Suchergebnisse

The paper explores the history of the Serbian Progressive Party in the Kingdom of Serbia from 1887 to 1896. After the fall of the government of Milutin Garašanin in June 1887, the Serbian Progressive Party ended among the opposition parties. After the fall of the Progressive Party from power, the first coalition liberal-radical government was formed, headed by Jovan Ristić. The Progressive Party members and supporters were persecuted by the ruling People's Radical Party. The Progressive Party lost the voters and deputies in the National Assembly, which suggested that it would not be able to recover for an extended period. However, less than two years later, in May 1889, the Progressive Party managed to organize a General Assembly, attended by over 2,000 members, who adopted the party program and statute which did not differ substantially from the one from 1881. It was quite obvious that the party leadership wanted to show that the Progressive Party did not disappear from the political scene, but that it temporarily withdrew to reconsolidate and focus on gathering voters. Yet, due to the unrest that erupted in Belgrade during the party assembly, the Party leadership announced in June 1889 that the Progressive Party would temporarily suspend its activities. As the withdrawal from the political scene did not produce any results, the Party leaders decided to resume the Party's activities, hoping that the situation would eventually change in their favor. In the September 1890 elections, the Progressive Party won one parliamentary mandate, which went to the Party's leader, Milutin Garašanin. In the National Assembly, his political struggle against the ruling Radical Party government was hardly observable, but his articles published in the Progressive Party newpaper 'Videlo' (Daylight) had a much greater impact on the readers. During the minority liberal government of Jovan Avakumović, in 1892-1893, there were attempts to reach an agreement on a pre-election coalition between the Liberals and the Progressives against the Radicals, but these attempts failed. After the coup of 1st April 1893, when the Radicals regained power, it was quite clear to the Progressive Party leaders that they could not fight the Radicals on their own. The idea of forming a new political grouping of liberals and progressives was soon abandoned. After the 1888 Constitution had been repealed and the 1869 Constitution had been reinstated, King Alexander tried (with the assistance of rare non-partisan people) to avoid the intransigence of the Progressive Party leaders and the supremacy of the Radicals. After the period of several neutral governments headed by Đorđe Simić (January - April 1894), Svetomir Nikolajević (April - October 1894), and Nikola Hristić (October 1894 - July 1895), the Progressive Party government headed by Stojan Novaković (July 1895 - December 1896) was formed. This government initiated a change in the Constitution but the idea was not upheld by King Alexander, as the Liberals and the Radicals did not agree to instituting the constitutional reform under the administration of the weakest party in the country. In such circumstances, Novaković resigned on 29 December 1896. The next day, the Progressive Party was dissolved by the decision of the Party leadership.

As the first festival of contemporary music in socialist Yugoslavia, the Music Biennale Zagreb (founded in 1961) attracted a lot of domestic and foreign media attention. This study discusses the reception of the first Music Biennale in the Belgradian daily newspapers, Politika [Politics], Borba [Struggle] and Večernje Novosti [Evening News], with reference to the characteristics of the editorial policies of these three newspapers. The timely and active reporting of the daily press in Belgrade indicates that the first Music Biennale Zagreb was promptly recognised as an important modernist musical festival for the then cultural life of the whole of Yugoslavia. ; Основан 1961. године, Музички бијенале Загреб, први фестивал савремене музике у социјалистичкој Југославији, од почетка је привлачио велику пажњу домаће и иностране јавности. У раду се анализира одјек првог Музичког бијенала у београдским дневним новинама, Политици, Борби и Вечерњним новостима, при чему се указује и на карактеристике уређивачких политика ових трију листова. Правовремено и активно извештавање београдске дневне штампе о првом загребачком Бијеналу сведочи о промптно препознатом значају ове авангардне манифестације за тадашњи културни живот целокупне Југославије.

Violations of human rights have become an almost daily occurrence via various TV and newspaper reports. Massacres, murders, torture, violence, imprisonment of political opponents, are facts of life in a number of contemporary states. While these states blatantly curtail human rights of their citizens, the governments and peoples of other countries have the right but also a kind of duty to demand they be respected. This feeling of global responsibility is increasing every day thanks to the process of globalization itself. (SOI : PM: S. 82)

Newspaper articles about Hungary on the pages of Vjesnik in the period between 1945 and 1950 were relatively numerous, but dealt exclusively with political circumstances and relations. Three basic stereotypes could be seen in the writings about Hungary, and it is indicative that they were formed in a relatively short period of four years and that they were radically opposite to each other. The first one, in the period from the end of the World War Two up to the establishment of complete communist command in Hungary in the Fall of 1947, when the defeated forces and civil political groups were ascribed negative aspects of Hungarian life and relationship with Yugoslavia, with affirmation of all the activities connected with national democratic, communist orientation. The other, in the short period between the Fall of 1947 and Summer of 1948, when the articles about Hungarian themes had solely positive characteristics. The third, after the resolution of Information Bureau of the Cominform in Summer of 1948, when the newspaper pages on Hungary were again full of negative articles, but this time Hungarian communist leadership was blamed for all the negativities. The picture about Hungary which one could get from the newspapers was generally incomplete, oriented primarily to the political events. It obviously depended on political and ideological orientations of Yugoslav ruling communist circles. The information was in the service of achieving exclusively political goals, not to give thorough and complete information to the readers. (SOI : CSP: S. 518)

Reporters' work from a country at war sooner or later gets subjected to censorship. That the job of war correspondents is dangerous has been proved by the number of journalists who get killed every year and by certain "rules of wartime journalism". The article looks into some forms of wartime censorship in the earlier NATO military actions, describes the censorship during the aggression on the Republic of Croatia, and on the basis of the available information, deals with the relevant situation in SR Yugoslavia. At the time when this article was written (May 1999), NATO's military intervention in that country was still going on; consequently, the newspaper censorship was still very much in force there. (SOI : S. 135)

The author publishes an unknown document of Janko Tortic (1902-1962), Croatian Peasant Party member of the parliament. Since 1927 Tortic was the leader of the Intelligence Office of the Main Secretariate of the Croatian Peasant Party and the editor of the Party newspaper. After the putsch of general Simovic he participated in creating the independent Croatian state. During the war he collaborated with the Independent State of Croatia's authorities. Owing to his activity, many followers of the Croatian Peasant Party joined the Ustasha movement, and Tortic himself became a member of the government. After World War Two he emigrated to the USA, where he died. Tortic's document is important for the research work on the activity of the Croatian Peasant Party, especially the events which occurred immediately before the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia. The document is provided with an introduction and notes. (SOI : CSP: S. 367)

Рад је осмишљен као преглед изведених дела Опере Народног позоришта у Београду у периоду осме и девете деценије 20. века. У то време Опера је настојала да одговори на тадашњу културну политику у контексту југословенског самоуправног социјализма, суочавајући се са бројним изазовима као што су питање извођаштва и радне дисциплине. Циљ рада је да се прикаже репертоарска политика поменуте институције, као и рецепција оперских представа у дневним новинама "Политика". ; The paper represent an overview of the performed works of the Opera of the National Theater in Belgrade during the eighth and ninth decades of the 20th century. At that time, the Opera sought to respond to the cultural policy of the time in the context of Yugoslav self-management socialism, facing many challenges such as the issue of performance and work discipline. The aim of the paper is to present the repertoire policy of the mentioned institution as well as the reception of the opera performances in the daily newspaper Politika. ; Научни скуп одржан од 12. до 14. априла 2019. године у Бања Луци.

Nothing is more prone to errors than newspapers. Croatian newspapers (dailies, magazines and a few journals) were studied during a several- month period in 1997. The review is not comprehensive, nor have all the pages been scanned, since this would require a sort of analysis for which there were no necessary funds nor researchers. Nevertheless, the picture of the typical newspaper errors is all-inclusive. The errors which are a result of haste, hard working conditions and obsolete technology are bearable and excusable. However, flagrant carelessness shows disrespect for readers and the profession. Even worse is ignorance. Journalism is advancing fast, but there are certain well-known basics which can be easily learned. There is no excuse for ignorance-based errors, as there is no justification for a surgeon who would - due to ignorance - amputate a healthy instead of a diseased leg. But, what to say about the intentional, deliberate distortion of facts? It is unforgivable not to inform the public about the opinions of the President or the Governor of National Bank or to give a true dimension to a crime. This side of journalism must be rectified by educated professionals who respect the rules of the profession and whose primary concern are not ideological connotations and drifts. (SOI : PM: S. 198)

This article uses archival and newspaper sources along with basic secondary literature to examine legal proceedings conducted against Stjepan Radic', the leader of Croatia's strongest opposition party - The Croatian People's Peasant Party (HPSS). During 1919 and 1920, Radic was held in custody without trial, released, then rearrested and given a harsh sentence for politically opposing the creation of a unitaristic and centralized state under the Serbian Karadjordjevic dynasty. Radic wanted the distinctiveness of the Croatian nation to be recognized, so he sought automony for Croatia as the basis for its economic, political, and cultural development. Radic's trial, carried out inspite of the fact that some jurists felt it was unlawful, revealed the crux of the conflict between the regime and the HPSS, in effect, the Croatian opposition. Radic worked to ensure that the internal organization of the state would be based on national self-determination. For him, the upcoming election of a Constituent Assembly was all-important because it would determine the nature a Slovene-Croat-Serb state. Contrary to this, the Karadjordjevic regime assumed all the main national and constitutional questions had been settled on December 1, 1918, when a common kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes had been proclaimed. As far as the government was concerned, only the formality of writing a constitution had to be handled by the Constituent Assembly. Even though he was released on the very day of the election, Radic's trial showed that the Karadjordjevic' regime intended to solve political problems by the use of force, and not according to the rule of law. (SOI : CSP: S. 126f.)

Was Wesley Clark, NATO's commander-in-chief, right when he said that, instead of launching the operation 'Allied Force' against it, the allies shoul have electronically isolated SR Yugoslavia? Yugoslav hackers and crackers used to good advantage the freedom of the cyberspace. During NATO's intervention, they declared a real 'virtual war' to all the countries supportive of this campaign, particularly to the USA. By swooping down by all available means on numerous official web pages of various American institutions and totally abusing the communicational freedoms on the Net, Yugoslav hackers in fact demonstrated a small part of the possibilities of the new e-force. However, the deleterious consequences of Yugoslav on-line users' activities were so harmful that they prodded the international community into issuing a blunt warning to the Serbian Telecom - we shall switch you off from the Internet! The objective of this research is primarily to evidence a totally novel phenomenon on the Internet, the first organized virtual war taking place in the cyberspace, at the time when a real military campaign was waged against SRY. One of the outcomes of these activities was striking out' the documents from the Net that had been preserved only in this texts' authors' archive. There are no additional scientific resources, since the key sources for this article were the Internet and newspaper articles. Although envisaged as a medium available to all, the Internet must soon be safeguarded and protected by legal means. Otherwise, it might simply cave in under the onslaught of all abuses and innumerable viruses circulating the global cyberspace. Due to the increase in the number of users and services, it may be expected that soon a completely new branch of criminal law is to emerge - computer crime. (SOI : PM: S. 242)

Do proleća 1917. godine, na teritoriji (bivšeg) Ruskog carstva našlo se nekoliko desetina hiljada ratnih zarobljenika Južnih Slovena, od kojih su se mnogi direktno uključili u revolucionarna događanja započeta padom monarhije u februaru. Nakon Oktobarske revolucije, hiljade Bugara, Hrvata, Slovenaca i Srba borile su se na strani boljševika. Od 1918. godine, imali su svoju Južnoslovensku komunističku grupu pri Boljševičkoj partiji, kao i novine Svetska revolucija. Grupa se, međutim, brzo sukobila po pitanju ustrojstva posleratnog projekta. Jedni su se zalagali za stvaranje Jugoslavije kao države Južnih Slovena, dok su drugi smatrali da buduća socijalistička država treba biti Balkanska federacija, stari projekat balkanske socijaldemokratije. Ovo neslaganje dovelo je u konačnici do odvajanja Bugara iz Južnoslovenske komunističke grupe. Iako pitanje buduće radničke federacije na Balkanu nije razrešeno čak ni formiranjem Komunističke internacionale, ova zaboravljena rana debata između tada vodećih južnoslovenskih komunista bila je uvod u kasnije marksističke rasprave o nacionalnom pitanju u Bugarskoj i Kraljevini SHS. Analiza ovih projekata otvara pitanja o prijemu boljševičkih ideja među Južnim Slovenima, kontinuitetu i diskontinuitetu marksističke misli među balkanskim socijalistima pre i posle 1917. godine, kao i o razvoju koncepta lenjinističkog prava na samoopredeljenje u kontekstu političke situacije na Balkanu u posleratnom periodu. ; By the spring of 1917, tens of thousands of South Slavic prisoners of war had found themselves on the territory of the (former) Russian Empire, and many of them took an active part in the revolutionary events which had begun with the collapse of the monarchy in February. After the October Revolution, thousands of Bulgarians, Croats, Slovenes, and Serbs fought on the side of the Bolsheviks. Beginning from 1918, they had their own South Slavic Communist Group of the Bolshevik Party, as well as a newspaper called Svetska revolucija (The World Revolution). However, the Group soon became divided over the question of building a future postwar order. Some communists supported the creation of Yugoslavia as a country of South Slavs, while others thought that the future socialist state must be a Balkan Federation, an old project of Balkan social democracy. The pro-Yugoslav current was composed primarily of people who were radicalized by the world war and the revolution and who fought together in the South Slavic units of the Russian Imperial Army before 1917. The supporters of a Balkan federation were those who were active in the labor movement before 1914. The Bulgarian communists, influenced by the theoretical tradition of "narrow socialism" developed by Dimitar Blagoev, were the standard bearers of the idea of Balkan federalism, while most Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes eventually opted for Yugoslavia, also as a federal state. This disagreement eventually led to the separation of Bulgarians from the South Slavic Communist Group. Even though the question of the future workers' federation in the Balkans was not ultimately resolved even after the creation of the Communist International, this forgotten early debate between the leading South Slavic communists foreshadowed the later Marxist discussions on the national question in Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. The analysis of these projects raises new questions regarding the reception of Bolshevik ideas among the South Slavs, the continuities and discontinuities of Marxist thought before and after 1917, as well as the development of the concept of the Leninist right to self-determination in the context of the political situation in the Balkans in the post-WWI period.