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This contribution proposes an analysis of «La donna italiana: giornale politico-letterario», journal published in Rome in 1848 by Cesare Bordiga. The newspaper - issued for only 24 numbers, from April 22 to November 11 of the same year – is founded with the aim of emphasizing the importance of women in the Italian Risorgimento and it moves onto a double line, one political and one literary: alongside the chronicle of the present upheavals are poems, short stories, biographies and anecdotes aimed at urging the citizens to contribute to the struggle for Unity. Among the pages of the periodic are the voices of the most famous Italian poetesses and patriots of the early nineteenth-century together with personalities as Filippo Meucci and Mazzini. In this way thoughts and lives of women collaborating to the newspaper form a talking catalog of illustrious women living in an time when biographical catalogs have a specific civil and educational function. The magazine highlights, therefore, how in this phase of the unitary history woman's exaltation is a way to contribute to build Italy and contains several elements of investigation on the cultural context of Rome during the Risorgimento as well as the Papal States' role in the unitary process. The editors, in fact, emphasizes more than once the active part that Rome has in the uprisings and the fact that the city must be considered the symbolic guide of the nation by virtue of the past glory of the Imperial Rome. ; This contribution proposes an analysis of «La donna italiana: giornale politico-letterario», journal published in Rome in 1848 by Cesare Bordiga. The newspaper - issued for only 24 numbers, from April 22 to November 11 of the same year – is founded with the aim of emphasizing the importance of women in the Italian Risorgimento and it moves onto a double line, one political and one literary: alongside the chronicle of the present upheavals are poems, short stories, biographies and anecdotes aimed at urging the citizens to contribute to the struggle for Unity. Among the pages of the periodic are the voices of the most famous Italian poetesses and patriots of the early nineteenth-century together with personalities as Filippo Meucci and Mazzini. In this way thoughts and lives of women collaborating to the newspaper form a talking catalog of illustrious women living in an time when biographical catalogs have a specific civil and educational function. The magazine highlights, therefore, how in this phase of the unitary history woman's exaltation is a way to contribute to build Italy and contains several elements of investigation on the cultural context of Rome during the Risorgimento as well as the Papal States' role in the unitary process. The editors, in fact, emphasizes more than once the active part that Rome has in the uprisings and the fact that the city must be considered the symbolic guide of the nation by virtue of the past glory of the Imperial Rome. ; This contribution proposes an analysis of «La donna italiana: giornale politico-letterario», journal published in Rome in 1848 by Cesare Bordiga. The newspaper - issued for only 24 numbers, from April 22 to November 11 of the same year – is founded with the aim of emphasizing the importance of women in the Italian Risorgimento and it moves onto a double line, one political and one literary: alongside the chronicle of the present upheavals are poems, short stories, biographies and anecdotes aimed at urging the citizens to contribute to the struggle for Unity. Among the pages of the periodic are the voices of the most famous Italian poetesses and patriots of the early nineteenth-century together with personalities as Filippo Meucci and Mazzini. In this way thoughts and lives of women collaborating to the newspaper form a talking catalog of illustrious women living in an time when biographical catalogs have a specific civil and educational function. The magazine highlights, therefore, how in this phase of the unitary history woman's exaltation is a way to contribute to build Italy and contains several elements of investigation on the cultural context of Rome during the Risorgimento as well as the Papal States' role in the unitary process. The editors, in fact, emphasizes more than once the active part that Rome has in the uprisings and the fact that the city must be considered the symbolic guide of the nation by virtue of the past glory of the Imperial Rome. ; Il presente contributo propone un'analisi de «La donna italiana: giornale politico-letterario», periodico pubblicato a Roma nel 1848 ad opera di Cesare Bordiga. Il giornale – edito per soli 24 numeri, dal 22 aprile all'11 novembre dello stesso anno – nasce con lo scopo di sottolineare l'importanza delle donne nei moti risorgimentali in atto e si muove su una doppia linea, quella politica e quella letteraria: accanto alla cronaca dei rivolgimenti sono presenti poesie, racconti, biografie e aneddoti volti a sollecitare le cittadine e i cittadini a contribuire alla lotta per l'Unità. Tra le pagine del periodico si ritrovano le voci delle poetesse e patriote più famose del primo Ottocento italiano affiancate a quelle di personalità di rilievo come Filippo Meucci e Mazzini. I pensieri e le vite delle donne che collaborano al giornale formano così un catalogo parlante delle donne illustri viventi in un'epoca in cui i cataloghi biografici hanno una specifica funzione civile e formativa. La rivista mette in evidenza, dunque, come l'esaltazione della donna in questa fase della storia unitaria sia un modo per contribuire a costruire l'Italia e contiene diversi elementi di indagine sul contesto culturale della Roma risorgimentale, nonché sul ruolo dello Stato Pontificio nel processo unitario. I compilatori, infatti, sottolineano più volte la parte attiva che Roma ha nei moti e il fatto che la città debba essere considerata la guida simbolica della nazione in quanto rappresentante della gloria passata della Roma Imperiale.

"Numero unico. Marzo 1917."--p. 1 ; Italian nationalist politician and newspaper editor. Founder of the Rivista popolare trentina, and Il popolo. ; Bibliography: p. 44-46. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The article examines the genesis of a historical controversy concerning the relations between the Sicilian-American mafia and the U.S. Army during the Allied landing in Sicily (1943). According to a popular narration by Michele Pantaleone, the mafia allegedly provided military support for the Allies to invade the island. The reporter first published this thesis in the Palermitan newspaper L'Ora, in 1958. In'63, Felice Chilanti published on the same newspaper the memoirs of Mafia boss Nick Gentile, proposing an interpretation at odds with the one by Pantaleone, accused of falsifying history. The two opposite explanations sparked a dispute that still stands today. This study provides the elements for a historical reconstruction of the debate and its origins.

ITALIANO: L'intervento illustra la brevissima esperienza d'impegno 'politico' di Vittorio Poggi in seno alla redazione del quotidiano liberal-democratico « Il San Giorgio » (Genova, 1858- 1859), di cui fu il primo direttore. / ENGLISH: The paper aims to introduce Vittorio Poggi as first director of « Il San Giorgio », a 'liberal-oriented' newspaper published in Genoa in 1858-1859.

Questo contributo si propone di ricostruire la vicenda editoriale de «Il Riscatto», storico periodico della sinistra messinese pubblicato a partire dalla fine dell'Ottocento. L'articolo concentra la propria attenzione sull'ultima stagione editoriale del periodico, tra gli anni '50 e '70 dello scorso secolo, quando «Il Riscatto» divenne un giornale d'informazione alternativa sotto la guida delle locali federazioni del Partito comunista e del Partito socialista. Le cronache de «Il Riscatto» e lo studio della sua linea editoriale offrono un punto di vista interessante per la ricostruzione delle vicende politiche, socio-economiche e culturali del territorio messinese e siciliano in quegli anni. The aim of this article is to reconstruct the history of «Il Riscatto», a remarkable newspaper published in Messina by the Left from the late 19th century. The article focuses on the last period, between the 50's and 70's of last century, when «Il Riscatto», became an alternative newspaper controlled by the local Communist and Socialist federations. The chronicles taken from «Il Riscatto» and the research about the editorial line, can give us an interesting point of view to recreate the local political, social, economic and cultural events in Messina and in Sicily during those years.

The Italian newspaper "La Repubblica" once called him "the most private politician in Tuscany," and perhaps never was there such a fitting definition. In the era of "political posturing", when the appearance was worth more than the essence, the understatement characterising Guido Sacconi's not-so-short activity is even more surprising. A serious person, yet not an aloof one. This becomes easily understandable when reading this ironic reconstruction of politics 'as seen from the inside', made up of people in the flesh, with many strengths and flaws, who are mercilessly and tastefully described in these pages. In these same pages, Sacconi also has some bones to pick, which he must have collected during his career. Therefore, in a psychoanalytic key, Guido shows the Puer inside of him to those who have always seen him as a senex.

The article aims to describe the imagery of disrepute against the female partisans of the Yugoslavian National Liberation Army in the Italian nationalist cultural production after the end of World War II. Italian nationalist contexts always represented the Yugoslavian female partisans through racist and sexist depictions, for the latter were active and decision-capable members of an institution which gave credit to women as political, cultural and social subjects. Furthermore, due to its cultural and political characterization, the Yugoslav partisan institution had been seen by an often post-fascist media production as a foe. A visible framework of exoticist dialectics of sexual attraction/social repulsion can also be observed in the analysis. Among the bibliographic sources, we will analyse Primavera a Trieste (Quarantotti Gambini,1985), one of the first mass diffusion works on the Triestine issue, and Fasti e nefasti della quarantena titina a Trieste (Holzer, 1946). Among the hemerographic sources, we will work on articles from Il Grido dell'Istria (the weekly newspaper of the Istrian CLN exiled in Trieste) and the Triestine DC chapter's newspaper La Voce Libera. ; L'articolo si propone di descrivere la creazione, dopo la fine della Seconda guerra mondiale, di un immaginario di discredito nei confronti delle partigiane dell'Esercito Popolare di Liberazione Jugoslavo da parte degli ambienti di produzione culturale nazionalisti italiani, i quali le rappresentarono sempre in termini razzisti e sessisti, in quanto esponenti attive e dotate di capacità decisionale di un'istituzione che considerava la donna soggetto attivo della vita politica, culturale e sociale. Istituzione che, inoltre, aveva una caratterizzazione culturale e politica vista come nemica da una pubblicistica spesso già vicina al fascismo. A tutto ciò si aggiungeva una intellegibile componente di dialettica di attrazione sessuale/repulsione sociale di stampo esotistico. Tra le fonti bibliografiche si analizzeranno Primavera a Trieste (Quarantotti Gambini, 1985), una delle prime opere a grande diffusione sulla questione triestina, e Fasti e nefasti della quarantena titina a Trieste (Holzer,1946). Tra le fonti emerografiche si osserveranno articoli del settimanale del CLN istriano in esilio a Trieste Il Grido dell'Istria e del quotidiano della sezione triestina della DC La Voce Libera.

The center of attention of this thesis is the ideas of Guglielmo Giannini and the qualunquista movement, their conception of what was wrong, the changes they sought and the techniques they thought desirable. The movement was born in 1945 and grew popular during postwar years, although it quickly disappeared after 1948. This work of mine is divided in two parts. The first one reflects on the genesis of what we may call Qualunquismo storico (historical qualunquismo), a political movement which claimed to represent the middle class and a large penumbra of apolitical citizens not sufficiently dissatisfied to protest their conditions. Most of all, this is a study of political thinking and political moods, the kind of thinking that impinged most directly upon the ordinary citizen, the common man as it was defined by Guglielmo Giannini, father of Qualunquismo. In this part we consider the legacy of the Second World War and the sense of disillusion and disenchantment that it fostered, especially in right-wing thought and opinion.! The analysis revolves around the figure of Guglielmo Giannini and his thought as it was expressed through the newspaper L'Uomo Qualunque, which boasted a circulation of 800.000 and became a source of guidance and opinion for a certain kind of popular opinion. L'Uomo Qualunque claimed to represent the resentment and dreams of the meek little men in the middle, the figure for whom Giannini was particularly solicitous. These pages aim to study this particular movement as the harbinger of a rather broader frame of mind, therefore it considers right wing thought and opinion in postwar Italy and qualunquismo long-lasting legacy. The second part focuses on qualunquismo as a political party, studying it with a political science kind of approach. In this part I analyse the political party which was born from the newspaper L'Uomo Qualunque, named Fronte Liberale Democratico dell'Uomo Qualunque, using the Richard Katz and Peter Mair organisational tripartition: party in central office, party in public office and party on the ground. This part aims to provide a thorough analysis of the party form membership to leadership, paying particular attention to the qualunquisti member of parliament and their biographies.

Questa ricerca ripercorre la vicenda del quotidiano palermitano «L'Ora» sotto la direzione di Vittorio Nisticò (1954-75), indagando, specificamente, il ruolo ch'esso ebbe nel dibattito sulla mafia. La prima parte delinea un quadro della convulsa situazione siciliana post-bellica, segnata, fra l'altro, dalla creazione della Regione autonoma e dalle lotte popolari per la terra. Fu in tale clima di mobilitazioni collettive e di innovazioni istituzionali che il gruppo storico del giornale svolse il proprio apprendistato politico e che il futuro editore, il Partito comunista, si attestò su una linea accesamente regionalista. Nel 1954 i comunisti acquisirono l'antico giornale dei Florio con l'intento di portare consensi alle sinistre, allora deboli e isolate sia a Palermo sia nelle altre città siciliane. L'idea era quella di impiegare l'istituto autonomistico come luogo d'interlocuzione politica, promuovendo larghe intese in nome del rinnovamento e dello sviluppo dell'isola, ovvero della difesa dei comuni interessi siciliani. È in quest'ottica che viene spiegata l'opzione "sicilianista" del quotidiano, venuta alla ribalta in concomitanza dell'Operazione Milazzo (ottobre 1958), quando in Sicilia si formò un governo anomalo che comprendeva dissidenti democristiani (a cominciare dal presidente Silvio Milazzo), la destra monarchica e quella neofascista, e che si reggeva sull'appoggio esterno di socialisti e comunisti. «L'Ora», che da sin dall'arrivo di Nisticò alla direzione propugnava soluzioni di unità autonomistica, sostenne con determinazione il milazzismo, assumendo un protagonismo politico senza precedenti. Contestualmente viene delineata la figura del direttore, Nisticò, il quale ebbe dai vertici del Pci il mandato di non uniformarsi al dogmatismo comunista, evitando dunque chiusure settarie e pregiudiziali. Nisticò si attenne all'incarico, muovendosi in verità con più autonomia di quanta il Partito volesse concedergli, reclutando giornalisti e collaboratori di vaglia in una logica professionale più che di appartenenza politica. Ne discese un rapporto non semplice con l'editore-partito, come testimonia l'esame dei carteggi tra Nisticò e il responsabile della stampa comunista, Amerigo Terenzi. La tesi traccia dunque una distinzione tra la linea "sicilianista", che ebbe modo di accentuarsi durante i governi Milazzo (1958-60), e quella propriamente antimafia che il giornale percorse con enfasi crescente a partire dalla prima inchiesta organica dell'autunno 1958. L'analisi permette di comprendere come la seconda si sia sviluppata in forza delle circostanze e, segnatamente, dell'escalation di violenza registratasi in quel periodo tra Palermo e provincia. L'elaborato tratteggia le figure dei giornalisti e intellettuali impegnati nel primo e più rilevante tentativo postbellico d'interpretazione del fenomeno mafioso; esamina, anche sulla base di documenti d'archivio, i reportage a puntate realizzati dal quotidiano, registrandone talora gli aspetti contraddittori e mitologici; si sofferma, fra l'altro, sulla pubblicazione di testimonianze d'eccezionale valore conoscitivo come la confessione del medico mafioso Melchiorre Allegra, rinvenuta dal cronista Mauro De Mauro, le memorie del capomafia italo-americano Nick Gentile, curate da Felice Chilanti, e il Rapporto del tenente dei carabinieri Mario Malausa. Ciò che emerge è un originale modello di giornalismo investigativo, imperniato sulla critica delle fonti, sul coraggio professionale e su una forte spinta etico-politica. La ricerca mostra come la circolarità di conoscenze promossa dal giornale e, più in generale, il suo appoggio ai reparti investigativi e alla Commissione parlamentare d'inchiesta sulla mafia – istituita nel 1963 – abbiano alimentato un virtuoso meccanismo di sensibilizzazione, concorrendo peraltro a fondare il concetto di "antimafia" nell'accezione che assunse nei decenni successivi: quella di un sostegno di gruppi politici e opinione pubblica alle forze dell'ordine e alla legalità. ; This research retraces the history of the Palermitan newspaper «L'Ora» under the Vittorio Nisticò's direction (1954-75) and investigates its role in the public debate on the Mafia. The first part outlines a view of the convulsive Sicilian post-war situation, distinguished, among other things, by the creation of the Autonomous Region and the popular struggles for the land property. In this season of collective mobilization and high expectations the newspaper's historical group carried out its political apprenticeship and the future publisher, the Italian Communist Party, lined up on a strong regionalist policy. In 1954 the Communists acquired the Florios' ancient newspaper, aiming to bring consensus to the left-wing parties, weak and isolated both in Palermo and in the other Sicilian cities. The goal was to use the Autonomous Region concept as a place for political dialogue and to promote crossing alliances in the name of the renovation and development of the island and in defence of the common Sicilian interests. In this perspective, the thesis explains the newspaper's distinct Sicilianist option. This policy particularly emerged in conjunction with the Operation Milazzo (October 1958), when an anomalous government, which included Christian Democrat dissidents (as the President Silvio Milazzo himself), the monarchist and the neo-fascist right-wings and which stood on the external support of Communists and Socialists, was formed in Sicily. «L'Ora», which had been advocating autonomist unity solutions since the beginning of Nisticò's direction, strongly supported the milazzism and took on a political role with no precedents. At the same time, a specific attention is dedicated to the figure of the director, Nisticò, who had the mandate from the PCI's leaders to not conform the newspaper policy to the communist dogmatism, to avoid detrimental closures. Nisticò complied with the assignment, acting with more autonomy than the Party wanted to grant him, and co-opted worthy journalists and collaborators in more professional than political logic. It resulted in a difficult relationship with the party-publisher, as highlighted by the correspondence with the head of the communist press, Amerigo Terenzi. Therefore, the thesis draws a distinction between the Sicilianist line, intensified during the Milazzo's governments (1958-60), and the properly anti-Mafia one that the newspaper had been following with increasing emphasis from the first organic investigation series in autumn 1958. The analysis allows us to understand how the anti-Mafia line evolved under the particular circumstances of the escalation of violence which occurred in that period in Palermo and its province, and especially in Corleone. The thesis outlines the figures of journalists and intellectuals involved in the first and most important post-fascism attempt to represent the Mafia phenomenon; it examines, evaluating archival documents too, the reports made by the newspaper, sometimes recording their contradictory and mythological aspects; it focuses on the publishing of impressive documents such as the confession of the mobster doctor Melchiorre Allegra found by the journalist Mauro De Mauro, the memories of the Italian-American Mafia boss Nick Gentile edited by Felice Chilanti and the Report of the lieutenant of the Carabinieri Mario Malausa. The research shows how the circularity of the knowledge promoted by the newspaper and, more generally, its support to the investigative departments and to the Parliament Commission of Inquiry on the Mafia – established in 1963 – fuelled a virtuous awareness-raising mechanism, contributing to set up the concept of anti-Mafia in the meaning that it would assume in the following decades: a support by the political groups and the public opinion to the forces of law and order.

Il presente elaborato tratterà il fenomeno del consumo di notizie on line, concentrandosi sul rapporto del consumatore con i giornali on line. L'oggetto della ricerca sarà indagato seguendo due direzioni diverse. La prima direzione studia la tipologia di lettore italiano di quotidiani on line, rielaborando la ricerca Istat sugli aspetti della vita quotidiana, in particolare il modulo sull'uso delle tecnologie dell'informazione e della comunicazione (ICT). La seconda direzione invece è volta allo studio dei desideri e delle aspirazioni dei lettori riguardo il servizio offerto da un quotidiano on line locale, utilizzando per questo tecniche di indagine qualitativa. Nella prima parte la ricerca passa in rassegna la letteratura riguardante la nascita delle testate giornalistiche on line ed il loro sviluppo parallelo alla crisi dei giornali cartacei, evidenziandone i punti di forza ed approfondendo la tematica peculiare dei quotidiani on line locali. In questo contesto la ricerca affronta quelle che sono considerate le nuove frontiere del giornalismo, in particolar modo quello on line, come il participatory journalism o citizen journalism, e gli ostacoli che si frappongono a questa evoluzione dell'informazione come i fenomeni del gatekeeping e del crowdsourcing. I due obiettivi della ricerca sono la descrizione del consumatore italiano di quotidiani on line e l'analisi in profondità dei suoi interessi e gusti. Per rispondere alla prima domanda la ricerca utilizza i dati di un'inchiesta campionaria svolta dall'Istat, concentrandoci su una variabile proxy riguardo la lettura dei quotidiani on line, mentre per rispondere alla seconda domanda è stata condotta una ricerca empirica tra i lettori del quotidiano livornese Quilivorno.it, i cui gusti ed interessi sono stati indagati attraverso sessioni successive di interviste collettive (brainstorming valutativo e focus group). English translation The present study will address the phenomenon of online news consumption, focusing on the relationship of the consumer with online newspapers. The object of the research will be investigated along two different directions. The first direction studies the type of Italian reader of online newspapers, reworking the research Istat aspects of everyday life, in particular the module on the use of information and communication technologies (ICT). The second direction is instead devoted to the study of the wishes and aspirations of the readers about the service offered by a local online newspaper, using qualitative research techniques. In the first part the research reviews the literature concerning the birth of newspapers online and their development parallel to the crisis of the printed newspaper, highlighting the strengths and deepening the theme of local online newspapers. In this context, the research addresses what are considered the new frontiers of journalism, especially that on-line, such as participatory journalism or citizen journalism, and the barriers to this evolution of information as the phenomena of gatekeeping and crowdsourcing. The two objectives of the research are the description of the Italian consumer of online newspapers and in-depth analysis of his interests and tastes. To answer the first question, the research uses data from a survey carried out by ISTAT, focusing on the proxy about reading newspapers online, and to answer the second question an empirical study was conducted among the readers of the newspaper Livorno Quilivorno.it, whose tastes and interests were investigated through successive sessions of collective interviews (brainstorming evaluation and focus groups).

The theses exposed by Alexius Meinong in two newspaper articles in 1873 are taken as the paradigm of a feeling that was common to young Austrian intelligentsia. Meinong upholds a conception of life as struggle and of history as a series of struggles among nations. In his view, the defence of the interests of a people is absolute and generates conflicts among nations that will increasingly dominate future scenarios. The concept of nation has an identification function inward and one of dissociation outward. This discourse is contextualised within the framework of the various student corporations of the University of Vienna, where the new ruling class was forming which, despite different political ideas, was united by nationalism. Finally, the paper analyses the opposing views of Eric J. Hobsbawm and Anthony D. Smith on the idea of nation and suggests some similarities between the Habsburg Empire and the European Union. Keywords: War; Nation; Nationalism; Austrian history and philosophy; Meinong.

In her article, Bailkin is interested in the embodied presences of empire in the case files and records of the post-war welfare state. She sets out to interrogate the history of decolonization and the strict correlation with families' lives. She wonders also how the new social sciences provided modern modes of interaction between the state and different migrant groups in Great Bretain. Her attention in this article concerns African immigrant students from Nigeria and Ghana and his/her family (when their wifes or husbands and children were in Britain too). Bailkin uses archives from various government departments, newspaper reports, and individual life stories to unpack the ways in which new migrant subjects were constituted and pathologised. Concerning the fostering and/or adoption of African children into English White homes Bailkin points out the profound consequences for generations of black families, as well the criteria by which all families in Britain were evaluated as "good" or "bad" ones.

The irredentist vocation in Trieste has been well represented since 1911 in the articles of the satiric publication Marameo. All texts were of course written in satirical tones what-ever the topic, coherently with the title of the newspaper – Settimanale politico satirico pupazzettato! (Puppet Satirical Political Weekly!). This tradition continued up until 1942. Marameo has recently become an important source for art historians who study the local artists that exposed their artwork in Trieste at Salone Michelazzi or at the paillon in the Public Park. The critiques often came with cartoons that pleasantly made fun of the art-work. However, the political turning point of the satirical paper was marked by the fire at the Casa del Popolo ("People's house") of the Slovenian community of Trieste. From that moment on, Marameo took the anti-Slavic nationalism road, which is very well noticeable in the critique articles about the exhibits, so much so that many experimentations from the 20th century are considered as slothful attacks to the authentic roots of Italian art.

The memory of the Great War in the official speeches at the Redipuglia Shrine. From the postwar reconstruction period to the Italian economic miracle. The Redipuglia shrine is the most important WWI Italian mausoleum, containing more than 100.000 corpses. It is located on the former eastern Italian front, in the multiethnic Julian march region. It was built under fascism in 1938, but the alliance with Nazi Germany and the coming war, led the regime to not perform any commemoration after the opening ceremony. The golden age of the Redipuglia Shrine in Italian national public discourse was after WWII, and continued to grasp public attention until the 1960s. Tensions between Italy and Yugoslavia for the sovereignty of the Julian march and the massive participation of living Great War veterans made Redipuglia a perfect stage for Italian government politicians, such as De Gasperi and Moro. In this impressive memorial, authorities could deliver speeches in which they were able to integrate WWI into Republican national identity, choosing the memories of the Great War that fitted best with their political agenda. Based on historical newspaper and scientific literature, the article describes the relationship among the Italian state, the public memory of WWI and the Redipuglia shrine from the 1940s to the 1960s.