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Social movement actors often challenge authorities on behalf of people whose needs & interests are not addressed, & must frame their challenges in interpretive packages that are contrary to the dominant culture, while at the same time struggle to make these contrary views part of the dominant culture. Two strategies by which they succeed in this seemingly impossible task are identified in a review of cultural studies of social movements: (1) linking controversial topics like abortion with generally accepted & valued notions like basic rights; (2) associating their interpretive package, such as protecting the ecology, with an existing theme, such as harmony with nature, which, as an alternative cultural context, may legitimate their package. A case study of the 18th-century slavery abolitionist movement in GB is used to confirm these propositions, but also illustrates a third strategy: relating the package to cultural themes that are becoming dominant. The role of the changing cultural context in producing new meanings is indicated. The findings lead to a discussion about the role of movement actors, the cultural context, & the changes therein in the production of meaning. 61 References. Adapted from the source document.

A neglected element of Rethinking Industrial Relations is its critique of postmodernism. This article argues that this is regrettable on three grounds. First, core claims that characterized the postmodern account of employment relations at the time that Kelly was writing continue to be made today; particularly with regard to the characteristics of 'new' social movements and their capacity to replace labour as the main dynamic force advancing employee interests. Second, Kelly's critique of postmodernism remains relevant and his observations with regard to the multiple forms and modes of action of new social movements continue to have force. Third, Kelly suggested that rather than replacing labour, new social movements were natural allies of trade unions. His argument here anticipated much later work on union–community coalitions and the final purpose of the article is to update Kelly's 'fusion thesis' by identifying the ways in which labour and new social movements work together.

If progress is to be mode towards the more widespread development of class consciousness, socialist theory and practice needs to take account of class aspirations expressed through new social movements. In opposition to post Marxist' perspectives, Wilde argues for the relevance of class analysis to an understanding of the emancipatory potential of the new social movements.

The past two decades have witnessed the rise of a new global cycle of collective action not only organized through the Internet and made visible during mass pro-test events, but also locally shaped by diverse organizations, networks, platforms and groups. Focusing on specific cases in two Iberian cities — Barcelona and Lisbon — we argue that this protest cycle has given rise to new kinds of movements referred to here as 'new, new' social movements. We analyze particular aspects of each case, but also discuss their European and global dimensions. The article will also highlight the role of youth, discussing the characteristics associated with the participation of young people in the 'new, new' movements. After a short introduction to the research on this topic, focusing on the emergence of the 'anti-corporate globalization movement' and related theoretical implications, we provide a description of four protest events in Barcelona and Lisbon. Next, we analyze the local contexts that anchor these events. Finally, we discuss the main characteristics of the 'new, new' social movements, examining the links between Barcelona and Lisbon and the wider international context that shapes them and paying particular attention to contemporary networking dynamics.

A study of the political party preferences, ideological orientation, & value systems of supporters of the ecology, peace, & antinuclear movements in Denmark, the Netherlands, & West Germany, based on secondary analysis of statistical data. It is concluded that new movement supporters' choice of political party is largely determined by their subjective perception of the parties' substantive policies. Analysis of new movement supporters' voting behavior must take into account the new social issues that cut across traditional Left-Right concepts of conflicts. 3 Tables. Modified HA

New social movement (NSM) theory has been the dominant framework for the analysis of European social movements since the 1970s. The framework has generally focused on movements articulating `new' grievances such as the women's, ecology and peace movements. This article attempts to use this perspective to account for the campaigns of indigenous European linguistic minorities for own-language television services. The analysis suggests that social movement theorists need to return to the work of early NSM advocates such as Alain Touraine and Alberto Melucci, who focused on the transition from an industrial to a post-industrial society. This work helps explain how the goals set by social movements within more traditional cleavages have been transformed and restructured by the transition to post-industrial society.

Recent literature on social movements has called for a renewal of theory so that it engages more directly with the social and historical dynamics in which movements emerge and crystallize. Too often, some critics argue, movements are treated as static or reified phenomena that are disconnected from their links to space and time. I examine new social movement theory from an historical perspective that emphasizes its connections with concrete social dynamics at a given point in time. Unlike alternative approaches, new social movement (NSM) theory and in particular the work of Alain Touraine, was forged out of a specific episode of social conflict-the May 1968 revolt in France-and was deeply informed by the experience of this conflict. This theory provides a dynamic and relational model in which social and historical processes are treated as major determinants of collective action within society. In fact, what explains the success of NSM theory and its enduring influence over time, is that it reaches beyond an analysis of social movements to provide an overarching theory of society at a given historical juncture. The article suggests that NSM theory provides a fruitful perspective for scholars searching for an approach that take history into account. Adapted from the source document.

This study describes and analyses the new social movements that have arisen in India over the past two decades, in particular the anti-caste movement (of both the untouchables and the lower-middle castes), the women's liberation movement, the farmers' movement (centred on struggles arising out of their integration into a state-controlled capitalist market), and the environmental movements (opposition to destructive development, including resistance to big dam projects and the search for alternatives). Rooted in participant observation, it focuses on the ideologies and self-understanding of the movements themselves. The central themes of this book are the origin of movements in the socio-economic contradictions of post-independence India; their effect on political developments, in particular the disintegration of Congress hegemony; their relation to "traditional Marxist" theory and Communist practice; and their groping toward a synthesis of theory and practice that constitutes a new social vision distinct from traditional Marxism.