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Полицијска делатност је незамислива без благовременог и потпуног прикупљања свих безбедносно релевантних података. Како у данашње време већа доступност података и информација у полицијској пракси не мора да значи и већу предвидљивост манифестовања безбедносно интересантних појава, свакодневно прикупљање података треба да буде праћено њиховом аналитичком обрадом. Спознати начине (појавне облике) манифестовања појава које су предмет рада полицијске организације, наћи у њима елементе будућег и предвидети њихов развој, суштински је задатак аналитичара. У раду се указује на значај аналитичког рада и аналитичке информације за доношење одлука у полицији, и сагледава допринос аналитичке подршке изради стратешких и оперативних одлука у Европској унији и Републици Србији које се односе на супротстављање тешком и организованом криминалу. ; Police activity is unthinkable without the timely and complete collection of all security-relevant data. As today's greater availability of data and information in police practice does not mean greater predictability of manifestations of security-related events, data analysis should occur on a daily basis. To understand the ways crime incidents happen, to find the elements of the future in them and to predict their development, is an essential task of analysts. Starting from the specifics of decision-making in the police, the paper points to the importance of analytical work and analytical information for policing, but also examines the contribution of analytical support to the drafting of strategic and operational decisions in the European Union and the Republic of Serbia related to combating serious and organized crime.

Постсоцијалистичка трансформација у Србији је, као носилац многобројних и разноврсних промена и новина, утицала и на појаву посебних категорија губитника и добитника транзиције. Параметри на основу којих су ове категорије препознате пружају могућност идентификације припадника овог друштва са једном од њих. У овом раду се представљају аналитички појмови који су погодни за разматрање дате идентификације, као и проблеми који се том приликом могу јавити, а који указују на комплексност овог феномена. Категорије губитника и добитника транзиције постоје онолико дуго колико траје и сам процес друштвене трансформације, што значи да су ефемерне. Ипак, то не значи и да су ирелевантне, с обзиром на то да представљају свест о себи, као и о другоме, у једном временском периоду који карактеришу важна социјална, економска, политичка и културна превирања. ; Post-socialist transformation in Serbia has introduced various changes and novelties including a formation of special categories of losers and winners of transition. The parameters defining these categories allow a possibility of identification with either one within the society. This paper presents analytical terms appropriate for discussing the given identification, as well as problems associated with it, further pointing out to the complexity of this issue. The categories of losers and winners of transition are ever-lasting, accompanying a process of social transformation itself. This however does not imply they are irrelevant considering they represent a sense of self and others in time characterized by important economic, political and cultural turbulences.

The Lisbon Treaty has brought significant changes into the architecture of the European Union. The most important novelty, however, is the establishment of a full unity of the Union structure achieved by creating new and strengthening the existing elements. The new elements of this unity are the disappearance of the European Community, the 'independence' of the European Atomic Energy Community, constituting the European Union as a single entity and the introduction of EU values. At the same time, the Lisbon Treaty has strengthened the existing elements of the common institutional mechanisms, rules on amending the founding treaties and EU membership. However, constituting the Union as a single entity which has replaced and succeeded the European Communities has not abolished the EU elements of diversity. In the areas that differed, even before the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty, from the community pillar, there remain significant differences in the nature and the scope of competences of the Union institutions. This mainly regards the common foreign and security policy, which now includes the defense policy, where the existing model of inter-state cooperation has been only slightly interfered with. In contrast, in the field of police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters, which has become part of a larger Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, the inter-state model of cooperation has been abandoned in some of its most important elements. However, the implementation of some of the important elements of the supranational model has been postponed.

Fiscal consolidation is one of the most commonly used instruments of fiscal policy in order to "recover" the economy of a country. Successful implementation of the fiscal consolidation plan leads to a reduction of the budget deficit and public debt, with expansive effects primarily related to GDP growth. However, the success of fiscal consolidation does not depend only on a good plan or precise strategy. The complexity of fiscal consolidation requires knowledge of the entire macroeconomic system. The aim of this paper is to, based on previous experience, define the conditions which determine successful fiscal consolidation. Also, the paper will emphasize the most common mistakes which prevent consolidation from going in the desired direction. It should be mentioned that there is no unique fiscal policy and that each country has the opportunity to formulate a fiscal consolidation strategy based on its predispositions, expecting to bring the best results. ; Fiskalna konsolidacija predstavlјa jedan od najčešće korišćenih instrumenata fiskalne politike u cilјu "ozdravlјenja" privrednog i ekonomskog ambijenta jedne države. Uspešnim sprovođenjem plana fiskalne konsolidacije postiže se smanjenje budžetskog deficita i javnog duga, uz ekspanzivne efekte, koji se prvenstveno odnose na rast BDP-a. Međutim, za uspeh fiskalne konsolidacije nije dovolјno imati dobar i jasan plan i preciznu strategiju. Kompleksnost fiskalne konsolidacije zahteva poznavanje celokupnog makroekonomskog sistema. Cilј rada jeste da, na osnovu prethodnih iskustava, definiše koji su to preduslovi koji opredelјuju uspešnu fiskalnu konsolidaciju. Isto tako, u radu će biti naglašene najčešće greške zbog kojih konsolidacija ne ide u želјenom pravcu. Treba naglasiti da ne postoji jedinstvena fiskalna politika i da svaka zemlјa ima mogućnost da na osnovu svojih predispozicija formuliše strategiju fiskalne konsolidacije, za koju veruje da će doneti najbolјe rezultate.

The article presents a critical overview of underlying ideas, social context, and original teachings of two "mediating ideologies" (social democracy and conservatism) and two mass "political phenomena" (nationalism and populism). Each of them constitutes a form of more or less effective political compromise, which ought to neutralize constant tensions and clashes between the leading modern ideologies of freedom and equality, i.e. liberalism and communism. However, the clash of ideologies which were prominent in the 19th and 20th centuries has lost much of its intensity today, although the social causes that gave rise to them have remained unchanged: social inequalities, abuse of freedom, and uneven distribution of social power. At the same time, the main social forces and political organizations that had been the symbols and striking forces of freedom and equality in the preceding decades - the political parties of the "left " and "right", including the never clearly defined "political center" - also lost their identity and power. Th e then political mortal enemies look and behave today almost exactly as they did then: in the ideological sense, "everyone wants everything" (allegedly representing/ defending the interests of "all citizens"); in the organizational sense, there is almost no difference between them; whereas the difference in the manner they behave when in power is almost negligible.