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In the early 1980s many social theorists claimed that the 'New Social Move­ments' (NSMs) were the authentic social movements of our time. This claim is discussed in relation to two traditions in the analysis of social movements. The 'American' tradition focuses on the single-issue movement of a protest and mobilizing character. The 'European' tradition focuses on the relation between major societal changes and processes of class formation, the labour movement being the classic case. In the article the women's movement is discussed as a major cultural revolutionary movement, the different campaigns dealing with the new urban forms of socialized reproduction, housing, planning, etc., as movements for the defence of the 'real consumption'; the green and environmentalist movements taking up the conflicting relation nature-society. Is the relation between the NSMs and the new and growing social strata of students, and employees within the welfare state, which make up their audience and activist core, to be understood as a parallel to the part played by the 'old' social movements in the making of the working class, the farmer class, etc? It is argued that there is no 'necessary' relationship between the societal changes and the NSMs, as there was between industrialization and the labour movement. The societal relations and changes around which the NSMs organize themselves - gender contradictions, socialization of reproduction, con­tradictions in the forms of modern urban living, nature society - do not single out a new social force as their 'natural' counterpart. They are both more encompassing in their reach and more non-partisan in character. The most likely centre for a possible coalescence of a multitude of NSMs into a major social movement, if not in the class formative sense, is the societally basic relationship, nature-society. The themes and issues raised by the NSMs can in the political process become articulated with existing political and social forces. The capacity of these forces and institutions to absorb the issues raised by the NSMs deter­mines the possibility for the NSMs to emerge as a new major social force.

After Lithuania regained the independence, the state confronted with many political, social, economic, and cultural challenges, which led to changes of norms, values, forms of activities and consciousness of citizens. Changing situation lead to the marginalization of rural areas, the rural community movement raised. The main reason for the rising movement was dissatisfaction about current situation and willingness to change it using communities' resources. This movement is al-lied to new social movements, which arose in 1960 in Western world. For the creation of post-industrial rural areas the paradigm of innovative, sustainable, inclusive rural development deter-mines that new theories, explaining transformations, are necessary. The aim of this research is to identify correspondence of Lithuanian rural community movement to new social movement theory. Scientific literature, related documents, and secondary statistical data were analysed, the theoretical framework of six dimensions was created and applied. The research results confirmed that rural community in Lithuania is to be viewed as a new social movement with some features of traditional movements. These findings may be useful for increasing the awareness about social transformations in rural areas

After Lithuania regained the independence, the state confronted with many political, social, economic, and cultural challenges, which led to changes of norms, values, forms of activities and consciousness of citizens. Changing situation lead to the marginalization of rural areas, the rural community movement raised. The main reason for the rising movement was dissatisfaction about current situation and willingness to change it using communities' resources. This movement is al-lied to new social movements, which arose in 1960 in Western world. For the creation of post-industrial rural areas the paradigm of innovative, sustainable, inclusive rural development deter-mines that new theories, explaining transformations, are necessary. The aim of this research is to identify correspondence of Lithuanian rural community movement to new social movement theory. Scientific literature, related documents, and secondary statistical data were analysed, the theoretical framework of six dimensions was created and applied. The research results confirmed that rural community in Lithuania is to be viewed as a new social movement with some features of traditional movements. These findings may be useful for increasing the awareness about social transformations in rural areas

We present a number of concepts and hypotheses concerning the impact of the political opportunity structure on the mobilisation pattern of new social movements in Western Europe. The hypotheses refer to the general level of mobilisation in a given country, the general forms and strategies of action employed, the system level at which mobilisation is typically oriented and the development of the level of mobilisation across time. The hypotheses are tested in a comparative analysis of France, Germany, the Netherlands and Switzerland. The analysis reveals country-specific variations in the mobilisation patterns of new social movements, which are largely in line with the theoretical expectations and serve to confirm the relevance of the political process approach for the study of social movements.

In 2008, President Alan García created a package of legal decrees that sought to expropriate indigenous land and sell it to international corporations as part of his neoliberal agenda. The social movement in the Peruvian Amazon quickly responded by claiming that the decrees breached indigenous rights, particularly the one to previous consultation, stipulated by The Declaration of Rights of Indigenous Peoples of 2007 and the International Labor Organization's Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention 169 of 1989, both ratified by the state. This thesis analyzes the complex social relations between the state and the social movement in the Amazon. The first chapter examines the social conditions under which a social movement in the Amazon was formed as well as how Amazonian indigenous leaders surfaced creating social organizations and producing a strategy based upon an indigenous identity. The second chapter explores the transitional period during the 1990s and early 2000s, in which a neoliberal shift intensified the exploitation of indigenous communities' land, while multiculturalism introduced international discourses used by the social movement to politicize their demands and achieve goals. Finally, the third chapter explores the conflict between the state's rhetoric of progress and development used to advance neoliberal policies, and the response of indigenous activists through their indigenous-rights strategy. Through this analysis, this study argues that a new indigenous movement has emerged in the Peruvian Amazon through a self-proclaimed indigenous identity, where indigenous activists are using international documents to politicize indigenous issues in the Amazon and challenge power relations, citizenship, and indigenous rights, creating new social interactions and shedding light on indigenous issues and the Amazon

The severe human rights violation cases in the past that have not been resolved by the government trigger the victims and their families to fight for their rights in various ways. The state ignores the lawsuit conveyed by the victims and their families. Therefore, they unite their power to fight collectively through silent protest, namely Aksi Kamisan. Aksi Kamisan has been over 14 years old and this action consistently prosecutes the government to resolve the vicious human rights violations cases. This research aims to find: (1) the background of Aksi Kamisan, (2) the strategy of Aksi Kamisan in reaching its goal, (3) the strategy of Aksi Kamisan in maintaining the movement solidarity. This research used the qualitative method. The research site was in Jakarta, precisely in front of Istana Negara (State Palace). The data were taken from interviews with the initiators and young activists of Aksi Kamisan. The collecting data techniques were performed through interviews, observation, and documentation. This research applied interactive data analysis as the technique of data analysis. Analysis of the data begins with collecting, reducing, presenting, and concluding the data. This research finds out that the background of Aksi Kamisan is due to the struggle of human rights victims and their families that have not been resolved over time. On the other hand, they have grown old. Therefore, all the victims and families initiate to unite their struggle to strengthen their power. The movement strategy used by Aksi Kamisan is doing advocacy with several steps, namely litigation, non-litigation, campaign, and public education. The movement solidarity maintenance is carried out by lifting up the contextual issues or taking an issue from afar to be themed for Aksi Kamisan and its reflection. Another way to keep the solidarity is inviting the other groups outside the activists circle to be involved in helping the struggle of Aksi Kamisan, retreat, the leader's role, the public engagement, and the regeneration of Aksi Kamisan activists.

As a multicultural country, legal pluralism in Indonesia should be placed in the perspective of a new social movement, which lies as the abstraction of collective subjects to strive for emancipation. Experience has shown that many policies and political laws concerning natural resources do not provide enough room for the representation of indigenous peoples. As the new social movement in the context of multiculturalism, fighting for socioeconomic and natural resource redistribution is as important as providing spaces to foster cultural struggle in terms of fighting discrimination against indigenous peoples. In Dutch legal pluralism theory is termed as theorie van het rechtspluralisme. Lawrence M. Friedman has proposed a definition of legal pluralism as the presence of different legal systems and cultures in a single political community. This research uses the social legal method with a conceptual and historical approach. According to John Griffiths, legal pluralism is the presence of more than one legal rule in a social circle. Further, the concept of legal pluralism does not promote a dichotomy between state law on the one side and folk law and religious law on the other side. Keywords: concept, legal, pluralism AbstrakIndonesia sebagai negara yang multikulturalisme hendaknya pluralisme hukum diletakkan dalam perspektif the new social movement yang bertumpu sebagai abstaksi subyek yang secara kolektif demi memperjuangkan emansipasi. Berdasarkan pengalaman, banyak kebijakan dan politik hukum atas sumber daya alam tidak memberi ruang representasi terhadap masyarakat hukum adat. Sebagai the new social movement dalam konteks multikulturisme tidak hanya penting dalam memperjuangkan redistribusi sosial ekonomi dan sumber daya alam, tetapi juga memberi ruang munculnya gerakkan untuk memperjuangkan cultural struggle (tantangan budaya) diskriminasi terhadap masyarakat hukum adat. Lawrence M. Friedman menyajikan pengertian pluralisme hukum yang berarti "adanya sistem-sistem atau kultur hukum yang berbeda dalam sebuah ...

Paper ini mendiskusikan World Social Forum atau WSF sebagai konsolidasi gerakan social baru yang berpengaruh luas di hampir seluruh belahan dunia, mulai negara-negara maju, berkembang hingga terbelakang. Kendati demikian, tulisan ini menunjukkan bahwa solidaritas dan konsolidasi yang menghendaki tata dunia baru yang lebih adil tersebut kesulitan untuk membangun pemahaman bersama atas karakter ketertindasan, struktur ketidakadilan, dan budaya politik bersama karena perbedaan posisi elemen-elemen gerakan tersebut secara geopolitik, geoekonomis dan peradaban cultural.

This paper criticizes the position that holds that the only meaningful political actions and the only formation of significant political identities are related to the economic bases. In other words, those within capitalist productive relations where the basic class contradictions can be found. The author of this paper basically takes into consideration two analytical criteria from the social movements theorists who argue that collective action can arise from sources other than the economic structure, such as the political or cultural dimension as well as from ethnic and gender relations. This shows that the sources of collective identity can be formed by something other than class. These different types of social movements create new identities and life styles. ; Este artículo critica la posición que sostiene que las únicas acciones políticas significativas y la única formación de identidades políticas significativas están relacionadas con las bases económicas. En otras palabras, aquellos dentro de las relaciones productivas capitalistas donde se pueden encontrar las contradicciones de clase básicas. El autor de este artículo básicamente toma en consideración dos criterios analíticos de los teóricos de los movimientos sociales que sostienen que la acción colectiva puede surgir de fuentes distintas a la estructura económica, como la dimensión política o cultural, así como las relaciones étnicas y de género. Esto demuestra que las fuentes de identidad colectiva pueden estar formadas por algo distinto de la clase. Estos diferentes tipos de movimientos sociales crean nuevas identidades y estilos de vida.

"Regioninės studijos" (ISSN 2029-2074) 2013 m. virto į "International journal of area studies" (eISSN 2345-0223) ; New social movements in South Africa could play a prominent role in mobilizing the communities to reflect critically and address the repercussions of the neo-liberal agenda which manifests itself in perpetual exclusion of under-educated adults and provision of poor quality education. Few studies especially from the perspective of the activists leave a potential research area of a very interesting phenomenon of how people learn while struggling for social justice. Therefore this article based on a single multi-site case study on a social movement cohering around literacy issues in Gauteng, South Africa, aims at answering, what forms of learning and education the social movement encompassed, how did the group conscientization occur and what are the individual transformations. Semi-structured interviews and a focus group discussion were held with 13 learnersactivists and 2 adult educators. By applying Mezirow's individual transformation and Freirean group conscientization models the analysis of primary and secondary data, revealed that the engagement in the social movement challenged and changed learnersactivists' understanding of educational status within their respective communities. This in turn led to transformative action addressing the problems identified. On the individual level, some learners-activists became more tolerant and willing to cooperate with those of different political ideologies, able to tap into community resources. Finally, the potential of social movements as adult learning environments are outlined ; Regionistikos katedra ; Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas

New social movements emerge in Portugal as relevant actors in democratic decision-making processes. As more democratic, young and urban, new social move-ments engage in a relevant change in the processes of negotiation (Santos 2008, 2001; Schemmeling 2009; Swyngedouw 2010; Touraine 2002, 1994), publicizing marginal claims and minority flags (Guerra 2006; Henriques 2007; Picolotto 2007; Alonso 2009). So, this article aims to discover: "How to define today's narratives of the New Social Movements in Portuguese media, in the view of young people?". The meth-odological resources used are documentary research and inquiry to a nonprobabilistic sample survey by voluntary system.The most significant results found about new activism are: a) journalistic pieces are evaluated, by youth, as partial, superficial and controversial; b) the respondents as-sociate some advantages to the new activism: flexibility, new technologies, and the per-ception of helping the world; c) and, finally, the respondents associate disadvantages to the new activism: extremism, violence, controversy.

Dieser Beitrag ist mit Zustimmung des Rechteinhabers aufgrund einer (DFG-geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich. / This publication is with permission of the rights owner freely accessible due to an Alliance licence and a national licence (funded by the DFG, German Research Foundation) respectively.

New social movements emerge in Portugal as relevant actors in democratic decision-making processes. As more democratic, young and urban, new social move-ments engage in a relevant change in the processes of negotiation (Santos 2008, 2001; Schemmeling 2009; Swyngedouw 2010; Touraine 2002, 1994), publicizing marginal claims and minority flags (Guerra 2006; Henriques 2007; Picolotto 2007; Alonso 2009). So, this article aims to discover: "How to define today's narratives of the New Social Movements in Portuguese media, in the view of young people?". The meth-odological resources used are documentary research and inquiry to a nonprobabilistic sample survey by voluntary system.The most significant results found about new activism are: a) journalistic pieces are evaluated, by youth, as partial, superficial and controversial; b) the respondents as-sociate some advantages to the new activism: flexibility, new technologies, and the per-ception of helping the world; c) and, finally, the respondents associate disadvantages to the new activism: extremism, violence, controversy. ; Os novos movimentos sociais surgem em Portugal como atores relevantes nos processos democráticos de tomada de decisão. À medida que se tornam cada vez mais democráticos, jovens e urbanos, os novos movimentos sociais operam uma não menos importante mudança nos processos de negociação coletiva (Santos 2008, 2001; Schemmeling 2009; Swyngedouw 2010; Touraine 2002, 1994), divulgando, não raro, reivindicações marginais e bandeiras minoritárias (Guerra 2006; Henriques 2007; Picolotto 2007; Alonso 2009). Nesse contexto, visa o presente artigo responder à questão de partida que aqui se propõe: "Como se definem, nos media portugueses, as narrativas dos Novos Movimentos Sociais, na perspetiva dos mais jovens?". Os recursos metodológicos utilizados neste trabalho são a pesquisa documental e o inquérito via questionário, administrado a uma amostra não-probabilística por sistema de voluntariado. Os resultados preliminares do estudo apontam para o facto de: a) as ...

The post-reform social movement is an interesting topic study. The nature of the movement which was not merely ideological vis a vis with the repressive style of the new order, this movement continued to look for unique formulations related to the negation of subject-objects. In that context the role of the media becomes an interesting element to examine. The existence and position of the media becomes a necessity in a social movement. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have used the media in such a way as to achieve its' goals. Apart from a fluctuating level of success, the process of integrating the movement of substances with the medium that mediates the achievement of goals becomes an interesting object of study. This article intends to elaborate on how far the meaning and dynamics of new media, focusing on two websites of social movements in Bojonegoro in achieving NGO objectives. Using narrative text analysis, this paper attempts to parse in simple terms the two pages of the website according to the information system settings and models created by the government of Bojonegoro Regency, East Java. In his analysis, this study uses Habermas's view of the deliberatif discourse of the dam model as a theoretical framework.

International audience ; This paper explores some theoretical links between contemporary republicanism and social movements, with a postmodern approach, in a search forgreater participation, democratic regeneration and political innovation through the centrality of public spaces as a political locus. Using the indignados movement, the main political demands aimed at deepening democracy and assuming republican civic values will be addressed in this paper. ; Este artículo pretende explorar algunos vínculos teóricos entre el republicanismo contemporáneo y los movimientos sociales, con una aproximación posmoderna, en la búsqueda de mayor participación, de la regeneración democrática y de la innovación política, a través de la centralidad del espacio público como un locus político. A partir del estudio del movimiento de indignados se abordarán las principales reivindicaciones políticas orientadas a profundizar la democracia y asumir valores cívicos republicanos.