Suchergebnisse

In this paper the authors examine the dynamics of security relations of the three key security actors in the Euro-Atlantic area - NATO, Russia, and the European Union. Based on their findings, and using a comparative analysis of the actors' doctrinal and strategic documents, as well as their observations of contemporary challenges, risks and threats, the authors discuss if, and to what extent, their productive security cooperation is possible, or their positions are opposed in such a way that in short and medium terms only disputes or less or more open conflicts are likely to be expected between them. This leads to a conclusion that a majority of recognized security challenges, risks and threats are shared, as well as that these actors see each other not only as competitors but also as partners in the struggle against those challenges, risks and threats, which opens possibilities of security cooperation.

The European Union is the most complex and by any aspect the most unique example of a regionaleconomic integration. Its origin, evolution and survival are based on a common legislative andinstitutional framework. The so-called common policies implemented in a number of economicand non-economic areas are particularly distinctive. Most of them are implemented on two levels:national and communal. The only common policy that is fully implemented at the European Unionlevel is the Community Agrarian Policy (CAP), whereas the agriculture has the highest expenditurein the communal budget. The function of CAP is primarily economic as its goals are strictly relatedto economic issues: price stability of agricultural products, productivity growth, higher wages forthe farmers, etc. The CAP strengthens the Union's social cohesion, which is of utmost importancein times of constant crises, BREXIT and other extreme instabilities. For this reason, the CAP hasbeen in the processes of continuous reforms (MacShary, Mansholt and those of recent times) fordecades, in order to increase its efficiency and justify enormous financial investments. The CAPresults depend on the achievement of preset objectives and the exchange of agricultural productsand food that the European Union generates globally. It has been demonstrated that the CAP is asignificant common policy, both in achieving economic goals and in the sphere of strengtheningcommunal cohesion.

Demokratski optimizam devedestih godina prošlog veka zamenjuje osobita forma javnog razočarenja u demokratiju. Kriza demokratije praćena institucionalnim deficitima, konfuzijom, niskim stepenom upravljačke sposobnosti da se rešavaju pitanja siromaštva, nezaposlenosti, imigracije, korupcije, simptomi su ovoga stanja. Globalni val populizma najizoštreniji je izraz ove političke patologije. Početak novoga veka rađa uzlet otvorenog neprijateljstva prema demokratiji. Deskriptivni pristupi oslonjeni na proceduralnu dimenziju režima moći ("hibridni režimi", "ograničena demokratija" "iliberalna demokratija", "kompetitivni autoritarizam" ) pokazuju se nedostatnim. U ovome radu autor se vraća klasičnom konceptu "despotizma" i pokazuje normative i teorisjke prednosti ovoga koncepta ("novi despotizam") u analizi novoga režima moći koji izrasta na pretpostvkama sve šireg nepoverenja u demokratske instituciije. ; The democratic optimism of the 1990s has been replaced by a particular form of public disillusionment with democracy. The crisis of democracy, accompanied by institutional deficits, confusion, low levels of management capacity to tackle poverty, unemployment, immigration, corruption, are symptoms of this condition. The global wave of populism is the sharpest expression of this political pathology. The beginning of the new century has given birth to an open hostility to democracy. Descriptive approaches based on the procedural dimension of the regime of power ("hybrid regimes", "limited democracy", "liberal democracy", "competitive authoritarianism") are proving insufficient to capture the new political system. In this paper, the author returns to the classical concept of "despotism" and shows the normative and theoretical advantages of this concept ("new despotism") in the analysis of a new regime of power that grows on the premise of growing distrust of democratic institutions.

In this paper, we analyse two recent contributions to the Marxist critique of the political economy of art: the article "Artistic Labor and the Production of Value: An Attempt at a Marxist Interpretation" by José María Durán and the book Art and Value: Art's Economic Exceptionalism in Classical, Neoclassical and Marxist Economics by Dave Beech. While Durán emphasizes the emergence of the legal category of intellectual property rights as crucial for value production in art, Beech has reached the contrary conclusion that artistic labour does not produce value and that artistic production is therefore excepted from capitalist commodity production. In our paper, we criticize both conclusions. While agreeing with Beech that artistic labour does not produce value and is thus excepted from the ideology of commodity fetishism, we believe that through the ideology of converted forms it nevertheless becomes part of capitalist commodity production. We would argue that the sector of artistic production, through the converted form of monopoly rent, establishes a production relation with other, competitive, sectors of capitalist economy. This production relation is enabled by the ideology of aesthetic fetishism, supported by the ideology of legal fetishism through the category of intellectual property rights. Contrary to Durán, we thus conclude that intellectual property rights allow for a hidden transfer of surplus value produced by the workers in the competitive sectors of the capitalist economy. ; U tekstu analiziramo dva novija priloga marksističkoj kritici političke ekonomije umetnosti: članak "Umetnički rad i proizvodnja vrednosti: pokušaj marksističke interpretacije" Hozea Marije Durana [José María Durán] i knjigu Umetnost i vrednost: ekonomska izuzetnost umetnosti u klasičnoj, neoklasičnoj i marksističkoj ekonomici Dejva Biča [Dave Beech]. Dok Duran u svojoj analizi daje naglasak zasnivanju pravne kategorije prava na intelektualno vlasništvo kao determinanti proizvodnje vrednosti u umetničkoj proizvodnji, Bič dolazi u svojoj knjizi do suprotnog zaključka da umetnički rad ne proizvodi vrednost i da je time umetnička proizvodnja izuzeta iz kapitalističke robne proizvodnje. U našem tekstu kritikujemo oba zaključka. Sa Bičom se slažemo da umetnički rad ne proizvodi vrednost i da je time izuzet iz ideologije robnog fetišizma, ali smatramo da on putem ideologije preobraženih oblika postaje deo kapitalističke robne proizvodnje. Tvrdimo da sektor umetničke proizvodnje putem preobraženog oblika monopolske rente zasniva proizvodni odnos sa drugim, konkurentskim, sektorima kapitalističke privrede. Ovaj proizvodni odnos je omogućen ideologijom estetskog fetišizma koju podržava ideologija pravnog fetišizma putem kategorije prava na vlasništvo intelektualne svojine. Contra Duranu zaključujemo da pravo na vlasništvo intelektualne svojine omogućava skriveni prenos viška vrednosti koji su proizveli radnici konkurentskog sektora kapitalističke privrede.

At the end of 2012 and the beginning of 2013, the Serbian Government issued the new national regulations in order to provide an acceptable legislation framework to achieve 2020 targets of 27% increase of total renewable energy sources share in the gross final energy consumption, relative to 2009. The target of a 37% increase relates to participation of renewable energy sources in electricity production. It requires construction of new significant capacities of renewable energy power plants as clearly defined in the National Action Plan for Renewable Energy Sources.This paper comprises critical analyses of targeted new installed capacity of renewable energy power plants for electricity production from different point of views, such as: new national energy policy, new national regulations, renewable energy sources potential in Serbia, efficiency of power plants and the investment financial models.According to the new national energy policy identified in the National Action Plan for Renewable Energy Sources, it is concluded that the new regulations related to the construction of new renewable energy power plants is completed, particularly concerning the investment security, provision of green electricity market, status of green electricity producer, and significant reduction of time for administrative procedures required to obtain a building permit. Particularly, the real wind potential in Serbia, based on the measured data over the past ten years of measurement campaigns at more than thirty locations, has been used to correct the targeted installed capacity of wind power plants. ; At the end of 2012 and the beginning of 2013, the Serbian Government issued the new national regulations in order to provide an acceptable legislation framework to achieve 2020 targets of 27% increase of total renewable energy sources share in the gross final energy consumption, relative to 2009. The target of a 37% increase relates to participation of renewable energy sources in electricity production. It requires construction of new significant capacities of renewable energy power plants as clearly defined in the National Action Plan for Renewable Energy Sources.This paper comprises critical analyses of targeted new installed capacity of renewable energy power plants for electricity production from different point of views, such as: new national energy policy, new national regulations, renewable energy sources potential in Serbia, efficiency of power plants and the investment financial models.According to the new national energy policy identified in the National Action Plan for Renewable Energy Sources, it is concluded that the new regulations related to the construction of new renewable energy power plants is completed, particularly concerning the investment security, provision of green electricity market, status of green electricity producer, and significant reduction of time for administrative procedures required to obtain a building permit. Particularly, the real wind potential in Serbia, based on the measured data over the past ten years of measurement campaigns at more than thirty locations, has been used to correct the targeted installed capacity of wind power plants.

A decade ago, Serbia has carried out the reform of judicial control of public administration - by establishing the new Administrative Court. The expected results, however, have not been achieved and the problems that caused the reform have not been resolved. Therefore, a decade later, a new reform is in sight. The planned changes include establishing more administrative courts and introducing a two-instance administrative dispute. The aim of this paper is to discuss these changes, but in a slightly different way. Instead of their uncritical acceptance and justification by European legal standards, they are analysed having in mind the legal nature of the administrative dispute. Successful administrative dispute reform cannot be achieved if European legal standards are blindly accepted and copied literally from classical court proceedings. Only the legal nature of the administrative dispute and the features that make it special and different from the usual court disputes can lead us to a successful implementation of the changes.

Борба против корупције спада у најважније задатке сваког друштва и државе, због чега се предузимају бројне активности усмерене у правцу адекватне превенције и сузбијања корупције. Најзначајније активности посвећене су изградњи свеобухватног нормативног оквира у борби против корупције, дефинисању корупције, инкриминацији коурптивних дела, успостављању специјализованих органа за борбу против корупције и изградњи оперативних и техничких капацитета тих органа у циљу успешне борбе против корупције. Мада појам корупције још увек није на јединствен начин дефинисан, корупција се може одредити као злоупотреба овлашћења ради личнекористи. Имајући у виду чињеницу да корупција води осиромашењу друштва и државе и губитку поверења грађана у демократске институције, Република Србија је донела нови Закон о организацији и надлежности државних органа у сузбијању организованог криминала, тероризма и корупције, којим су прописана коруптивна кривична дела и предвиђена је специјализација државних органа ради кривичног гоњења и суђења за та кривична дела. Такође, овим законом прописано је увођење финансијске форензике, службеника за везу са Тужилаштвом за организовани криминал и посебним одељењима за сузбијање корупције и формирање ударних група при надлежним тужилаштивма, а све у циљу успешног истраживања и доказивања коруптивних кривичних дела. У раду су представљени резултати рада Посебног одељења за сузбијање корупције при Вишем јавном тужилаштву у Београду у првој години рада, односно анализирана су: коруптивна кривична дела која су процесуирана, практична имплементација нових законских одредаба којима се унапређује истраживање и доказивање коруптивних кривичних дела и број судски окончаних поступака. Посебно је указано на одређене недостатке у законским решењима који отежавају ефикасну борбу против корупције. ; The fight against corruption is the overriding task of every society and state because of which many activities are undertaken that are directed towards adequate prevention and suppression of corruption. The most important activities are dedicated to building comprehensive normative framework in the suppression of corruption, through defining corruption, incrimination of the corruption offenses, establishment of specialized state bodies for the suppression of corruption and defining operational and technical capacities of these bodies in order to successfully fight against corruption. Although the concept of corruption has not yet been uniquely defined, corruption can be defined as abuse of power for private gain. Bearing in mind the fact that corruption leads to impoverishment of the society and state and loss of citizens` confidence in democratic institutions, the Republic of Serbia adopted the new Law on Organisation and Jurisdiction of Government Authorities in the Suppression of Organised Crime, Terrorism and Corruption that prescribes corruptive criminal offenses and foresees specialization of state bodies in order to prosecute and try such criminal offenses. Also, the law provides for the establishment of financial forensics units, connecting officials within the Prosecutor`s Office for Organised Crime and the Special Department of the Public Prosecutor`s Offices for the Suppression of Corruption and establishment of task forces within mentioned Public Prosecutor`s Offices, in order to successfully investigate and prove corruptive criminal offenses. Since more than one year has passed from the beginning of the application of this law, we will present the work results of the Special Department for the Suppression of Corruption within the Higher Public Prosecution Office in Belgrade. Therefore, in this paper we will analyse: corruptive criminal offenses prosecuted during the first year; practical implementation of the new legal provisions which improve investigation and proving of corruptive criminal offenses and the number of court-terminated proceedings. Special attention will be paid to cooperation between specialized bodies for the suppression of corruption. In addition to the practical application analysis of the Law on Organisation and Jurisdiction of Government Authorities in the Suppression of Organised Crime, Terrorism and Corruption focusing on the example of the Special Department for the Suppression of Corruption in Belgrade, we will point out certain deficiencies in the legal provisions that make it difficult to efficiently fight against corruption.

The authors of this paper offer an overview and analysis of the rise and fall of‎ the liberal international order that emerged after the end of the Cold War and‎ along with the rising power of the United States. The foreign policy agenda‎ of the post-Cold War sole superpower was guided by the idea of creating a‎ global order based on the ideology of liberalism, which incorporates theories‎ of liberal peace, democratic peace and neoliberal institutionalism. The establishment‎ of a liberal order has been accompanied by numerous political, social,‎ economic and security crises. The current era is characterized by the rise‎ of the relative power of global actors, primarily China and Russia, as the main‎ challengers to the world domination of the United States, geopolitical revisionism‎ and ideological struggle around the world. The authors of this paper‎ use the dialectic of political mechanics as a method that relies on the teachings‎ of Friedrich Hegel on the dialectic of history and Carl Schmitt on the‎ phenomenon of the political. The authors advocate the view that the political‎ field "permanently pulsates", which, in everything that is social and political,‎ necessarily creates action and reaction.‎

Osnovni cilj doktorske disertacije predstavlja analiza činilaca nastanka i održivosti radničkog samoupravljanja, kao oblika kolektivnog delanja radničke klase. U cilju utvrđivanja determinističke vrednosti različitih faktora analiza je smeštena u uporedni okvir. Model radničkog samoupravljanja u obliku 'oporavljenih preduzeća' (Empresas recuperadas por sus trabajadores – ERT) u Argentini do čije pojave je došlo u jeku dramatične ekonomske krize početkom dvehiljaditih izabran je kao iskustveni okvir na čijem primeru su empirijskim istraživanjem analizirani faktori održivosti. Pored usmerenosti analize na 'oporavljena preduzeća' u Argentini, predmet razmatranja predstavljao je i model radničkog samoupravljanja u Jugoslaviji. U radu se pošlo od hipoteze da su nastanak i održivost radničkog samoupravljanja uslovljeni kombinacijom unutrašnjih i spoljašnjih činilaca (odnosno činilaca unutar i izvan preduzeća). Preciznije, testirana je hipoteza da spoljašnji činioci osiguravaju opšte okvire pojave radničkog samoupravljanja, dok mogućnost njegove konsolidacije počiva na konstelaciji niza unutrašnjih faktora. Rezultati analize radničkog samoupravljanja u Jugoslaviji i Argentini pokazali su da je hipoteza o činiocima uspostavljanja i učvršćivanja radničkog samoupravljanja u velikoj meri potvrđena. Na osnovu relativno opširne istorijske i empirijske analize donosi se zaključak da spoljašnji faktori obezbeđuju opšte pretpostavke za pojavu radničkog samoupravljanja, dok unutrašnji ostvaruju direktan uticaj na održivost ovakvog jednog procesa. Preciznije, spoljašnje pretpostavke u vidu sistemskih i strukturalnih činilaca stvaraju opštu mogućnost nastanka radničkog samoupravljanja, dok je veza između ove grupe faktora i održivosti radničkog samoupravljanja posredovana organizacijskim i akcijskim činiocima koji imaju neposredan uticaj. Ipak, kao osnovni faktori koji organizuju i oblikuju ostale faktore ističu se sistemski činioci. U sklopu unutrašnjih faktora, poredbeni plan analize je pokazao da ekonomski, organizacijski i vrednosni činioci (u smislu vrednosne i interesne konzistentnosti) imaju posebnu važnost za održivost radničkog samoupravljanja. ; The primary objective of the doctoral dissertation is to analyze factors related to the emergence and sustainability of workers' self-management, as a form of the collective action of the working class. In order to establish the deterministic values of different factors, the analysis was set within a comparative framework. A model of workers' self-management in the form of "worker- recuperated enterprises" (Empresas recuperadas por sus trabajadores – ERT) in Argentina, which emerged in the midst of the dramatic economic crisis in early 2000, was chosen as an experiential framework in which sustainability factors were analyzed applying empirical research. In addition to the focus on "worker-recuperated enterprises" in Argentina, the analysis also considered the workers' self-management model in Yugoslavia. The dissertation started from the hypothesis that the sustainability of workers' self-management is conditioned by a combination of internal and external factors (i.e. factors within and out of the company). More specifically, it tested the hypothesis that external factors ensure the general framework supporting the emergence of workers' self-management, while the possibility of its consolidation relies on the constellation of a number of internal factors. The analysis of workers' self-management in Yugoslavia and Argentina resulted in confirming the hypothesis about the factors affecting establishment and consolidation of workers' self-management to a great extent. A relatively extensive historical and empirical analysis led to the conclusion that external factors ensure the general assumptions for the emergence of workers' self-management, while internal factors have direct effects on the sustainability of such a process. In other words, external assumptions in the form of systemic and structural factors create the general possibility of the emergence of workers' self-management, whereas the interconnection between these groups of factors and the sustainability of workers' self-management are interposed by organizational and activity factors which have direct influence. Nevertheless, systemic factors stand out as key factors that organize and shape other factors. As regards internal factors, a comparative analysis plan showed that economic, organizational and value factors (in terms of value and interest consistency) have a special significance in the sustainability of workers' self-management.

Osnovni cilj doktorske disertacije predstavlja analiza činilaca nastanka i održivosti radničkog samoupravljanja, kao oblika kolektivnog delanja radničke klase. U cilju utvrđivanja determinističke vrednosti različitih faktora analiza je smeštena u uporedni okvir. Model radničkog samoupravljanja u obliku 'oporavljenih preduzeća' (Empresas recuperadas por sus trabajadores – ERT) u Argentini do čije pojave je došlo u jeku dramatične ekonomske krize početkom dvehiljaditih izabran je kao iskustveni okvir na čijem primeru su empirijskim istraživanjem analizirani faktori održivosti. Pored usmerenosti analize na 'oporavljena preduzeća' u Argentini, predmet razmatranja predstavljao je i model radničkog samoupravljanja u Jugoslaviji. U radu se pošlo od hipoteze da su nastanak i održivost radničkog samoupravljanja uslovljeni kombinacijom unutrašnjih i spoljašnjih činilaca (odnosno činilaca unutar i izvan preduzeća). Preciznije, testirana je hipoteza da spoljašnji činioci osiguravaju opšte okvire pojave radničkog samoupravljanja, dok mogućnost njegove konsolidacije počiva na konstelaciji niza unutrašnjih faktora. Rezultati analize radničkog samoupravljanja u Jugoslaviji i Argentini pokazali su da je hipoteza o činiocima uspostavljanja i učvršćivanja radničkog samoupravljanja u velikoj meri potvrđena. Na osnovu relativno opširne istorijske i empirijske analize donosi se zaključak da spoljašnji faktori obezbeđuju opšte pretpostavke za pojavu radničkog samoupravljanja, dok unutrašnji ostvaruju direktan uticaj na održivost ovakvog jednog procesa. Preciznije, spoljašnje pretpostavke u vidu sistemskih i strukturalnih činilaca stvaraju opštu mogućnost nastanka radničkog samoupravljanja, dok je veza između ove grupe faktora i održivosti radničkog samoupravljanja posredovana organizacijskim i akcijskim činiocima koji imaju neposredan uticaj. Ipak, kao osnovni faktori koji organizuju i oblikuju ostale faktore ističu se sistemski činioci. U sklopu unutrašnjih faktora, poredbeni plan analize je pokazao da ekonomski, organizacijski i vrednosni činioci (u smislu vrednosne i interesne konzistentnosti) imaju posebnu važnost za održivost radničkog samoupravljanja. ; The primary objective of the doctoral dissertation is to analyze factors related to the emergence and sustainability of workers' self-management, as a form of the collective action of the working class. In order to establish the deterministic values of different factors, the analysis was set within a comparative framework. A model of workers' self-management in the form of "worker- recuperated enterprises" (Empresas recuperadas por sus trabajadores – ERT) in Argentina, which emerged in the midst of the dramatic economic crisis in early 2000, was chosen as an experiential framework in which sustainability factors were analyzed applying empirical research. In addition to the focus on "worker-recuperated enterprises" in Argentina, the analysis also considered the workers' self-management model in Yugoslavia. The dissertation started from the hypothesis that the sustainability of workers' self-management is conditioned by a combination of internal and external factors (i.e. factors within and out of the company). More specifically, it tested the hypothesis that external factors ensure the general framework supporting the emergence of workers' self-management, while the possibility of its consolidation relies on the constellation of a number of internal factors. The analysis of workers' self-management in Yugoslavia and Argentina resulted in confirming the hypothesis about the factors affecting establishment and consolidation of workers' self-management to a great extent. A relatively extensive historical and empirical analysis led to the conclusion that external factors ensure the general assumptions for the emergence of workers' self-management, while internal factors have direct effects on the sustainability of such a process. In other words, external assumptions in the form of systemic and structural factors create the general possibility of the emergence of workers' self-management, whereas the interconnection between these groups of factors and the sustainability of workers' self-management are interposed by organizational and activity factors which have direct influence. Nevertheless, systemic factors stand out as key factors that organize and shape other factors. As regards internal factors, a comparative analysis plan showed that economic, organizational and value factors (in terms of value and interest consistency) have a special significance in the sustainability of workers' self-management.

The process of industrialization has gone through three stages that have been described as Industrial Revolution. We are currently at the threshold of the Fourth Industrial Revolution that will fundamentally change the way we live and work. We still do not know how this will unfold exactly, but one thing is clear: the answer to it must be integrated and comprehensive, including all stakeholders in global politics, from the public and private sectors to the academic community and civil society. The speed of current technological discoveries compared to previous industrial revolutions cannot be measured. The breadth and depth of these changes affect the transformation of the overall production and management systems. This paper aims to present the main characteristics of Industry 4.0 and describe how they affect the creation of new industrial policies in countries around the world. ; Proces industrijalizacije prošao je kroz tri faze koje su opisane kao industrijske revolucije. Trenutno se nalazimo na pragu četvrte industrijske revolucije koja će fundamentalno promeniti način na koji živimo i radimo. Još uvek ne znamo kako će se to tačno odvijati ali jedno je jasno: odgovor na nju mora biti integrisan i sveobuhvatan, uklјučujući sve zainteresovane strane u globalnoj politici, od javnog i privatnog sektora do akademske zajednice i civilnog društva. Brzina trenutnih tehnoloških otkrića u poređenju sa prethodnim industrijskim revolucijama ne može se meriti. Širina i dubina ovih promena utiču na transformaciju celokupnih sistema proizvodnje i upravlјanja. Ovaj rad ima za cilј da predstavi glavne karakteristike Industrije 4.0 i opiše na koji način one utiču na kreiranje novih industrijskih politika u zemlјama širom sveta.