers. Majority of the surveyed can visualise threats to the reform not in the objective economic difficulties but in decission errors on various levels. A part of society seems to be confused. They consider factons which can be the reason of a slow pace of the reform to be its result, mousing lacks of the reform they fail to quote their reasons. lt is important that the workers can see the profits derived from the reform for their enterprises and they express the opinion that it is needed there. That conviction can be observed strongly among those Who declare their contacts with the reform in their everyday work. It can be concluded that the Polish society visualises the reform not as the isolated socio-economic process, but as the integral part of overall far reaching changes both in the State and in the economy which should be implemented in the near future. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
Perspectives of the world oil market areclosely related to the possible tendencies of price ruling of that natural resource. To describe it, the author constructs a system considering all the main elements subject to changes in time, which are essentially related to the ruling of oil prices. Pricing strategies of the oil states are adopted as the initial variable. Its variants can be specified on the grounds of the formulated subsystems of independent and dependent variables. The first of subsystems comprises features relatively unchanged over time and common for all the states-producers of oil. The maeroeconomic target of the oil states economies is considered here as well as the long-run target in their export sectors and stimulating functions of price variables. This subsystem is supplemented by the conditions limiting free price-ruling within the framework of certain stimulating functions. The second subsystem considères the effect of three categories of determinants: internal (relations of export incomes to expenditures of the oil states, acquired level of productive forces in those states, conditions for realization of the accelerated economic development, freedom to "manipulate" resources), external ones (relation of demand to oil supply) and correcting (quality of oil, transport distance, extra economic factors, the volume of demand aparat of main oil importers). They constitute proper criteria of variating procedure. Defining the probability of appearance of one of the presented variants in practice and its effect on the level of oil prices requires a permanent observation of changes in the respective analysed factors and taking account of them. And that is the premise adopted by the author of the article. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The article aims at describing the regional differentiation of the turnout and of the support for major political parties in the parliamentary elections of 19 September 1994. Having analysed the aforesaid differentiation, one may note voividships with a consistently high (Wielkopolska, Małopolska) and consistently low electoral turnouts. Compared to the elections of 1991, the support for the Democratic Left Alliance has grown considerably throughout the whole country except the Zamosc voivodship, whereas the support for the Democratic Union has increased only in 7 voivodships (including the Poznań voivodship). One of the principal axes of competition was between peasant parties (PSL, PSL-PL) and townspeople parties (the Democratic Union, the Liberal Democratic Congress, the Labour Union). ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
The purpose of the article is to turn the readers' attention to the threats and dangers of functioning of the democratic system. The starting point for the considerations is the conception of a famous Italian sociologist Gaetano Mosca (1858-1941), a co-author of the sociological theory of elites. Gaetano Mosca was opposed to the introduction of a general right to vote and was against granting the voting rights to women. Besides, he was a strong opponent of proportional electoral regulations, and he stressed the role of electoral committees and the significance of a strong middle, class as a support for the democratic government. The article points to the topicality of some Mosca's views on the system of representative democracy. However, the article's main concern is to indicate some dangers for the emerging Polish democracy. In particular, the author points to: 1) the danger of indifference and weak political understanding among the Polish electorate; 2) the necessity to put forth alternative programmes (to make it possible to vote for particular programmes rather than for particular persons); 3) advantages and disadvantages of proportional and majority electoral regulations (the author is in favour of proportional regulations with a minimum threshold); 4) the necessity of reconstructing the middle class. Besides, the author stresses the dangers specific for the functioning of democracy at a local level. The topicality of many Gaetano's views on the functioning of democratic systems is the best proof of advantages flowing from the studies on the classical sociological thought. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016
