Suchergebnisse

Полицијска делатност је незамислива без благовременог и потпуног прикупљања свих безбедносно релевантних података. Како у данашње време већа доступност података и информација у полицијској пракси не мора да значи и већу предвидљивост манифестовања безбедносно интересантних појава, свакодневно прикупљање података треба да буде праћено њиховом аналитичком обрадом. Спознати начине (појавне облике) манифестовања појава које су предмет рада полицијске организације, наћи у њима елементе будућег и предвидети њихов развој, суштински је задатак аналитичара. У раду се указује на значај аналитичког рада и аналитичке информације за доношење одлука у полицији, и сагледава допринос аналитичке подршке изради стратешких и оперативних одлука у Европској унији и Републици Србији које се односе на супротстављање тешком и организованом криминалу. ; Police activity is unthinkable without the timely and complete collection of all security-relevant data. As today's greater availability of data and information in police practice does not mean greater predictability of manifestations of security-related events, data analysis should occur on a daily basis. To understand the ways crime incidents happen, to find the elements of the future in them and to predict their development, is an essential task of analysts. Starting from the specifics of decision-making in the police, the paper points to the importance of analytical work and analytical information for policing, but also examines the contribution of analytical support to the drafting of strategic and operational decisions in the European Union and the Republic of Serbia related to combating serious and organized crime.

Постсоцијалистичка трансформација у Србији је, као носилац многобројних и разноврсних промена и новина, утицала и на појаву посебних категорија губитника и добитника транзиције. Параметри на основу којих су ове категорије препознате пружају могућност идентификације припадника овог друштва са једном од њих. У овом раду се представљају аналитички појмови који су погодни за разматрање дате идентификације, као и проблеми који се том приликом могу јавити, а који указују на комплексност овог феномена. Категорије губитника и добитника транзиције постоје онолико дуго колико траје и сам процес друштвене трансформације, што значи да су ефемерне. Ипак, то не значи и да су ирелевантне, с обзиром на то да представљају свест о себи, као и о другоме, у једном временском периоду који карактеришу важна социјална, економска, политичка и културна превирања. ; Post-socialist transformation in Serbia has introduced various changes and novelties including a formation of special categories of losers and winners of transition. The parameters defining these categories allow a possibility of identification with either one within the society. This paper presents analytical terms appropriate for discussing the given identification, as well as problems associated with it, further pointing out to the complexity of this issue. The categories of losers and winners of transition are ever-lasting, accompanying a process of social transformation itself. This however does not imply they are irrelevant considering they represent a sense of self and others in time characterized by important economic, political and cultural turbulences.

The Lisbon Treaty has brought significant changes into the architecture of the European Union. The most important novelty, however, is the establishment of a full unity of the Union structure achieved by creating new and strengthening the existing elements. The new elements of this unity are the disappearance of the European Community, the 'independence' of the European Atomic Energy Community, constituting the European Union as a single entity and the introduction of EU values. At the same time, the Lisbon Treaty has strengthened the existing elements of the common institutional mechanisms, rules on amending the founding treaties and EU membership. However, constituting the Union as a single entity which has replaced and succeeded the European Communities has not abolished the EU elements of diversity. In the areas that differed, even before the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty, from the community pillar, there remain significant differences in the nature and the scope of competences of the Union institutions. This mainly regards the common foreign and security policy, which now includes the defense policy, where the existing model of inter-state cooperation has been only slightly interfered with. In contrast, in the field of police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters, which has become part of a larger Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, the inter-state model of cooperation has been abandoned in some of its most important elements. However, the implementation of some of the important elements of the supranational model has been postponed.

Fiscal consolidation is one of the most commonly used instruments of fiscal policy in order to "recover" the economy of a country. Successful implementation of the fiscal consolidation plan leads to a reduction of the budget deficit and public debt, with expansive effects primarily related to GDP growth. However, the success of fiscal consolidation does not depend only on a good plan or precise strategy. The complexity of fiscal consolidation requires knowledge of the entire macroeconomic system. The aim of this paper is to, based on previous experience, define the conditions which determine successful fiscal consolidation. Also, the paper will emphasize the most common mistakes which prevent consolidation from going in the desired direction. It should be mentioned that there is no unique fiscal policy and that each country has the opportunity to formulate a fiscal consolidation strategy based on its predispositions, expecting to bring the best results. ; Fiskalna konsolidacija predstavlјa jedan od najčešće korišćenih instrumenata fiskalne politike u cilјu "ozdravlјenja" privrednog i ekonomskog ambijenta jedne države. Uspešnim sprovođenjem plana fiskalne konsolidacije postiže se smanjenje budžetskog deficita i javnog duga, uz ekspanzivne efekte, koji se prvenstveno odnose na rast BDP-a. Međutim, za uspeh fiskalne konsolidacije nije dovolјno imati dobar i jasan plan i preciznu strategiju. Kompleksnost fiskalne konsolidacije zahteva poznavanje celokupnog makroekonomskog sistema. Cilј rada jeste da, na osnovu prethodnih iskustava, definiše koji su to preduslovi koji opredelјuju uspešnu fiskalnu konsolidaciju. Isto tako, u radu će biti naglašene najčešće greške zbog kojih konsolidacija ne ide u želјenom pravcu. Treba naglasiti da ne postoji jedinstvena fiskalna politika i da svaka zemlјa ima mogućnost da na osnovu svojih predispozicija formuliše strategiju fiskalne konsolidacije, za koju veruje da će doneti najbolјe rezultate.

The article presents a critical overview of underlying ideas, social context, and original teachings of two "mediating ideologies" (social democracy and conservatism) and two mass "political phenomena" (nationalism and populism). Each of them constitutes a form of more or less effective political compromise, which ought to neutralize constant tensions and clashes between the leading modern ideologies of freedom and equality, i.e. liberalism and communism. However, the clash of ideologies which were prominent in the 19th and 20th centuries has lost much of its intensity today, although the social causes that gave rise to them have remained unchanged: social inequalities, abuse of freedom, and uneven distribution of social power. At the same time, the main social forces and political organizations that had been the symbols and striking forces of freedom and equality in the preceding decades - the political parties of the "left " and "right", including the never clearly defined "political center" - also lost their identity and power. Th e then political mortal enemies look and behave today almost exactly as they did then: in the ideological sense, "everyone wants everything" (allegedly representing/ defending the interests of "all citizens"); in the organizational sense, there is almost no difference between them; whereas the difference in the manner they behave when in power is almost negligible.

The author constrasts the normativity of Europe with the center-periphery issue. He argues that the normativity of Europe has been challenged by the center-periphery problem. In the first part of the article, the author discusses the normativity of Europe and proposes a new concept – embeded normativity. In the second part, he presents several theories on the center-perifery relations and stresses the relevance of structural assymetries. In the third part, Central and Eastern Europe is compared to Latin America in three historic sequences. The last part is a summary of the arguemts and their relevance for the present crisis that can be understood as an ensemble of structural and systemic tendencies. ; U članku se kontrastira normativnost Evrope sa problematikom centar/periferija. Tvrdi se da je normativnost Evrope izazvana pomenutom problematikom. Shodno tome, u prvom delu se razmatraju elementi normativnosti u Evropi i pokušava se promisliti kategorija utkane normativnosti. U drugom delu se tretiraju teorije o odnosima između centra i periferije, te naglašava se relevantnost teorija koje artikulišu strukturalne asimetrije. U trećem delu se logikom komparativne metode stavljaju u odnos postignuća Srednje i Istočne Evrope i Latinske Amerike, i tematizuje se analitička relevantnost pomenute komparacije s obzirom na tri izabrane istorijske sekvence. U poslednjem delu se rezimira izvedena argumentacija s obzirom na sadašnju krizu i pokazuje da se reperiferijalizacija krize može razumeti kao sklop između strukturalnih i sistematskih tendencija.

Literaturverz. S. 189 - 193

In this paper the authors examine the dynamics of security relations of the three key security actors in the Euro-Atlantic area - NATO, Russia, and the European Union. Based on their findings, and using a comparative analysis of the actors' doctrinal and strategic documents, as well as their observations of contemporary challenges, risks and threats, the authors discuss if, and to what extent, their productive security cooperation is possible, or their positions are opposed in such a way that in short and medium terms only disputes or less or more open conflicts are likely to be expected between them. This leads to a conclusion that a majority of recognized security challenges, risks and threats are shared, as well as that these actors see each other not only as competitors but also as partners in the struggle against those challenges, risks and threats, which opens possibilities of security cooperation.

The European Union is the most complex and by any aspect the most unique example of a regionaleconomic integration. Its origin, evolution and survival are based on a common legislative andinstitutional framework. The so-called common policies implemented in a number of economicand non-economic areas are particularly distinctive. Most of them are implemented on two levels:national and communal. The only common policy that is fully implemented at the European Unionlevel is the Community Agrarian Policy (CAP), whereas the agriculture has the highest expenditurein the communal budget. The function of CAP is primarily economic as its goals are strictly relatedto economic issues: price stability of agricultural products, productivity growth, higher wages forthe farmers, etc. The CAP strengthens the Union's social cohesion, which is of utmost importancein times of constant crises, BREXIT and other extreme instabilities. For this reason, the CAP hasbeen in the processes of continuous reforms (MacShary, Mansholt and those of recent times) fordecades, in order to increase its efficiency and justify enormous financial investments. The CAPresults depend on the achievement of preset objectives and the exchange of agricultural productsand food that the European Union generates globally. It has been demonstrated that the CAP is asignificant common policy, both in achieving economic goals and in the sphere of strengtheningcommunal cohesion.

Demokratski optimizam devedestih godina prošlog veka zamenjuje osobita forma javnog razočarenja u demokratiju. Kriza demokratije praćena institucionalnim deficitima, konfuzijom, niskim stepenom upravljačke sposobnosti da se rešavaju pitanja siromaštva, nezaposlenosti, imigracije, korupcije, simptomi su ovoga stanja. Globalni val populizma najizoštreniji je izraz ove političke patologije. Početak novoga veka rađa uzlet otvorenog neprijateljstva prema demokratiji. Deskriptivni pristupi oslonjeni na proceduralnu dimenziju režima moći ("hibridni režimi", "ograničena demokratija" "iliberalna demokratija", "kompetitivni autoritarizam" ) pokazuju se nedostatnim. U ovome radu autor se vraća klasičnom konceptu "despotizma" i pokazuje normative i teorisjke prednosti ovoga koncepta ("novi despotizam") u analizi novoga režima moći koji izrasta na pretpostvkama sve šireg nepoverenja u demokratske instituciije. ; The democratic optimism of the 1990s has been replaced by a particular form of public disillusionment with democracy. The crisis of democracy, accompanied by institutional deficits, confusion, low levels of management capacity to tackle poverty, unemployment, immigration, corruption, are symptoms of this condition. The global wave of populism is the sharpest expression of this political pathology. The beginning of the new century has given birth to an open hostility to democracy. Descriptive approaches based on the procedural dimension of the regime of power ("hybrid regimes", "limited democracy", "liberal democracy", "competitive authoritarianism") are proving insufficient to capture the new political system. In this paper, the author returns to the classical concept of "despotism" and shows the normative and theoretical advantages of this concept ("new despotism") in the analysis of a new regime of power that grows on the premise of growing distrust of democratic institutions.

In this paper, we analyse two recent contributions to the Marxist critique of the political economy of art: the article "Artistic Labor and the Production of Value: An Attempt at a Marxist Interpretation" by José María Durán and the book Art and Value: Art's Economic Exceptionalism in Classical, Neoclassical and Marxist Economics by Dave Beech. While Durán emphasizes the emergence of the legal category of intellectual property rights as crucial for value production in art, Beech has reached the contrary conclusion that artistic labour does not produce value and that artistic production is therefore excepted from capitalist commodity production. In our paper, we criticize both conclusions. While agreeing with Beech that artistic labour does not produce value and is thus excepted from the ideology of commodity fetishism, we believe that through the ideology of converted forms it nevertheless becomes part of capitalist commodity production. We would argue that the sector of artistic production, through the converted form of monopoly rent, establishes a production relation with other, competitive, sectors of capitalist economy. This production relation is enabled by the ideology of aesthetic fetishism, supported by the ideology of legal fetishism through the category of intellectual property rights. Contrary to Durán, we thus conclude that intellectual property rights allow for a hidden transfer of surplus value produced by the workers in the competitive sectors of the capitalist economy. ; U tekstu analiziramo dva novija priloga marksističkoj kritici političke ekonomije umetnosti: članak "Umetnički rad i proizvodnja vrednosti: pokušaj marksističke interpretacije" Hozea Marije Durana [José María Durán] i knjigu Umetnost i vrednost: ekonomska izuzetnost umetnosti u klasičnoj, neoklasičnoj i marksističkoj ekonomici Dejva Biča [Dave Beech]. Dok Duran u svojoj analizi daje naglasak zasnivanju pravne kategorije prava na intelektualno vlasništvo kao determinanti proizvodnje vrednosti u umetničkoj proizvodnji, Bič dolazi u svojoj knjizi do suprotnog zaključka da umetnički rad ne proizvodi vrednost i da je time umetnička proizvodnja izuzeta iz kapitalističke robne proizvodnje. U našem tekstu kritikujemo oba zaključka. Sa Bičom se slažemo da umetnički rad ne proizvodi vrednost i da je time izuzet iz ideologije robnog fetišizma, ali smatramo da on putem ideologije preobraženih oblika postaje deo kapitalističke robne proizvodnje. Tvrdimo da sektor umetničke proizvodnje putem preobraženog oblika monopolske rente zasniva proizvodni odnos sa drugim, konkurentskim, sektorima kapitalističke privrede. Ovaj proizvodni odnos je omogućen ideologijom estetskog fetišizma koju podržava ideologija pravnog fetišizma putem kategorije prava na vlasništvo intelektualne svojine. Contra Duranu zaključujemo da pravo na vlasništvo intelektualne svojine omogućava skriveni prenos viška vrednosti koji su proizveli radnici konkurentskog sektora kapitalističke privrede.