Social movements are defined as population groups with which people identify without the necessity of becoming a member of a formal organization; the collective experience is derived from common political goals and from collective behavior. Adherents of the anti-nuclear, peace and feminist movements are identified with survey questions of a three-wave electoral study of 1987 which allows the application of Rasch scaling to construct movement affiliation. The measures for the three movements predict the strength of support for the respective movements' goals quite well, especially well if mobilization was high as for the anti-nuclear movement at that time. Movement organization is measured by types of ego-centric networks of supporters of the anti-nuclear movement. A distinction is made between strong and weak ties, the latter ones identified by relationships to adherents of the anti-nuclear movement beyond the people with whom one discusses important matters most frequently. Only these latter ties are good predictors for participation in demonstrations. By contrast, vote intentions for Greens or SPD vs. CDU or FDP depend on strong ties, that is the presence of movement supporters among one's frequent discussants: The more are present the stronger one's own affiliation which influences vote intention. ; Wiederabdruck von: Pappi, Franz Urban. 1990. Neue soziale Bewegungen und Wahlverhalten in der Bundesrepublik. In Wahlen und Wähler. Analysen aus Anlaß der Bundestagswahl 1987, hg. v. Max Kaase und Hans-Dieter Klingemann, 143-92. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag ; Reprint of: Pappi, Franz Urban. 1990. Neue soziale Bewegungen und Wahlverhalten in der Bundesrepublik. In Wahlen und Wähler. Analysen aus Anlaß der Bundestagswahl 1987, hg. v. Max Kaase und Hans-Dieter Klingemann, 143-92. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag
Der betriebliche Arbeits- und Gesundheitsschutz ist ein wichtiger Bestandteil gewerkschaftlichen Handelns und spielt bei den Aushandlungsprozessen um Arbeitsbedingungen durchaus eine Rolle. Nachhaltige Beschäftigungssicherung ist zudem ein Interesse, das rechtlich (bspw. im Kontext der Gefährdungsbeurteilungen) und politisch von Arbeitnehmer- wie von Arbeitgeberseite adressiert wird. Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt anhand einer Fallstudie zum Verein Arbeit und Gesundheit e.V. dar, inwiefern die Neuen Sozialen Bewegungen den Arbeits- und Gesundheitsschutz auf die Agenda von Gewerkschaften, aber auch von Interessenvertretungen und anderen betrieblichen Akteur_innen in arbeitsregulativen Prozessen setzten. Zentrales Anliegen ist es herauszuarbeiten, wie sich Protestkommunikation zu einer auf Dauer angelegten Kommunikation über den betrieblichen Arbeits- und Gesundheitsschutz formieren und so die Position in den Auseinandersetzungen um Arbeitsbedingungen stärken konnte. Dafür war der Aufbau (in-)formeller Netzwerkstrukturen, eine juristische Absicherung des Akteursstatus, das Aneignen von Fachwissen und das Schaffen von Plausibilitätszonen, die für Gewerkschaften relevant wurden, eine zentrale Voraussetzung. ; Health and safety at work is increasingly at the centre of trade union actions and negotiations concerning employment conditions. Furthermore, sustainable job security is of political and legal interest that needs to be addressed by employers and employees alike. The following article, based on a case study of the Verein Arbeit and Gesundheit e.V., considers to what extent new social employment as well as health and safety movements are influencing union agendas, employee representative bodies as well as plant actors' regulative procedures. A central consideration of this paper concerns how protest communication can be transformed into a lasting communication structure dealing with employment as well as health and safety issues able to make a strong contribution to disputes surrounding employment conditions. A precondition of this is the creation of informal and formal structures, legally securing actors' status, the appropriation of professional expertise and the creation of plausibility zones relevant to trade unions.
Die spanischen Gewerkschaften erleiden einen kontinuierlichen Verlust an Mitgliedern und gesellschaftlichem Einfluss. Gleichzeitig haben neue soziale Bewegungen die Rolle des sozialen Protests und der politischen Opposition übernommen. Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht die Wirkungen und Möglichkeiten von Allianzen zwischen Gewerkschaften und sozialen Bewegungen im Kontext der Debatten um gewerkschaftliche Erneuerung und Bewegungsgewerkschaften. Unter Rückgriff auf den Machtressourcenansatz werden die Chancen und Dilemmata einer verstärkten Zusammenarbeit von sozialen Bewegungen und Gewerkschaften im Kontext der lang anhaltenden Wirtschaftskrise in Spanien ausgelotet. Aus gewerkschaftlicher Sicht repräsentieren die neuen Protestbewegungen gleichzeitig eine Konkurrenz und Bedrohung sowie eine Chance zur Erneuerung durch die Mobilisierung neuer komplementärer Machtressourcen. ; Spanish trade unions continue to suffer a continuous loss of membership and social influence. At the same time, new social movements have taken up the mantle of social protest and political opposition. This paper examines the effects and possibilities of alliances between trade unions and these new social movements in the context of the debates surrounding trade union revitalization and social movement unionism. In the context of the ongoing economic crisis in Spain, the paper applies the power resources approach to explore opportunities and dilemmas of increased cooperation between social movements and trade unions. From a trade union point of view, the new protest movements represent on the one hand competition and threat but on the other hand an opportunity for renewal by mobilizing new complementary power resources.
Since its launch in 2011, the Occupy Wall Street movement has been linked with anarchist theory and practice by several scholars such as David Graeber, NathanSchneider, and MarkBray. However, Occupy was not an isolated case in the history of social movements. It emerged at a paroxysmal point as anti-neoliberal and pro-democracy manifestations – both local and global – have already been flourishing throughout the end of the 20th century. In a few years, demonstrations, uprisings, and social protests spread all around the world in the global North and the global South. It went from the Arab Spring in 2011 to the Greek protests, the Indignants, the OWS and the Gezi Park movement in 2013. This article aims to study the presence of anarchist ideas and practices in these early 2010s movements. To do so, we rely on existing studies dealing with the political and economic aspects of these movements. We argue that if anarchism is linked with the 2010s movements, it is through its political and economic values and practices. As a matter of fact, the period that preceded – from the mid-1990s until 2010 – already witnessed the development of anti-neoliberal, alter-globalization and pro-democracy movements. Thus the central point of contestation which characterizes these movements – which can be referred to as 3rd wave movements – are indeed political and economic. The empirical studies that were analysed in this article may not all point out a link between these movements and anarchism but show, at least, the practice of political and economic alternatives than can be defined as anarchistic – close to the anarchist ideas without clearly mentioning it. The anarchist ideas and practices observed in the 2010s movements thus show a link with the re-emergence of anarchism, under the form of post-anarchism, since the mid-1990s. Its development is closely related to the rise of the alter-globalization movement. Under its new form anarchism tends to distance itself from its violent past in the 19th century. Even though it is not referred to as "anarchism" in mainstream media, it still exists through new movements such as alter-globalization and direct democracy experiments. ; Le mouvement OccupyWall Street, depuis ses débuts en 2011, a été relié à la théorie et à la pratique anarchiste par différents universitaires tels que DavidGraeber, NathanSchneider et MarkBray. Cependant, Occupy n'est pas un cas isolé dans l'histoire des mouvements sociaux. Le mouvement s'est développé à un moment où les manifestations des courants anti-néolibéral et pro-démocratie — à la fois locales et mondiales —, qui étaient apparues à la fin du XXesiècle, ont atteint un point culminant. En quelques années, des manifestations, des révoltes et des protestations sociales se sont répandues à travers le monde, au Nord comme au Sud. Cela va des printemps arabes en 2011 au mouvement de Gezi Park en 2013, en passant par les protestations en Grèce, le mouvement des Indignés et OccupyWall Street. Cet article s'intéresse à la présence d'idées et de pratiques anarchistes au sein de ces mouvements, apparus au début des années2010. Il s'appuie sur des études qui portent sur les aspects politico-économiques de ces mouvements. On pose comme hypothèse que si l'anarchisme est lié aux mouvements des années2010 c'est au travers de ses valeurs et de ses pratiques politiques et économiques. En effet, la période qui précède les mouvements des années2010 – –qui s'étale du milieu des années1990 jusqu'en 2010 – a vu le développement des mouvements anti-néolibéral, altermondialiste et pro-démocratie. Ainsi, le point de contestation central qui caractérise ces mouvements – que l'on qualifiera de mouvements de la 3evague – est donc bien politico-économique. Les études empiriques utilisées comme base de travail pour cet article ne montrent pas toutes de façon explicite le lien qui existe entre ces mouvements et l'anarchisme, mais elles révèlent cependant l'usage de pratiques politiques et économiques alternatives qui peuvent être considérées comme anarchisantes – proches des idées anarchistes sans le mentionner clairement. La présence d'idées et de pratiques anarchistes au sein des mouvements des années2010 montre ainsi un lien avec la réémergence de l'anarchisme, sous la forme du post-anarchisme, depuis le milieu des années1990 et dont le développement est étroitement lié au mouvement altermondialiste. Sous cette nouvelle forme, l'anarchisme a tendance à s'éloigner de son passé violent du XIXesiècle. Ainsi, même si l'anarchisme n'est pas mentionné comme tel dans la presse grand public, il existe au travers de nouveaux mouvements tels que l'alter-mondialisme et les expériences de démocratie directe.
This study examines the Green Movement in Bulgaria (1987-2014) as a typical and specific example of the New Social Movements. It focuses on the interconnection between environmentalism, politics and participation. We present the movement along with its evolution and analyse it on three levels: macro (through its relation to the most important contemporary issues, phenomena and processes); meso (in the national context during the past three generations); and micro (through the prism of individuals and their experience). Our general approach is interdisciplinary, combining qualitative, comparative and quantitative methods. Bulgaria's green movement is a citizen and political movement of a new type. In the context of the New Social Movements, it is an actor of challenging the status quo; a moral corrective of the power, which implements a genuine 'citizen environmental politics.' Secondly, it introduces and fosters New Culture and New Politics based on a novel set of values, practices and behavioural models: one where the individual is essential. Thirdly, it is one of the pillars of Bulgarian civil society, a key factor in democratizing the socio-political life. Last but not least, it is a vehicle of an Eco-humanism originating in the specific environment that gave birth to the citizens' movements in Eastern Europe under the totalitarian regimes and during the Democratic Transition. It also embodies a specific national attitude towards nature, traditionally stemming from peculiarities of Bulgarian culture. ; Le présent travail étudie le mouvement écologique en Bulgarie (1987-2014) comme un représentant typique et spécifique des nouveaux mouvements sociaux. Il s'agit de questionner en particulier les rapports qui lient l'écologie, la politique et l'engagement. L'évolution du mouvement est observée dans sa continuité historique, au niveau macro (dans sa relation avec les enjeux politiques majeurs de notre temps), au niveau méso (dans son contexte structurel et culturel) et au niveau micro (celui de l'individu ...
This study examines the Green Movement in Bulgaria (1987-2014) as a typical and specific example of the New Social Movements. It focuses on the interconnection between environmentalism, politics and participation. We present the movement along with its evolution and analyse it on three levels: macro (through its relation to the most important contemporary issues, phenomena and processes); meso (in the national context during the past three generations); and micro (through the prism of individuals and their experience). Our general approach is interdisciplinary, combining qualitative, comparative and quantitative methods. Bulgaria's green movement is a citizen and political movement of a new type. In the context of the New Social Movements, it is an actor of challenging the status quo; a moral corrective of the power, which implements a genuine 'citizen environmental politics.' Secondly, it introduces and fosters New Culture and New Politics based on a novel set of values, practices and behavioural models: one where the individual is essential. Thirdly, it is one of the pillars of Bulgarian civil society, a key factor in democratizing the socio-political life. Last but not least, it is a vehicle of an Eco-humanism originating in the specific environment that gave birth to the citizens' movements in Eastern Europe under the totalitarian regimes and during the Democratic Transition. It also embodies a specific national attitude towards nature, traditionally stemming from peculiarities of Bulgarian culture. ; Le présent travail étudie le mouvement écologique en Bulgarie (1987-2014) comme un représentant typique et spécifique des nouveaux mouvements sociaux. Il s'agit de questionner en particulier les rapports qui lient l'écologie, la politique et l'engagement. L'évolution du mouvement est observée dans sa continuité historique, au niveau macro (dans sa relation avec les enjeux politiques majeurs de notre temps), au niveau méso (dans son contexte structurel et culturel) et au niveau micro (celui de l'individu engagé). L'approche générale est interdisciplinaire, elle réunit histoire politique, anthropologie, sociologie, philosophie et psychologie. L'analyse fait combiner méthodes qualitatives et comparatives et quantitatives. Le mouvement écologique en Bulgarie est un acteur sociopolitique d'un nouveau type qui a ancrage profond et une dimension éthique et politique. En tant que mouvement contestataire et trans-partisan véhiculant une "politique citoyenne" authentique opposée à "la politique politicienne" du statu quo, il fait promouvoir une culture civique participative; la personnalité humaine y joue un rôle fondamental. Il apparaît également comme un des facteur de la démocratisation de fait de la vie politique du pays après la chute du régime totalitaire. Le mouvement se construit en espace de dépassement de la politique héritée du siècle passé annonçant la nécessité d'une nouvelle «politique planétaire», fondée sur de nouvelles synthèses de valeurs et de pratiques. Par ailleurs, il reflète une attitude particulière envers la nature liée aux spécificités de la culture nationale.
This thesis analyses the organic food scenes in Bangkok and their array of stakeholders. It includes emerging trends for organic foods – production and consumption – and continuous engagement of stakeholders in the organic movement. It further seeks to identify pioneers who notably shaped the organic movement or are shaping it, and to investigate their effects. Apart from a general review of organic farming in Thailand, which comprehends diverse practices of sustainable or natural farming, and the origins of the local organic movement, the work examines their urban context: urban food outlets and other marketing platforms, urban gardening projects, networks and NGOs, social enterprises, governmental or educational institutions. The spatial scale of the study principally considers organic farming projects in and around Bangkok but extends to some observations on rural organic farms. On a temporal scale, it processes agricultural changes from the past decades until now, as well as more recent trends towards food and health awareness; it further implies possible future outlook for organic food movements in Bangkok. Two main objectives of the study lie in the motives of the various stakeholders to engage in organic activities, and in the possible interpretation of emerging organic scenes as a New Social Movement. Further research questions address relationships between the movement and common local ideologies, personal attitudes or spiritual beliefs; modelling effects of key stakeholders and pioneers; structural frames, particularly the mega-urban setting of the movement.
Der Aufsatz verfährt in drei Schritten: Zunächst stellt er die spezifische Konzeption von Neoliberalisierung vor, die im Zusammenhang städtischer Konflikte und Bewegungen produktiv erscheint, um im zweiten Schritt die Widersprüche und Implikationen der Neoliberalisierung für städtische Entwicklungen und Stadtpolitik auszuführen. Aus dieser Perspektive werden schließlich, drittens, einige aktuelle Konflikte und Kämpfe um die Neoliberalisierung der Stadt betrachtet und einige ihrer spezifischen Herausforderungen identifiziert, insbesondere die Gegensätze zwischen von der kreativen Stadt-Politik profitierenden Bewegungsakteuren und solchen, die stärker von repressiven und Austeritätsmaßnahmen betroffen sind. ; The article proceeds in three steps: first, it introduces the specific conception of neoliberalisation, which seems productive in the context of urban conflicts and movements, in order to elaborate, in the second step, on contradictions and implications of neoliberalisation for urban developments and politics. From this perspective, it finally considers some current conflicts and struggles around the neoliberalisation of the city and identifies some of its specific challenges, in particular the contrasts between movement actors who profit from the creative urban politics and those who are affected more intensely by repressive and austerity measures.
Die publikationsbasierte Dissertation untersucht die Bedeutung sozialer Bewegungen für die Entwicklung der Sozialen Arbeit am Ende des 19. und den ersten Jahrzehnten des 20. Jahrhunderts als Profession und Disziplin in den USA und in Deutschland. Dabei wird die entstehende Soziale Arbeit als 'Formbildung' sozialer Bewegungen verstanden und gefragt, wie sich die Bewegungen in die sich etablierende und institutionalisierende Profession und Wissenschaft Soziale Arbeit einschreiben, welche Anliegen dabei verfolgt werden und wie dadurch Wissen in der Sozialen Arbeit auch über nationalstaatliche Grenzen hinweg zirkuliert. Die Untersuchung konzentriert sich auf Prozesse der Pädagogisierung, also unterschiedliche 'Formbildungen des Pädagogischen', die die Bewegungsanliegen zum Thema von Aufklärung, (Selbst)Bildung und Pädagogik machen, und auf solche der Verwissenschaftlichung, die sich auf den Aufbau einer Wissensgrundlage zur Bearbeitung von sozialen Problemen richten und dabei alternative Formen der Wissensproduktion ausbilden. Diese Prozesse werden in drei Teilstudien – zur Charity Organization Movement und der Settlement House Movement in den USA sowie der bürgerlichen Frauenbewegung in Deutschland – in sieben Einzelbeiträgen näher untersucht. Im Mittelpunkt stehen dabei die Handlungsmethoden und das Praxisverständnis sowie Forschungskonzepte und –projekte exemplarisch ausgewählter sozialbewegter Initiativen der Sozialen Arbeit. Dabei werden unter anderem nicht-intendierte Effekte untersucht, die zum Beispiel in Konservierungen normativer Vorstellungen und Ideologien in als demokratisierend angelegten Ansätzen, aber auch in 'differenzverstärkenden' Effekten bestehen können. ; The publication-based dissertation examines the significance of social movements for the development of social work at the end of the 19th and the first decades of the 20th century as a profession and discipline in the United States and Germany. It is asked how social movmeents 'formed' social work and inscribed themselves into the establishing and institutionalising profession and science of social work, which concerns were pursued and how social work knowledge circulated across national borders. The study focuses on processes of pedagogisation, i.e. diverse 'formations of the pedagogical', which make political concerns the subject of enlightenment, (self-)education and pedagogy, and on those of 'scientization', which focus on the development of a knowledge base for dealing with social problems and thereby form alternative approaches of knowledge production. These processes are examined in more detail in seven individual articles, organized in three partial studies - on the Charity Organization Movement and the Settlement House Movement in the USA as well as the middle-class women's movement in Germany. The focus is on methods of action and practical understanding as well as research concepts and projects of selected social initiatives in social work. Among other things, unintended effects are examined, which can consist, for example, in the preservation of normative ideas and ideologies in democratizing approaches, but also in "difference-enhancing" effects.
The institutionalization of new social movements (NSM) in Africa has provided a relevant field of study to social and political anthropology that helps to understand collective mobilizations in a context of democratization. It is about understanding the significant expressions of African new social movements by being nevertheless careful about Western-centric approaches in the study of mobilizations. The main idea here is that the anthropology of mobilizations in Sub-Saharan Africa should consider ethnicity as cultural technology that structure the formation and the action of new social movements. This study particularly focuses on Cameroon, a Central African country with many new social movements whose collective action cannot be understood if their ethnic dimension is not considered. Two main conclusions of this study are: the formation of new social movements based on the ethnicity from the pre-colonial period to the post-colonial period and the preponderance of the ethnic discourses over the nationalist ones in social mobilizations. ; L'institutionnalisation des nouveaux mouvements sociaux (NMS) en Afrique subsaharienne a donné à l'anthropologie sociale et politique, un champ d'étude pertinent permettant d'appréhender les mobilisations collectives en contexte de démocratisation. Cette appréhension doit se faire en travaillant une méfiance envers les approches occidentalo-centriques de l'étude des mobilisations. Nous avançons comme idée principale que l'anthropologie des mobilisations en Afrique subsaharienne doit considérer l'ethnicité comme une technologie culturelle structurant la formation et l'action des NMS. Cette réflexion porte particulièrement sur le Cameroun qui présente en son sein de très nombreux NMS donc l'action collective ne peut être saisie sans la prise en compte de la variable ethnique. Il ressort de cette étude deux constats: la formation des NMS sur la base de l'ethnicité de la période précoloniale à celle postcoloniale, et la prédominance du discours ethnique sur le discours nationaliste dans les mobilisations sociales.
Title of the specification: Visibility, invisibility/under Olivier Voirol's dir. The article focuses on the historical paradigm of recognition at the time of the advent of democracy, identifying the forms of visibilite it entails. He reported on a general movement on the modele of a spokesperson, embodied both by the instituting figure of the legislator-philosophsopher (Sieyes) and the civic figure of the patriot missionary. It thus elargates the ethic reflexion on human empowerment to the problem of the visibilityof the social movement, both in terms of self-esteem and justice policy. In an ongoing effort to link the historical movement to the current movement, the article concludes that the researcher is currently interested in co-constructing social visibilite. ; This article examines the importance of the historical paradigm of recognition in the advent of democracy, by describing its implicit forms of visibility. It reports on a general trend based on the model of a spokesperson embodied both in the institutive figure of the legislator-philosopher (Sieyès) and in the civil figure of the patriot missionary. The author thus extends ethical reflection on human emancipation to the problem of visibility of the social movement, regarding both self-esteem and policies of justice. Constantly endeavouring to link the historical movement to current trends, the article concludes with the current research interest of the co-construction of social visibility. ; Title of the specification: Visibility, invisibility/under Olivier Voirol's dir. The article focuses on the historical paradigm of recognition at the time of the advent of democracy, identifying the forms of visibilite it entails. He reported on a general movement on the modele of a spokesperson, embodied both by the instituting figure of the legislator-philosophsopher (Sieyes) and the civic figure of the patriot missionary. It thus elargates the ethic reflexion on human empowerment to the problem of the visibilityof the social movement, both in terms of ...
This thesis questions the relationship between social housing and new artistic practices. It aims to understand why, under what conditions and to what extent social housing organizations engage in the carrying of artistic projects or support for them. I refer to "new artistic practices" as in situ projects, which bring people from working-class districts to the foundations of their approach and question the ways of doing things by different actors. Based on three cases, two in Lyon and one in Dunkerque, the analysis of the relationships deals with the modalities and the effects of the games of actors, in terms of relations of power, affect and demands for legitimacy, but also in terms of ways of doing, spatiality and materialities of the projects. My thesis shows a very uneven commitment of social housing organizations. It highlights the emergence, through projects that involve artists and inhabitants, new ways of participating, new actors of participation, but also new ways of doing the city. It shows the opportunity for social housing organizations to acquire new skills, gain visibility and approach their relationships to their tenants differently. However, the relations between social housing and new artistic practices face several difficulties. Due to a pyramidal operation, the ways of doing things do not really change at the level of the organizations which then fall back on their own technical know-how and have difficulty integrating the cooperation with other actors than the usual actors of construction and urban planning. Without a free political carry, the organizations struggle to get involved. Finally, in times of economic downturn, social housing organizations are struggling to engage in projects on the public space. They increasingly reduce their scale of intervention around the building. In this context, the renewal of artistic practices also shows its limits, in their difficulty to be distinguished from sociocultural activities, to create relations with the inhabitants their power to act, and to ...
This thesis questions the relationship between social housing and new artistic practices. It aims to understand why, under what conditions and to what extent social housing organizations engage in the carrying of artistic projects or support for them. I refer to "new artistic practices" as in situ projects, which bring people from working-class districts to the foundations of their approach and question the ways of doing things by different actors. Based on three cases, two in Lyon and one in Dunkerque, the analysis of the relationships deals with the modalities and the effects of the games of actors, in terms of relations of power, affect and demands for legitimacy, but also in terms of ways of doing, spatiality and materialities of the projects. My thesis shows a very uneven commitment of social housing organizations. It highlights the emergence, through projects that involve artists and inhabitants, new ways of participating, new actors of participation, but also new ways of doing the city. It shows the opportunity for social housing organizations to acquire new skills, gain visibility and approach their relationships to their tenants differently. However, the relations between social housing and new artistic practices face several difficulties. Due to a pyramidal operation, the ways of doing things do not really change at the level of the organizations which then fall back on their own technical know-how and have difficulty integrating the cooperation with other actors than the usual actors of construction and urban planning. Without a free political carry, the organizations struggle to get involved. Finally, in times of economic downturn, social housing organizations are struggling to engage in projects on the public space. They increasingly reduce their scale of intervention around the building. In this context, the renewal of artistic practices also shows its limits, in their difficulty to be distinguished from sociocultural activities, to create relations with the inhabitants their power to act, and to ...
