Suchergebnisse

Over the past year, protesters have sustained the revolutionary "Woman, Life, Freedom" uprising in Iran and throughout the diaspora.

The article deals with the issue of explicit (related to the concept of "nature") and implicit (having a sociopolitical or cultural basis) requirements of environmental movements. In general, the existing movements are based on the idea of nature, characteristic of the European culture of the Modern era, in its "Enlightenment" and "romantic" versions.The earliest form of environmentalism is preservationism as a direct reflection of the Enlightenment model of nature. The preservation paradigm is conservative and focuses on traditional practices and the idea of protection and conservation of nature.The reform environmentalism that developed in the twentieth century is based on a similar perception of nature, but it raises the question of the social aspects of the ecological crisis and formulates the requirements of environmental justice and equality. Goals and strategies in reform environmentalism are not homogeneous and depend on the groups of participants. Institutions adhere to a strategy of minimizing risks, including economic ones, and focus on scientific discourse and political actions. Activists participate in the revision of cultural models and related sociopolitical grounds (critics of industrialism, globalism, and neoliberalism). Local grassroots initiatives are focused on solving specific problems that threaten the well-being of citizens. Within environmental movements, new values, ideological models and practices are being developed, which become the basis for the participants' personal and collective identity.The author concludes that the main features of environmental movements are determined not solely by concern for nature but by deeper conflicts — class, economic, social, generational or cultural. Despite the dominance of the Modern era concept of nature, new cultural models are developed in the movements that correlate with the ideas of deep ecology and "dark" ecology, which redefine the traditional opposition between human and nature. ; В статье рассматривается вопрос явных (связанных с понятием «природа») и неявных (имеющих социополитическое или культурное основание) требований экологических движений. В целом существующие движения базируются на характерном для европейской культуры Нового времени представлении о природе в его «просветительской» и «романтической» версиях.Наиболее ранней является природоохранная форма энвайронментализма как прямое отражение просветительской модели природы. Природоохранная парадигма носит консервативный характер и ориентируется на традиционные практики и идею сохранения, сбережения природы.Сложившийся в ХХ в. реформаторский энвайронментализм основывается на сходном восприятии природы, однако ставит вопрос о социальных аспектах экологического кризиса, формулирует требования экологической справедливости и равенства. Цели и стратегии в реформаторском энвайронментализме не являются гомогенными и зависят от групп участников. Институты придерживаются стратегии минимизации рисков, в том числе экономических, ориентируются на научный дискурс и политические действия. Активисты участвуют в пересмотре культурных моделей и связанных с ними социально-политических оснований (критика индустриализма, глобализма и неолиберализма). Локальные низовые инициативы ориентированы на решение конкретных проблем, угрожающих благополучию граждан. Внутри экологических движений вырабатываются новые ценности, идеологические модели и практики, становящиеся основанием личной и коллективной идентичности участников.В статье формулируется вывод о том, что основные особенности экологических движений определяются не исключительно заботой о природе, а более глубокими конфликтами — классово-экономическим, социальным, поколенческим или культурным. Несмотря на доминирование представления о природе эпохи Модерна, в движениях вырабатываются новые культурные модели, коррелирующие с идеями глубинной экологии и «темной» экологии, пересматривающими традиционную оппозицию между человеком и природой.

The present article reflects on the claiming "movements" for the social development of Sub-Saharan Africa seen from the discourses of the leaders: an internal colonialism? in the context of social progress, checking the discourses of the leaders in the period between (1957 - 2021) in a historical-social and political perspective, a work that was developed within the framework of a module of the PhD programmer. In relation to the objectives, we sought to question whether or not it is colonial continuities that condition the advance and retreat of the African continent south of the Sahara in matters of social development. The choice of theme is justified because there are many contradictions between the speeches made by African leaders during the period of the struggle for independence where they guaranteed the well-being of the population, which reached its peak in the 1960s, and the implementation of commitments made and which are embodied in the charter of the Organization of African Unity, now the African Union. Methodologically, the study was based on descriptive research with a qualitative approach. We also used specialized bibliography on the subject. We also made use of direct observation through news broadcast on various national and international television and radio stations. Finally, we also made use of the information available on the websites of institutions we consider to be reliable, which periodically publish reports on the social situation of the countries in this region. Regarding the results, we note that the speeches proclaimed by the leaders of this geographical space are adverse to social, economic and political emancipation, conditioned in part by the former colonies that still exert certain influences. We also note that there is a lack of feasible public policies from the African governments themselves to satisfy the primary needs of their populations.

The civilizational core of China is the legacy of the great Teacher - Confucius, with its subsequent modernization in the form of neo-Confucianism. The purpose of the article is to analyze the influence of the "movement for a new culture" on the process of the formation of modern neo-Confucianism, which is an ideological "prolongation" of the "movement of May 4, 1919" significant for Chinese history. Influenced by the ideological ideas of the "movement for a new culture", Confucianism lost its social and political influence in China at the dawn of the 20th century for many decades. He had to endure an even more devastating blow and persecution during the "cultural" revolution. The foci of development of neo-Confucianism survived only in the academic circles of the West. On the territory of non-continental China (Taiwan), as well as in countries partially affected by Confucianism (Korea, Japan and a number of others). Amazingly, but true. Liberal ideas and Marxism - the main "enemies" of Confucianism, were later successfully "embedded" in the third wave of modern neo-Confucianism. At the present stage of development of Chinese society, Confucianism regards it as an equal ideological system to the dominant Marxism. Thus, it should be noted that neo-Confucianism turned out to be a rather stable and "plastic" social-philosophical system, able to take an "ideological blow" from the outside. Neo-Confucianism offered China a new doctrine of understanding "Man." A person open to the challenges of "postmodern time" with its technological and industrial growth. However, this man is firmly rooted in his historical roots (Confucianism).Keywords: Confucius, neo-Confucianism, "movement for a new culture", liberalism, duty, ritual, noble man. ; Цивилизационным стержнем Китая является наследие великого Учителя – Конфуция с его последующей модернизацией в форме неоконфуцианства. Цель статьи состоит в анализе влияние на процесс становление современного неоконфуцианства «движения за новую культуру», которое является идеологической «пролонгацией» значимого для китайской истории «движения 4 мая 1919 года». Следует отметить, что неоконфуцианство оказалось довольно устойчивой и «пластичной» социально-философской системой, способной принять «идеологический удар» из вне. Неоконфуцианство предложило в ХХІ веке Китаю новую доктрину понимания «Человека». Человека открытого к вызовам «постмодернового времени» с его технологическим и индустриальным ростом. Однако этот человек прочно укоренён своими историческими корнями (конфуцианством).Ключевые слова: Конфуций, неоконфуцианство, «движение за новую культуру», либерализм, долг, ритуал, благородный муж. Цивілізаційним стрижнем Китаю є спадщина великого Вчителя - Конфуція з його подальшою модернізацією в формі неоконфуціанства. Мета статті полягає в аналізі впливу на процес становлення сучасного неоконфуціанства «руху за нову культуру», яке є ідеологічною «пролонгацією» значимого для китайської історії «руху 4 травня 1919 року». Слід зазначити, що неоконфуцианство виявилося досить стійкою і «пластичною» соціально-філософською системою, здатною прийняти «ідеологічний удар» із зовні. Неоконфуціанство запропонувало в ХХІ столітті Китаю нову доктрину розуміння «Людини». Людини відкритої до викликів «постмодерного часу» з його технологічним та індустріальним зростанням. Однак ця людина міцно вкорінена своїми історичними коренями (конфуціанством).Ключові слова: Конфуцій, неоконфуцианство, «рух за нову культуру», лібералізм, борг, ритуал, шляхетний чоловік. The civilizational core of China is the legacy of the great Teacher - Confucius, with its subsequent modernization in the form of neo-Confucianism. The purpose of the article is to analyze the influence of the "movement for a new culture" on the process of the formation of modern neo-Confucianism, which is an ideological "prolongation" of the "movement of May 4, 1919" significant for Chinese history. Influenced by the ideological ideas of the "movement for a new culture", Confucianism lost its social and political influence in China at the dawn of the 20th century for many decades. He had to endure an even more devastating blow and persecution during the "cultural" revolution. The foci of development of neo-Confucianism survived only in the academic circles of the West. On the territory of non-continental China (Taiwan), as well as in countries partially affected by Confucianism (Korea, Japan and a number of others). Amazingly, but true. Liberal ideas and Marxism - the main "enemies" of Confucianism, were later successfully "embedded" in the third wave of modern neo-Confucianism. At the present stage of development of Chinese society, Confucianism regards it as an equal ideological system to the dominant Marxism. Thus, it should be noted that neo-Confucianism turned out to be a rather stable and "plastic" social-philosophical system, able to take an "ideological blow" from the outside. Neo-Confucianism offered China a new doctrine of understanding "Man." A person open to the challenges of "postmodern time" with its technological and industrial growth. However, this man is firmly rooted in his historical roots (Confucianism).Keywords: Confucius, neo-Confucianism, "movement for a new culture", liberalism, duty, ritual, noble man.

The preprint is written on the basis of the research work results obtained by the team of the Institute for Social Analysis and Forecasting, RANEPA in 2020, and includes both a systematic review of foreign literature on aging and an analysis of interviews with native and foreign experts in the field of active aging. The concept of separation of older citizens, their separate living in specialized houses or settlements prevailed for a long time until it was modified several decades ago into another concept confirmed by numerous studies and known as "aging at home". However, the strict limitation of living space within a house leads to social exclusion, the risks of which are especially high among the elders. In this regard, it seemed meaningful to develop the concept of a new "social house", which can be applied both in designing new residential complexes and in renovation or adaptation the existing residential complexes and social infrastructure to the needs of the older generation. The results of the work can be used for scientific and methodological support of programs and strategies in the field of aging and old age, for state policy formation in the field of social protection of the elderly people, as well as for the development of specific directions, measures, and mechanisms of state policy.

APRESENTAM-SE subsídios para o debate sobre políticas de migração internacional que já se estende para movimentos sociais de expressivos contingentes documentados e não-documentados nos principais países de destino. Recomendações de organismos internacionais defendem políticas migratórias em termos de direitos humanos e na supervisão de remessas, consideradas um dos aspectos positivos das migrações e auxílio no combate à pobreza dos países de origem. O contraponto com formulações teóricas sobre o fenômeno evidencia incoerências e inviabilidades dessas propostas se não forem articuladas com esforços para o desenvolvimento econômico e social dos países envolvidos. ; THE TEXT presents arguments for the debate concerning international migration policies; this debate, nowadays, involve social movements of increasing number of documented and undocumented migrants in the main destination countries. International organisms recommend migration policies based on human rights and remittances, considered as a way of reducing poverty in origin countries. Nevertheless, considering theoretical approaches and recent mass movements we can argue about the viability of the propositions as well as the necessity of also considering the structural conditions for the development efforts in these countries as a fundamental manner of combating poverty and improving their level of life.

The aim of this work is to understand the ideological processes in the relationship between Brazilian State and social movements during Lula and Dilma Rousseff Governments until June 2013. For this purpose, we will see that there are some subjects that enjoy themselves when join any cynical apparatuses in the capitalist society, and also identified themselves with this lifestyle. On the other side, there are subjects that are indignant with this situation and seek to politically organize themselves, in this case in social movements. The article discusses these politically organized subjects, since the Brazilian State uses the "engodo" to put them in the cynical logic of capitalist social control. In this logic, the "engodo" is a discursive formation that puts at stake a symbolic and imaginary dimension for one to take cynically the other as object of his satisfaction. ; O objetivo deste trabalho é compreender os processos ideológicos presentes na relação entre o Estado brasileiro e movimentos sociais durante os governos Lula e Dilma até junho de 2013. Para isso, veremos que há alguns sujeitos que gozam quando aderem a todo aparato cínico presente na sociedade capitalista e ainda se identificam com esse modo de vida. Por outro lado, há sujeitos que se indignam com essa situação e buscam se organizar politicamente, neste caso em movimentos sociais. Tratamos sobre esses sujeitos que se organizam politicamente, porque eles também sofrem as investidas do Estado brasileiro que usa do engodo para colocá-los na lógica cínica de controle social capitalista. Nessa lógica, o engodo é uma formação discursiva que coloca em jogo uma dimensão simbólica e imaginária para tomar cinicamente o outro como objeto de sua satisfação.

The development of trade unions in the public and political dimension associated with maintaining by them socio-political movements, which in different periods of political history had the status of social movements. Among these movements are a social democratic and labor movements in Europe, which later acquired the status of parties. In addition, social movements are informal and very broad associations that need support group of values, or focused on single-step action, such as changing the current ruling power. In these circumstances, trade unions have to choose cooperation or dismissal from the social movements.The main cause of optimum interaction of trade unions and social movements are spontaneous occurrence of the latter. However, the broad social base, which is natural in the social and political movements, based on the negative perception of individuals and groups surrounding social reality. In this regard unions can support or deny certain facts of social life.The development of social movements is an important feature of democratic political life. Access to political participation is determined by the ability of self-organization and freedom to nominate requirements. The trade union movement at this stage has the ability to mobilize citizens to defend their labor rights that are under regulatory pressure correction and minimization by reviewing the priorities of the welfare state.New typological features of social movements are formed on the basis of a new type of social and communication links. Social hierarchy and class antagonisms, which provided the basis for the existence and development of trade unions in the past, expired. Therefore, the organizational forms of trade unions as social movements have become more available and acceptable for contemporary citizens. ; Розвиток профспілок у громадсько-політичному вимірі пов'язаний з підтримкою ними деяких суспільно-політичних течій, які в різні періоди політичної історії мали статус суспільних рухів. Серед таких рухів є соціал-демократичні та лейбористські рухи в Європі, які згодом отримали статус партій. Крім того, суспільні рухи є неформальними і дуже широкими об'єднаннями, які вимагають підтримки невеликої групи цінностей або спрямовані на одномоментну дію, наприклад, зміну існуючої владної команди. В цих умовах профспілки мають обирати співпрацю чи відсторонення від суспільних рухів.Основною причиною порушення оптимальності взаємодії профспілок та суспільних рухів є спонтанність виникнення останніх. Водночас широка соціальна база, яка вважається в стихійних суспільно-політичних течіях, базується на негативному сприйнятті індивідами і групами оточуючої соціальної реальності. В цьому ставленні профспілки можуть підтримувати або заперечувати ті чи інші факти соціального життя.Розвиток суспільних рухів виступає важливою особливістю демократичного політичного життя. Доступ до політичної участі визначається можливістю самоорганізації населення та вільного висування ним своїх вимог. Профспілковий рух на сучасному етапі має можливість мобілізації громадян на відстоювання своїх трудових прав, які перебувають під тиском нормативно-правової корекції, та згортання через перегляд пріоритетів соціальної держави.Нові типологічні ознаки суспільних рухів формуються на основі нового типу соціальних і комунікативних зв'язків. Суспільна ієрархія і класові антагонізми, які давали основу для існування і розвитку профспілок у минулому, втратили свою чинність. Тому організаційні форми профспілок як суспільного руху мають перетворитися на більш доступні і прийнятні для сучасних громадян.

Occupational divisions in any country are understood largely as change in the activities of the membersin a given society and the way to earn their livelihood. Mostly, the change is observed in terms of changes in the distribution activities in the socio-economic structure of the society. India is a traditional caste-based society and so it is pertinent to describe occupational activities in terms of socio-cultural rather than the socio-economic structure. The socio-cultural implications of these occupational changes of the communities' opted alternative occupational options and understanding their development, requires interrelations of various aspects with holistic approach. The researchers felt that there is inadequacy of empirical studies relating to socio-cultural, economic and political attributes of different occupational groups. The point of departure of this paper is the caste affirmation and its ramifications on traditional communities by claiming their traditional occupations for new social identity. This affirmation in turn is expected to lead to a shift in the socio-political relationships of the community with the other dominant communities in social hierarchy. In India, occupational changes are taking place more widely than statistical changes and emerging with alternative social movement. This paper also critically analyses the existing caste theories, lacuna in the existing nomenclature, and gives a glimpse of Constitutional Privileges and their reflection on contemporary Government Orders (GOs) with special reference to a community (Scheduled Caste) in Tamil Nadu (State in South India). The paper empirically validates the emerging alternative collective social movement of a community, their social status through traditional occupation, knowledge system and their resistance to inclusion in the existing nomenclature

In this paper, the child participation in collective actions in dialog with the academic production about the Movimento Nacional de Meninos e Meninas de Rua (MNMMR) - National Movement of Street Boys and Girls - and the Sem Terrinha - Little Landless -, a collective of children linked to the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) - Landless Workers' Movement is analyzed. The text seeks to reveal the participation of children in each movement, in the tension between the legal provisions on the rights of the child and their concrete experiences. When seeking to understand the meaning of fulfilling children's rights in their daily lives, the perspective of rights governance, the relationship with the State and the political dimension stand out in each movement. The intent was to discuss the conceptions of participation and "protagonismo" faced by the hierarchical relations of power between adults and children, both in the organization and management of movements and in the legitimation of discourses. Thus, the work contributes to the theories of the studies of social movements and collective actions, since it demonstrates that the concepts of agency and participation cannot be taken as a priori assumptions, as they demand analysis of the conditions and contradictions for their effectiveness. In this direction, the understanding of the child as a social actor is revealed, in both movements, as a way of overcoming the victim mentality in order to occupy the place of a subject who collectively fights for his/her rights. ; Este artigo analisa a participação da criança em ações coletivas, em diálogo com a produção acadêmica acerca do Movimento Nacional de Meninos e Meninas de Rua (MNMMR) e os Sem Terrinha, coletivo infantil vinculado ao Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST). O texto busca desvelar a participação das crianças em cada movimento, na tensão entre os marcos legais sobre os direitos da criança e suas experiências concretas. Ao buscar compreender o significado de fazer os direitos das crianças em sua vida cotidiana, destaca-se, em cada movimento, a perspectiva da governança de direitos, da relação com o Estado e a dimensão política. Procurou-se discutir as concepções de participação e protagonismo tensionadas pelas relações hierárquicas de poder entre adultos e crianças, tanto na organização e gestão dos movimentos quanto na legitimação dos discursos. Assim, o trabalho contribui para as teorizações dos estudos dos movimentos sociais e de ações coletivas demonstrando que os conceitos de agência e participação não podem ser tomados como pressupostos apriorísticos, mas que demandam análise das condições e contradições para sua efetivação. Nessa direção, a compreensão da criança como ator social revela-se, em ambos os movimentos, como forma de superação do lugar de vítima para o lugar de sujeito que luta coletivamente por seus direitos.