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The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions. ; The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions.

Prikazanje rad u privremeno osposobljenom stacionaru u ratu za potrebe HV. Važno je i potrebito istaknuti da se takav stacionar pokazao kao izuzetno koristan, u ovakvom obliku rata kakav se vodi protiv Republike Hrvatske. U radu u stacionaru potvrdili smo prijašnje postavke da je stacionar potrebito smjestiti izvan dometa artiljerije, a na podjednakoj udaljenosti od zdravstvenih ustanova na koje se u radu oslanjamo, a također je i izrazito važna mogućnost sigurnih putova izvlačenja. Pokazalo se da je organizacija rada izrazito važan čimbenik kako bi svi poslovi i suradnja s vojnim postrojbama i civilnim službama, a posebno sam rad u cijelosti bio sukladan medicinskoj i ratnoj doktrini. Stručan i organiziran rad dao je rezultate u velikom broju izliječenih bolesnika u opisanom stacionaru, a također je bio i velika pomoć i rasterećenje civilnim ustanovama koje su u ovom brutalnom ratu bile izuzetno opterećene. Stečena iskustva u radu u brigadnom stacionaru mogu biti od velike koristi i poslužiti kao osnova organizacije i plana rada SnSl Hrvatske vojske. Potrebno je istaknuti da je posebno važno vođenje medicinske dokumentacije u stacionaru kako bi se imao kompletan uvid o ljudima koji su liječeni u stacionaru te rezultatima liječenja u slučaju potrebe za vještačenjem. ; It is very important to emphasize that such a temporary stationary clinic showed as extremely helpful in a war as was the war aginst Croatia. The stationary clinic should be situated out of the reach of artillery, on the point equally distant from health organisations on which stationary clinic is dependant. It is very important too, that secure ways of retreat exist. The organisation of the work shoved to be an explicitely important fact so that all the work and cooperation with military units and civil services could be in corcondance with medical and war doctrine. Competent and organized work resulted in a large number of cured wounded in the described stationary clinic. It was a remarkable help for civilian health units which were extremely overburdened in this war. The experiences in work in the brigade stationary clinic could be of great use as the base for organisation and plan of the work in Health organisation in Croatian Army. It is important to point out keeping of medical documentation so that a complete registration of the wounded could be used in any case needed.

Migracijska kretanja su konstanta ljudske povijesti, bilo da se radi o dobrovoljnim ili prisilnim migracijama. No,s prijelaza s 2015. na 2016. godinu, Europa se suočila s izbjegličkom krizom koja je uzrokovana dugogodišnjim tranzicijskim procesima na Bliskom istoku i sjevernoj Africi. Ti su tranzicijski procesi uzrokovali građanski rat u Siriji i Libiji, ali i stvorili ogromnu nestabilnost u susjednim državama. Veliki broj migranata s područja Bliskog istoka, Afrike i Azije je krenuo prema Europi, a cilj im je bio stići u najrazvijenije zemlje Europe, Njemačku, Švedsku, Norvešku i druge. Na putu koji se proteže preko Turske i Grčke pa sve do Švedske, našle su se i države koje su svoju samostalnost stekle dezintegracijom Jugoslavije. Neke od država nastalih raspadom Jugoslavije su članice Europske unije i NATO pakta, no to im nije olakšalo suočavanje s izbjegličkom krizom, iako su one, u većini slučajeva, samo tranzitne zemlje. Nedostatak sredstava, slaba koordinacija, manjak institucionalnih kapaciteta i problemi s drugim državama samo su neki od izazova s kojima su se ove države suočile. Upravo zbog svih navedenih problema ovaj rad se bavi komparacijom migracijskih politika država nastalih raspadom Jugoslavije, i to ne samo onih koje se nalaze na Balkanskoj ruti, već i Crne Gore i Bosne i Hercegovine. ; Migration movements have been a constant feature of human history, wheather voluntary or forced. However, in the late 2015 Europe was faced with refugee crisis caused by long – term transition process in Middle East and North Africa. That transition process caused Civil war in Syria and Libya and instability in neighboring countries. A huge number of migrants from Middle East, Africa and Asia headed to Europe with the aim to reach most developed countries: Germany, Sweden, Norway etc. Countries which gained their independence with desintergration of Yugoslavia can be found on the path from Turkey and Greece towards countries as far as Sweden. Althought some of the states that have been createdafter the ...

Članak analizira poticaje za prijelaz iz nezaposlenosti u zaposlenost izražene pomoću različitih financijskih pokazatelja u Sloveniji i uspoređuje ih s onima u državama EU. Članak daje pregled glavnih značajki politika isplativosti rada i raspravlja razloge za njihovu primjenu u Sloveniji. Pokazuje se da u Sloveniji obitelji i pojedinci koji ne rade imaju slabe poticaje za pronalaženje posla, jer za mnoge se "posao ne isplati". Naknade za nezaposlene i novčane naknade, zajedno s visokim poreznim klinom, odvraćaju od rada. Kako bi se riješio ovaj problem, Slovenija bi trebala razmotriti uvođenje dodataka za zapošljavanje, naknada za zaposlene ili oboje. Trenutačno takve politike gotovo ne postoje. U svjetlu međunarodnih uspješnih iskustava s takvim politikama i s obzirom na visoki destimulirajući učinak koji stvaraju zamke nezaposlenosti, neaktivnosti i niskih plaća, takve politike u Sloveniji imaju veliki potencijal za poticanje prijelaza iz nezaposlenosti u zaposlenost i ostanak u radnom odnosu. ; The paper analyzes incentives for making transition from non-employment to work as expressed by various financial indicators in Slovenia and compares them to the EU countries. It also provides an overview of the main features of making-work-pay policies and discusses reasoning for their implementation in Slovenia. The paper shows that in Slovenia, families and individuals who are not working have poor incentives to find a job – because for many, "it does not pay to work." Unemployment benefits and cash transfers, coupled with high tax wedge, create high work disincentives. To address this issue, Slovenia should consider introducing into-work benefits, in-work benefits, or both. Presently such policies are virtually non-existent. In the light of international successful experiences with such policies and given the strong work disincentive created by unemployment, inactivity and low-pay traps, in Slovenia such policies have a great potential to stimulate transitions from non-employment to employment and stay in employment.

Autori se u tekstu bave usporedbom dvaju istraživanja iz 2010. i 2015. godine o funkcioniranju vijeća i predstavnika nacionalnih manjina, koje je kao savjetodavna tijela inaugurirao Ustavni zakon o pravima nacionalnih manjina iz 2002. godine, koji čini temelj hrvatskog modela zaštite prava nacionalnih manjina. Oba istraživanja provedena su na Fakultetu političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu (Centar za međunarodne i sigurnosne studije), i to provedbom anketnog upitnika elektroničkim putem među svim dostupnim vijećima i predstavnicima koji su se u dva ciklusa nalazili u Registru vijeća, koordinacija vijeća i predstavnika nacionalnih manjina. Stavljajući analizu istraživanja u širi kontekst razvoja manjinskih prava u Hrvatskoj, s posebnim osvrtom na oblike političkog predstavništva na različitim razinama, autori odgovaraju na pitanje postoji li i kakav je napredak u funkcioniranju vijeća i predstavnika nacionalnih manjina, tijela koja se po svojoj funkciji, ulozi i opsegu nadležnosti mogu smatrati neteritorijalnim oblikom autonomije. ; In this article, the authors are comparing two studies from 2010 and 2015 on the functioning of councils and representatives of national minorities, which are advisory bodies inaugurated by the Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities (2002), that represents the basis of the Croatian model of minority rights protection. Both studies were conducted at the Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb (Center for International and Security Studies), through the questionnaire distributed via e-mail to all the available councils and representatives which were listed within two cycles in the Register of councils, coordination of councils and representatives of national minorities. By putting the analysis of the research in the broader context of development of minority rights in Croatia, with special emphasis on forms of political representation at various levels, authors are providing an answer whether there is any and what kind of progress in the functioning of councils and representatives of national minorities, namely the bodies that may be considered a form of non-territorial autonomy, according to their function, role and scope of jurisdiction.