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Over the past year, protesters have sustained the revolutionary "Woman, Life, Freedom" uprising in Iran and throughout the diaspora.

The article deals with the issue of explicit (related to the concept of "nature") and implicit (having a sociopolitical or cultural basis) requirements of environmental movements. In general, the existing movements are based on the idea of nature, characteristic of the European culture of the Modern era, in its "Enlightenment" and "romantic" versions.The earliest form of environmentalism is preservationism as a direct reflection of the Enlightenment model of nature. The preservation paradigm is conservative and focuses on traditional practices and the idea of protection and conservation of nature.The reform environmentalism that developed in the twentieth century is based on a similar perception of nature, but it raises the question of the social aspects of the ecological crisis and formulates the requirements of environmental justice and equality. Goals and strategies in reform environmentalism are not homogeneous and depend on the groups of participants. Institutions adhere to a strategy of minimizing risks, including economic ones, and focus on scientific discourse and political actions. Activists participate in the revision of cultural models and related sociopolitical grounds (critics of industrialism, globalism, and neoliberalism). Local grassroots initiatives are focused on solving specific problems that threaten the well-being of citizens. Within environmental movements, new values, ideological models and practices are being developed, which become the basis for the participants' personal and collective identity.The author concludes that the main features of environmental movements are determined not solely by concern for nature but by deeper conflicts — class, economic, social, generational or cultural. Despite the dominance of the Modern era concept of nature, new cultural models are developed in the movements that correlate with the ideas of deep ecology and "dark" ecology, which redefine the traditional opposition between human and nature. ; В статье рассматривается вопрос явных (связанных с понятием «природа») и неявных (имеющих социополитическое или культурное основание) требований экологических движений. В целом существующие движения базируются на характерном для европейской культуры Нового времени представлении о природе в его «просветительской» и «романтической» версиях.Наиболее ранней является природоохранная форма энвайронментализма как прямое отражение просветительской модели природы. Природоохранная парадигма носит консервативный характер и ориентируется на традиционные практики и идею сохранения, сбережения природы.Сложившийся в ХХ в. реформаторский энвайронментализм основывается на сходном восприятии природы, однако ставит вопрос о социальных аспектах экологического кризиса, формулирует требования экологической справедливости и равенства. Цели и стратегии в реформаторском энвайронментализме не являются гомогенными и зависят от групп участников. Институты придерживаются стратегии минимизации рисков, в том числе экономических, ориентируются на научный дискурс и политические действия. Активисты участвуют в пересмотре культурных моделей и связанных с ними социально-политических оснований (критика индустриализма, глобализма и неолиберализма). Локальные низовые инициативы ориентированы на решение конкретных проблем, угрожающих благополучию граждан. Внутри экологических движений вырабатываются новые ценности, идеологические модели и практики, становящиеся основанием личной и коллективной идентичности участников.В статье формулируется вывод о том, что основные особенности экологических движений определяются не исключительно заботой о природе, а более глубокими конфликтами — классово-экономическим, социальным, поколенческим или культурным. Несмотря на доминирование представления о природе эпохи Модерна, в движениях вырабатываются новые культурные модели, коррелирующие с идеями глубинной экологии и «темной» экологии, пересматривающими традиционную оппозицию между человеком и природой.

The civilizational core of China is the legacy of the great Teacher - Confucius, with its subsequent modernization in the form of neo-Confucianism. The purpose of the article is to analyze the influence of the "movement for a new culture" on the process of the formation of modern neo-Confucianism, which is an ideological "prolongation" of the "movement of May 4, 1919" significant for Chinese history. Influenced by the ideological ideas of the "movement for a new culture", Confucianism lost its social and political influence in China at the dawn of the 20th century for many decades. He had to endure an even more devastating blow and persecution during the "cultural" revolution. The foci of development of neo-Confucianism survived only in the academic circles of the West. On the territory of non-continental China (Taiwan), as well as in countries partially affected by Confucianism (Korea, Japan and a number of others). Amazingly, but true. Liberal ideas and Marxism - the main "enemies" of Confucianism, were later successfully "embedded" in the third wave of modern neo-Confucianism. At the present stage of development of Chinese society, Confucianism regards it as an equal ideological system to the dominant Marxism. Thus, it should be noted that neo-Confucianism turned out to be a rather stable and "plastic" social-philosophical system, able to take an "ideological blow" from the outside. Neo-Confucianism offered China a new doctrine of understanding "Man." A person open to the challenges of "postmodern time" with its technological and industrial growth. However, this man is firmly rooted in his historical roots (Confucianism).Keywords: Confucius, neo-Confucianism, "movement for a new culture", liberalism, duty, ritual, noble man. ; Цивилизационным стержнем Китая является наследие великого Учителя – Конфуция с его последующей модернизацией в форме неоконфуцианства. Цель статьи состоит в анализе влияние на процесс становление современного неоконфуцианства «движения за новую культуру», которое является идеологической «пролонгацией» значимого для китайской истории «движения 4 мая 1919 года». Следует отметить, что неоконфуцианство оказалось довольно устойчивой и «пластичной» социально-философской системой, способной принять «идеологический удар» из вне. Неоконфуцианство предложило в ХХІ веке Китаю новую доктрину понимания «Человека». Человека открытого к вызовам «постмодернового времени» с его технологическим и индустриальным ростом. Однако этот человек прочно укоренён своими историческими корнями (конфуцианством).Ключевые слова: Конфуций, неоконфуцианство, «движение за новую культуру», либерализм, долг, ритуал, благородный муж. Цивілізаційним стрижнем Китаю є спадщина великого Вчителя - Конфуція з його подальшою модернізацією в формі неоконфуціанства. Мета статті полягає в аналізі впливу на процес становлення сучасного неоконфуціанства «руху за нову культуру», яке є ідеологічною «пролонгацією» значимого для китайської історії «руху 4 травня 1919 року». Слід зазначити, що неоконфуцианство виявилося досить стійкою і «пластичною» соціально-філософською системою, здатною прийняти «ідеологічний удар» із зовні. Неоконфуціанство запропонувало в ХХІ столітті Китаю нову доктрину розуміння «Людини». Людини відкритої до викликів «постмодерного часу» з його технологічним та індустріальним зростанням. Однак ця людина міцно вкорінена своїми історичними коренями (конфуціанством).Ключові слова: Конфуцій, неоконфуцианство, «рух за нову культуру», лібералізм, борг, ритуал, шляхетний чоловік. The civilizational core of China is the legacy of the great Teacher - Confucius, with its subsequent modernization in the form of neo-Confucianism. The purpose of the article is to analyze the influence of the "movement for a new culture" on the process of the formation of modern neo-Confucianism, which is an ideological "prolongation" of the "movement of May 4, 1919" significant for Chinese history. Influenced by the ideological ideas of the "movement for a new culture", Confucianism lost its social and political influence in China at the dawn of the 20th century for many decades. He had to endure an even more devastating blow and persecution during the "cultural" revolution. The foci of development of neo-Confucianism survived only in the academic circles of the West. On the territory of non-continental China (Taiwan), as well as in countries partially affected by Confucianism (Korea, Japan and a number of others). Amazingly, but true. Liberal ideas and Marxism - the main "enemies" of Confucianism, were later successfully "embedded" in the third wave of modern neo-Confucianism. At the present stage of development of Chinese society, Confucianism regards it as an equal ideological system to the dominant Marxism. Thus, it should be noted that neo-Confucianism turned out to be a rather stable and "plastic" social-philosophical system, able to take an "ideological blow" from the outside. Neo-Confucianism offered China a new doctrine of understanding "Man." A person open to the challenges of "postmodern time" with its technological and industrial growth. However, this man is firmly rooted in his historical roots (Confucianism).Keywords: Confucius, neo-Confucianism, "movement for a new culture", liberalism, duty, ritual, noble man.

The preprint is written on the basis of the research work results obtained by the team of the Institute for Social Analysis and Forecasting, RANEPA in 2020, and includes both a systematic review of foreign literature on aging and an analysis of interviews with native and foreign experts in the field of active aging. The concept of separation of older citizens, their separate living in specialized houses or settlements prevailed for a long time until it was modified several decades ago into another concept confirmed by numerous studies and known as "aging at home". However, the strict limitation of living space within a house leads to social exclusion, the risks of which are especially high among the elders. In this regard, it seemed meaningful to develop the concept of a new "social house", which can be applied both in designing new residential complexes and in renovation or adaptation the existing residential complexes and social infrastructure to the needs of the older generation. The results of the work can be used for scientific and methodological support of programs and strategies in the field of aging and old age, for state policy formation in the field of social protection of the elderly people, as well as for the development of specific directions, measures, and mechanisms of state policy.

The development of trade unions in the public and political dimension associated with maintaining by them socio-political movements, which in different periods of political history had the status of social movements. Among these movements are a social democratic and labor movements in Europe, which later acquired the status of parties. In addition, social movements are informal and very broad associations that need support group of values, or focused on single-step action, such as changing the current ruling power. In these circumstances, trade unions have to choose cooperation or dismissal from the social movements.The main cause of optimum interaction of trade unions and social movements are spontaneous occurrence of the latter. However, the broad social base, which is natural in the social and political movements, based on the negative perception of individuals and groups surrounding social reality. In this regard unions can support or deny certain facts of social life.The development of social movements is an important feature of democratic political life. Access to political participation is determined by the ability of self-organization and freedom to nominate requirements. The trade union movement at this stage has the ability to mobilize citizens to defend their labor rights that are under regulatory pressure correction and minimization by reviewing the priorities of the welfare state.New typological features of social movements are formed on the basis of a new type of social and communication links. Social hierarchy and class antagonisms, which provided the basis for the existence and development of trade unions in the past, expired. Therefore, the organizational forms of trade unions as social movements have become more available and acceptable for contemporary citizens. ; Розвиток профспілок у громадсько-політичному вимірі пов'язаний з підтримкою ними деяких суспільно-політичних течій, які в різні періоди політичної історії мали статус суспільних рухів. Серед таких рухів є соціал-демократичні та лейбористські рухи в Європі, які згодом отримали статус партій. Крім того, суспільні рухи є неформальними і дуже широкими об'єднаннями, які вимагають підтримки невеликої групи цінностей або спрямовані на одномоментну дію, наприклад, зміну існуючої владної команди. В цих умовах профспілки мають обирати співпрацю чи відсторонення від суспільних рухів.Основною причиною порушення оптимальності взаємодії профспілок та суспільних рухів є спонтанність виникнення останніх. Водночас широка соціальна база, яка вважається в стихійних суспільно-політичних течіях, базується на негативному сприйнятті індивідами і групами оточуючої соціальної реальності. В цьому ставленні профспілки можуть підтримувати або заперечувати ті чи інші факти соціального життя.Розвиток суспільних рухів виступає важливою особливістю демократичного політичного життя. Доступ до політичної участі визначається можливістю самоорганізації населення та вільного висування ним своїх вимог. Профспілковий рух на сучасному етапі має можливість мобілізації громадян на відстоювання своїх трудових прав, які перебувають під тиском нормативно-правової корекції, та згортання через перегляд пріоритетів соціальної держави.Нові типологічні ознаки суспільних рухів формуються на основі нового типу соціальних і комунікативних зв'язків. Суспільна ієрархія і класові антагонізми, які давали основу для існування і розвитку профспілок у минулому, втратили свою чинність. Тому організаційні форми профспілок як суспільного руху мають перетворитися на більш доступні і прийнятні для сучасних громадян.

This paper discusses Helena Radlinska's (1879-1954) international activity. Helena Radlińska was the initiator of social pedagogy in Poland but her activities abroad in 1918-1939 is not yet known. Her works, their scope, aims and directions were interconnected with the largest european centres of education: International Congress of Moral Education in London, International Office of Education in Geneva, International Leuge of New Socialization in Geneva, Association of International Conferences of Adult Education in England and International Conferences of Social Services in Paris. Her engagement for many years in these organizations led to multiple social and institutional achievements together with scientific, methodological and methodical developments. Along this route the main life achievement in Radlinska's life- the development of a discipline of social pedaogogy, connects the development of individuals with insvestment in social and cultural spehere of life. Radlinska's activity makes Warsaw of her times one of the core places of international cooperation in the field of education, socialisation and social work.

The North Caucasus Federal District is one of the most difficult regions of Russia, which is due to multi-ethnicity, multi-confessionals in the first place, as well as a number of acute problems typical of the region, such as economic destabilization, open transnational issues around repeatedly changing borders, and the problem of repressed peoples. Such a circle of acute questions cannot but create a conflict-generating situation in the region.

This article partially discloses the problem of religion and its significance in the region. The author reveals the history of the emergence of the strengthening of traditional religions and branches of new religious trends from them. The article used the materials of a mass survey of the population of the republics of the North Caucasus Federal District of the Russian Federation: in the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania, the Chechen Republic, the Karachay-Cherkessia Republic, the Republic of Ingushetia, the Republic of Dagestan, the Kabardino-Balkarian Republic, conducted in the summer of 2016, North – The Ossetian Department of Social Research of the Institute of Social and Political Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the Department of Sociology of North Ossetian State University named after K.L. Khetagurova. In total, 1200 respondents took part in the survey, including 50 experts (journalists, scientists, officials, members of political parties, cultural workers, representatives of various faiths, lawyers). The opinion of the population of the republics of the North Caucasus Federal District and the expert community on the reasons for the spread of NRT is given. It is concluded that the basis of such movements is young people who seek their spiritual ideal, and sometimes simply social justice, which they today can't find either within the walls of traditional religious institutions or in high society.

Providing insight in political reality and morale beyond increasingly illiberal governments in CEE, this paper offers an ethnographic perspective on democratic opposition during the process of de-democratisation. Analysing the motivation and purpose of being politically active based on a limited group of members of the Hungarian Momentum Movement Party, it highlights how relating to past, present and future as well as other Hungarian parties and the West they strive to realise a '21st century European normality'.

Анализируются социальный генезис и политико-идеологическое содержание классического народничества в России. Авторы критикуют позицию, преобладавшую в советской историографии, что классическое народничество представляло собой мелкобуржуазную, утопическую, псевдосоциалистическую идеологию и общественное движение. Также авторы не согласны с тем, что социальные истоки народнического движения второй половины XIX — начала XX в. связаны с маргинальной общественной группой — разночинной интеллигенцией. В отличие от марксистской историографии доказывается, что народничество как парадигма политической культуры инициировалось идеологами специфической социальной группы — русской дворянской интеллигенцией, в целом решительно настроенной против «обуржуазивания» России. Главной ценностью для классического народничества, раскрывающей его социально-политическую сущность, является приоритет политической самореализации народа и признание его суверенным правообразующим субъектом русской истории.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2017)2-14 ; The article analyzes the social genesis and political ideological content of classical Narodnik movement in Russia. The authors criticize the position prevailing in the Soviet historiography that the classical Narodnik movement represented petty-bourgeois, utopian, pseudosocialist ideology and social movement. The authors do not agree that social sources of Narodnik movement in the second half of the 19th — the beginning of the 20th centuries are connected with the marginal public group — the intellectuals not of noble birth. Unlike Marxist historiography it is proved that Narodnik movement as a paradigm of political culture was initiated by ideologists of specific social group — the Russian noble intelligentsia, which was against bourgeois moods in Russia. The main value for classical Narodnik movement disclosing its sociopolitical essence is the priority of political self-realization of the people and recognition it as the sovereign rightforming subject of the Russian history.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2017)2-14

The article deals with the social characteristics of the Internet audience,
virtual social communities, as well as examples of using the Internet space in realsociety. Subjected to analysis of user behavior in virtual reality. Provide new social characteristics of Internet users.