Die Inhalte der verlinkten Blogs und Blog Beiträge unterliegen in vielen Fällen keiner redaktionellen Kontrolle.
Warnung zur Verfügbarkeit
Eine dauerhafte Verfügbarkeit ist nicht garantiert und liegt vollumfänglich in den Händen der Blogbetreiber:innen. Bitte erstellen Sie sich selbständig eine Kopie falls Sie einen Blog Beitrag zitieren möchten.
The study of International Relations is founded on a series of assumptions that originate in the monotheistic traditions of the West. For Siba Grovogui, this realization provoked him to question not only IR but to broaden his enquiries into a multidisciplinary endeavor that encompasses law and anthropology, journalism and linguistics, and is informed by stories and lessons from Guinea. In this Talk, he discusses the importance of human encounters and the problem with the Hegelian logic which distorts our understanding of our own intellectual development and the trajectory of the discipline of IR.
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
What is, according to you, the biggest challenge / principal debate in current IR? What is your position or answer to this challenge / in this debate?
I don't want to be evasive, but I actually don't think that International Relations as a field has an object today. And that is the problem with International Relations since Martin Wight and Stanley Hoffmann and all of those people debated what International Relations was, whether it was an American discipline, etc. I believe you can look at International Relations in multiple ways: if you think of à la Hoffmann, as a tool of dominant power, International Relations is to this empire what anthropology was to the last. This not only has to do with the predicates upon which it was founded initially but with its aspirations, for International Relations shares with Anthropology the ambition to know Man—and I am using here a very antiquated language, but that is what it was then—to know Man in certain capacities. In the last empire, anthropology focused on the cultural dimension and, correspondingly separated culture from civilization in a manner that placed other regions of the world in subsidiarity vis-à-vis Europe and European empires. In the reigning empire, IR has focused on the management and administration of an empire that never spoke its name, reason, or subject.
Now you can believe all the stories about liberalism and all of that stuff, but although it was predicated upon different assumptions, the ambition is still the same: it is actually to know Man, the way in which society is organized, to know how the entities function, etc. If you look at it that way, then International Relations cannot be the extension of any country's foreign policy, however significant. This is not to say that the foreign policies of the big countries do not matter: it would be foolish not to study them and take them into account, because they have greater impact than smaller countries obviously. But International Relations is not—or should not be—the extension of any country's foreign policy, nor should it be seen as the agglomeration of a certain restricted number of foreign policies. International Relations suggests, again, interest in the configurations of material, moral, and symbolic spaces as well as dynamics resulting from the relations of moral and social entities presumed to be of equal moral standings and capacities.
If one sees it that way then we must reimagine what International Relations should be. Foreign policy would be an important dimension of it, but the field of foreign policy must be understood primarily in terms of its explanations and justifications—regardless of whether these are bundled up as realism, liberalism, or other. Today, these fields provide different ways of explaining to the West, for itself, as a rational decision, or a justification to the rest, that what it has done over the past five centuries, from conquest to colonization and slavery and colonialism, is 'natural' and that any political entities similarly situated would have done it in that same manner. It follows therefore that this is how things should be. Those justifications, explanations, and rationalizations of foreign policy decisions and events are important to understand as windows into the manners in which certain regions and political entities have construed value, interest, and ethics. But they still belong, in some significant way, to a different domain than what is implied by the concept of IR.
I am therefore curious about the so-called debates about the nature of politics and the proper applicable science or approach to historical foreign policy realms and domains, particularly those of the West: I don't consider those debates to be 'big debates' in International Relations, because they are really about how the West sees itself and justifies itself and how it wants to be seen, and thus as rational. For the West (as assumed by so-called Western scholars), these debates extend the tradition of exculpating the West and seeing the West as the regenerative, redemptive, and progressive force in the world. All of that language is about that. So when you say to me, what are the debates, I don't know what they are, so far, really, in International Relations. The constitution of the 'international', the contours and effects of the imaginaries of its constituents, and the actualized and attainable material and symbolic spaces within it to realize justice, peace, and a sustainable order have thus far eluded the authoritative disciplinary traditions.
Consider the question of China today, as it is posed in the West. The China question, too, emerges from a particular foreign policy rationale, which may be important and particular ways to some people or constituencies in the West but not in the same way to others, for instance in Africa. The narrowness of the framing of the China question is why in the West many are baffled about how Africa has been receiving China, and China's entry into Latin America, etc. In relation to aid, for instance, if you are an African of a certain age, or you know some history, you will know that China formulated its foreign aid policy in 1964 and that nothing has changed. And there are other elements, such as foreign intervention and responsibility to self and others where China has had a distinct trajectory in Africa.
In some regard, China may even be closer in outlook to postcolonial African states than the former colonial powers. For instance, neither China nor African states consider the responsibility to protect, to be essentially Western. In this regard, it is worth bearing in mind for instance that Tanzania intervened in Uganda to depose Idi Amin in 1979; Vietnam ended the Khmer Rouge tyranny in Cambodia in 1979; India intervened in Bangladesh in 1971—it wasn't the West. So those kinds of understandings of responsibility, in the way they are framed today in the post-Cold War period, superimposes ideas of responsibility that were already there and were formulated in Bandung in 1955: differences between intervention and interference, the latter of which today comes coded as regime change, were actually hardly debated. So our imaginaries of the world and how it works, of responsibility, of ethics, etc., have always had to compete with those that were formulated since the seventeenth century in Europe, as "international ethics", "international law", "international theory". And in fact that long history full of sliding concepts and similar meanings may be one of the problems for understanding how the world came into being as we know it today. And this is why actually my classes here always begin with a semester-long discussion of hermeneutics, of historiography, and of ethnography in IR and how they have been incorporated.
How did you arrive at where you currently are in IR?
I came to where I am now essentially because of a sense of frustration, that we have a discipline that calls itself "international" and yet seemed to be speaking either univocally or unidirectionally: univocally in imagining the world and unidirectionally in the way it addresses the rest of the world, and a lot of problems result from that.
I had trained as a lawyer in Guinea, and when I came to the US I imagined that International Relations would be taught at law school, which is the case in France, most of the time, and also in some places in Germany in the past, because it is considered a normative science there. But when I came here I was shocked to discover that it was going to be in a field called Political Science, but I went along with it anyway. In the end I did a double major: in law, at the law school in Madison, Wisconsin, and in political science. When I came to America and went the University of Wisconsin, I first took a class called "Nuclear Weapons and World Politics" or something of the sort, it was more theology and less science. It was basically articulated around chosen people and non-chosen people, those who deserve to have weapons and those who don't. There was no rationale, no discussion of which countries respected the Non-Proliferation Treaty, no reasoning in terms of which countries had been wiser than others in using weapons of mass destruction, etc.: there was nothing to it except the underlying, intuitive belief that if something has to be done, we do it and other people don't. I'm being crass here, but let's face it: this was a course I took in the 1980s and it is still the same today! So I began to feel that this is really more theology and less science. Yes, it was all neatly wrapped in rationalism, in game theory, all of these things. So I began to ask myself deeper questions, outside of the ones they were asking, so my Nuclear Weapons and World Politics class was really what bothered me, or you could say it was some kind of trigger.
This way of seeing IR is related to the fact that I don't share the implicit monotheist underpinnings of the discipline. That translates into my perhaps unorthodox teaching style, unorthodox within American academia anyway. Teaching all too often tends to be less about understanding the world and more about proselytizing. In order to try to explore this understanding I like to bring my students to consider the world that has existed, to imagine that sovereignty and politics can be structured differently, especially outside of monotheism with its likening of the sovereign to god, the hierarchy modeled on the church, Saint Peter, Jesus, God, uniformity and the power of life (to kill or let live), and to understand that there have always been places where the sovereign was not in fact that revered. Think of India, for example, where people have multiple gods, and some are mischievous, some are promiscuous, some are happy and some are mean, so there are lots of conceptions and some of these don't translate well into different cultural contexts. The same, incidentally, goes for the Greek gods. Of course, we had to make the Greeks Christians first, before we drew our lineage to them. You see what I mean? Christianity left a very deep impact on Western traditions. Whether you think of political parties and a parallel to the Catholic orders: if you are a Jesuit, the Jesuits are always right; if you are a Franciscan, the Franciscans are always right. The Franciscans for instance think they have the monopoly on Christian social teaching. In a similar way, it doesn't matter what your political party does, you follow whatever your party says. The same thing happens when you study: are you a realist, are you liberalist, etc. You are replicating the Jesuits, the Franciscans, those monks and their orders. But we are all caught within that logic, of tying ourselves into one school of thought and going along with one "truth" over another, instead of permitting multiple takes on reality..
For me, as a non-monotheist myself, everything revolves around this question of truth: whether truth is given or has to be found and how we find it. Truth has to be found, discovered, revealed—we have to continuously search. The significant point is that we never find it absolutely. Truth is always provisional, circumstantial, and pertinent to a context or situation. We all want truth and it is always evading us, but we must look for it. But I don't think that truth is given. It is in the Bible, the Quran, and the Torah. And I am comfortable with that but I am not in the realm of theology. I dwell on human truths and humans are imperfect and not omniscient, at least not so individually.
If I had the truth, then I might be one of those dictators governing in Africa today. I was raised a Catholic by the way, I almost went to the seminary. If you just think through the story of the Revelation in profane terms, you come to the realization that ours are multiple revelations. Again in theology, one truth is given at a time—the Temple Mount, the Tablets, and all that stuff—but that is not in our province. I leave that to a different province and that is unattainable to me. The kind of revelation I want is the one that goes through observing, through looking, through deliberating, through inquiry—that I am comfortable with. There can be a revelation in terms of meeting the unexpected, for example: when I went to the New World, to Latin America for the first time, I said, 'wow, this is interesting'. That was through my own senses, but it had a lot to do with the way I prepared myself in order to receive the world and to interact with the world. That kind of revelation I believe in. The other one is beyond me and I'm not interested in that. When I want to be very blasphemous, even though I was raised a Catholic, I tell my students: the problem with the Temple Mount is that God did not have a Twitter account, so the rest of us didn't hear it—we were not informed. I don't have the truth, and I don't really don't want to have it.
What would a student need to become a specialist in IR or understand the world in a global way?
I am not sure I want to make a canonical recommendation, if that's what you are asking me for. Let me tell you this: I have trained about eleven PhD students, and none of them has ever done what I do. I am not interested in having clones, I don't want to recreate theology, and in fact I feel this question to betray a very Western disposition, by implying the need to create canons and theology. I don't want that. What I want is to understand the world, and understanding can be done in multiple ways: people do it through music, through art, through multiple things. The problem for me, however, is actually the elements, assumptions, predicates of studies and languages that we use in IR, the question to whom they make sense—I am talking about the types of ethnographies, the ways in which we talk about diplomatic history, and all of those things. The graduate courses that I was talking about have multiple dimensions, but there are times in my seminars here where I just take a look at events like what happened in the New World from 1492 to 1600. This allows me to talk about human encounters. The ones we have recorded, of people who are mutually unintelligible, are the ones that took place on this continent, the so-called New World. And what this does is that it allows me to talk about encounters, to talk about all of the possibilities—you know the ones most people talk about in cultural studies like creolization, hybridization, and all those things—and all of the others things that happened also which are not so helpful, such as violence, usurpation, and so forth.
What that allows me to do is to cut through all this nonsense—yes I am going to call it nonsense—that projects the image that what we do today goes back to Thucydides and has been handed down to us through history to today. There are many strands of thought like that. If you think about thought, and Western thought in general, all of those historically rooted and contingent strands of thought have something to do with how we construct social scientific fields of analysis today—realism, liberalism, etc.—so I'm not dispensing with that. What I'm saying is that history itself has very little to do with those strands of thought, and that people who came here—obviously you had scientists who came to the New World—but the policies on the ground had nothing to do with Thucydides, nothing to do with Machiavelli, etc. Their practices actually had more to do with the violence that propelled those Europeans from their own countries in seeking refuge, and how that violence shaped them, the kind of attachments they had. But it also had to do with the kind of cultural disposition here, and the manner in which people were able to cope, or not. Because that's where we are today in the post-Cold War era, the age of globalization, we must provide analyses that are germane to how the constituents (or constitutive elements) of the historically constituted 'international' are coping with our collective inheritance. For me, this approach is actually much more instructive. This has nothing to do with the Melian Dialogue and the like.
All of the stuff projected today as canonical is interesting to me but only in limited ways. I actually read the classics and have had my students read them, but try to get my students to read them as a resource for understanding where we are today and how we were led there, rather than as a resource for justifying or legitimating the manner in which European conducted their 'foreign' policies or their actions in the New World. No. I know enough to know that no action in the New World or elsewhere was pre-ordained, unavoidable, or inevitable. The resulting political entities in the West must assume the manners in which they acted. It is history, literally. And of course we know through Voltaire, we know through Montaigne, we know even through Roger Bacon, that even in those times people realized that in fact the world had not been made and hence had not been before as it would become later; that other ways were (and still) are possible; and that the pathologies of the violence of religious and civil wars in Europe conditioned some the behaviours displayed in the New World and Africa during conquest and enslavement.
For the same reason I recommend students to read Kant: I tell them to read Kant as a resource for understanding how we might think about the world today, but I am compelled to say often to my students that before Kant, hospitality, and such cultural intermediaries as theDragomans in the Ottoman Empire, the Wangara in West Africa, the Chinese Diaspora in East and Southeast Asia, and so forth, enabled commerce across continents for centuries before Europe was included into the existing trading networks. This is not to dismiss Kant, it is simply to force students to put Kant in conversation with a different trajectory of the development of commercial societies, cross-regional networks, and the movements to envisage laws, rules, and ethics to enable communications among populations and individual groups.
This approach causes many people to ask whether the IR programme at Johns Hopkins really concerns IR theory or something else. I actually often get those kinds of questions, and they are wedded to particular conceptions of IR. I am never able to give a fixed and quick answer but I often illustrate points that I wish to make. Consider how scholars and policymakers relate the question of sovereignty to Africa. Many see African sovereignty as problem, either because they think it is abused or stands in the way of humanitarian or development actions by supposed well-meaning Westerners. I attempt to have my students think twice when sovereignty is evoked in that way: 'sovereignty is a problem; the extents to which sovereignty is a problem in Africa; and why sovereignty is unproblematic in Europe or America'. This questioning and bracketing is not simply a 'postmodernist' evasion of the question.
Rather, I invite my students to reconsider the issue: if sovereignty is your problem, how do you think about the problem? For me, this is a much more interesting question; not what the problem is. For instance, if you start basing everything around a certain mythology of the Westphalia model, particularly when you begin to see everything as either conforming to it (the good) or deviating from it (the bad), then you have lost me. Because before Westphalia there were actually many ways in which sovereigns understood themselves, and therefore organized their realms, and how sovereignty was experienced and appreciated by its subjects. Westphalia is a crucial moment in Europe in these regards—I grant you that. If you want to say what is wrong with Westphalia, that's fine too. But if Westphalia is your starting point, the discussion is unlikely to be productive to me. Seriously!
In your work on political identity in Africa, such as your contribution to the 2012 volume edited by Arlene Tickner and David Blaney, the terms periphery, margin, lack of historicity recur frequently. What regional or perhaps even global representational protagonism can you envisage for IR studies emerging from Africa and its spokespeople?
The subjects of 'periphery' and 'marginalization' come into my own thinking from multiple directions. One of them has to do with the African state and the kind of subsidiarity it has assumed from the colonization onward. That's a critique of the state of affairs and a commentary on how Africa is organized and is governed. But I do also use it sometimes as a direct challenge to people who think they know the world. And my second book, Beyond Eurocentrism and Anarchy (2006), was actually about that, and that book was triggered by an account of an event in Africa, that everybody in African Studies has repeated and still continues to repeat, which is this: in June 1960, Africans went to defend France, because France asked them to. This is to say that nobody could imagine that Africans—and I am being careful here in terms of how people describe Africans—understood that they had a stake in the 'world' under assault during World War II. And so the book actually begins with a simple question: in 1940, which France would have asked Africans to defend it: Vichy France which was under German control, or the Germans who occupied half of France? But the decision to defend France actually came partly from a discussion between French colonial officers in Chad and African veterans of World War I, who decided that the world had to be restructured for Africa to find its place in it. They didn't do it for France, because it's a colonial power, they did it for the world. That's the thing. And Pétain, to his credit, is the only French official who asked the pertinent question about that, in a letter to his minister of justice (which is an irony, because justice under Pétain was a different question) he said: 'I am puzzled, that in 1918 when we were victorious, Africans rebelled; in 1940, we are defeated, and they come to our aid. Could you explain that to me?' The titular head of Vichy had the decency to ask that. By contrast, every scholar of Africa just repeated, 'Oh, the French asked Africans to go fight, and the Africans showed up'.
Our inability to understand that Africa actually sees itself as a part of the world, as a manager of the world, has so escaped us today that in the case of Libya for instance, when people were debating, you saw in every single newspaper in the world, including my beloved Guardian, that the African Union decided this, but the International Community decided that, as if Africans had surrendered their position in the international society to somebody: to the International Community. People actually said that! The AU, for all its 'wretchedness', after all represents about a quarter of the member states of the UN. And yet it was said the AU decided this and the International Community decided that. The implication is that the International Community is still the West plus Japan and maybe somebody else, and in this case it was Qatar and Saudi Arabia: "good citizens of the world", very "good democracies" etc. That's how deeply-set that is, that people don't even check themselves. Every time they talk they chuck Africa out of the World. Nobody says, America did this and the International Community decided that. All I am saying is that our mindscapes are so deeply structured that nothing about Africa can be studied on its own, can be studied as something that has universal consequence, as something that has universal value, as something that might be universalizing—that institutions in Africa might actually have some good use to think about anything. Otherwise, people would have asked them how did colonial populations—people who were colonized—overcome colonial attempts to strip them of their humanity and extend an act of humanity, of human solidarity, to go fight to defend them? And what was that about? Even many Africans fail to ask that question today!
And it could be argued that this thinking is, to some degree, down to widespread ignorance about Africa. We all are guilty of this. And oddly, especially intellectuals are guilty of this, and worse. Let me give you an example: recently I was in Tübingen in Germany, and I went into a store to buy some shoes—a very fine store, wonderful people—and I can tell you I ended up having a much more rewarding conversation with the people working in the shoe shop than I had at Tübingen University. Because there was a real curiosity. You would like to think that it is not so unusual in this day and age that a person from Guinea teaches in America, but you cannot blame them for being curious and asking many questions. At the university, in contrast, they actually are making claims, and for me that is no longer ignorance, that is hubris.
Your work presents an original take on the role of language in International Relations. How is language tied up with IR theory?
The language problem has many, many layers. The first of these is, simply, the issue of translation. If I were, for instance, to talk to someone in my father's language about Great Power Responsibility, they would look totally lost. Because in Guinea we have been what white people call stateless or acephalous societies, the notion that one power should have responsibility for another is a very difficult concept to translate, because you are running up against imaginaries of power, of authority, etc. that simply don't exist. So when you talk about such social scientific categories to those people, you have to be aware of all the colonial era enlightenment inheritances in them. When we talk about International Relations in Africa, we thus bump into a whole set of problems: the primary problem of translating ideas from here into those languages; another in capturing what kind of institutions exist in those languages; and a third issue has to do with how you translate across those languages. Consider for instance the difference between Loma stateless societies in the rain forest in Guinea, and Malinke who are very hierarchical, especially since SundiataKeita came to power in the 13th century. But the one problem most people don't talk about is the very one that is obsessing me now, is the question how I, as an African, am able to communicate with you through Kant, without you assuming that I am a bad reader of Kant.
The difference that I am trying to make here is actually what in linguistics is called vehicular language which is distinct from vernacular language. Because a lot of you assume that vehicular language is vernacular—that there is Latin and the rest is vernacular; that there is a proper reading of Kant and everything else is vernacular; or you have cosmopolitan and perhaps afropolitan and everything else is the vernacular of it. But this is not in fact always the case. The most difficult thing for linguists to understand, and for people in the social sciences to understand, is that Kant, Hegel and other thinkers can avail themselves as resources that one uses to try to convey imaginaries that are not always available to others—or to Kant himself for that matter. And it is not analogical—it is not 'this is the African Machiavelli'. It is easy to talk about power using Machiavelli, but to smuggle into Machiavelli different kind of imaginaries is more difficult. Nonetheless, I use Machiavelli because there is no other language available to me to convey that to you, because you don't speak my father's language.
Moreover, there is a danger for instance when I speak with my students that they may hear Machiavelli even when I am not speaking of him, and I warn them to be very careful. Machiavelli is a way to bring in a different stream of understanding of Realpolitik, but it's not entirely Machiavelli. If you spoke my father's language, I would tell you in my father's language, but that is not available to me here, so Machiavelli is a vehicle to talk about something else. Sometimes people might say to me 'what you are saying sounds to me like Kant but it's not really Kant' then I remind them that before Kant there were actually a lot of people who talked about the sublime, the moral, the categorical imperative, etc. in different languages; and if you are patient with me then we will get to the point when Kant belongs to a genealogy of people who talked about certain problems differently, and in that context Kant is no longer a European: I place Kant in the context of people who talk about politics, morality, etc. differently and I want to offer you a bunch of resources and please, please don't package me, because you don't own the interpretation of Kant, because even in your own context in Europe today Kant is not your contemporary, so you are making a lot of translations and I am making a lot of translations to get to something else: it is not that I am not a bad reader.
At an ISA conference I once was attacked by a senior colleague in IR for being a bad reader of Hegel, and I had to explain to him that while my using Hegel might be an act of imposition, and a result of having been colonized and given Hegel, but at this particular moment he should consider my gesture as an act of generosity, in the sense that I was reading Hegel generously to find resources that would allow him to understand things that he had no idea exist out there, and Hegel is the only tool available to me at this moment. But because all of you believe in one theology or another, he insisted that if I spoke Hegelian then I was Hegelian, and I retorted that I was not, but that deploying Hegel was merely an instance of vehicular language, allowing me to explore certain predicates, certain precepts and assumptions, and that is all. In this way, I can use Kant, or Hegel, or Hobbes, or Locke, and my problem when I do this is not with those thinkers—I can ignore the limitations of their thinking which was conditioned by the realities of their time—my problem is with those people who think they own traditions originating from long dead European thinkers. Thus, my problem today is less with Kant than with Kantians.
Or take Hobbes: Hobbes talked about the body in the way that it was understood in his time, and about human faculties in the way that they were understood at that time. Anybody who quotes Hobbes today about the faculties of human nature, I have to ask: when was the last time you read biology? I am not saying that Hobbes wasn't a very smart man; he was an erudite, and I am not joking. It is not his problem that people are still trivializing human faculties and finding issue with his view of how the body works—of course he was wrong on permeability, on cohabitation, on what organs live in us, etc.—he was giving his account of politics through metaphors and analogies that he understood at that time. When I think about it this way, my problem is not that Hobbes didn't have a modern understanding of the body, the distribution of the faculties and the extent of human capacities. Nor is my problem that Hobbes is Western. My problem is not with Hobbes himself. My problem is with all these realists who based their understanding of sovereignty or borders strictly on Hobbes' illustrations but have not opened a current book on the body that speaks of the faculties. If they did, even their own analogies may begin to resonate differently. There is new research coming out all the time on how we can understand the body, and this should have repercussions on how we read Hobbes today.
The absence of contextualization and historicization has proved a great liability for IR. Historicity allows one to receive Hobbes and all those other writers without indulging in mindless simplicities. It helps get away from simplistic divisions of the world—for instance, the West here and Africa there—from the assumptions that when I speak about postcolonialism in Africa I must be anti-Western. I am in fact growing very tired of those kinds of categories. As a parenthesis, I must ask if some of those guys in IR who speak so univocally and unidirectionally to others are even capable of opening themselves up to hearing other voices. I must also reveal that Adlai Stevenson, not some postcolonialist, alerted me to the problem of univocality when he stated in 1954 during one UN forum that 'Everybody needed aid, the West surely needs a hearing aid'. Hearing is indeed the one faculty that the West is most in need of cultivating. The same, incidentally, could be said of China nowadays.
One of the things I would like to deny Western canonist is their inclination to think of the likes of Diderot as Westerners. In his Supplément au Voyage a Bougainville (1772), Diderot presents a dialogue between himself and Orou, a native Tahitian. Voltaire wrote dialogues, some real, some imaginary, about and with China. The authors' people were reflecting on the world. It is hubris and an act of usurpation in the West today to want to lay claim to everything that is perceived to be good for the West. By the same token that which is bad must come from somewhere else. This act of usurpation has led to the appropriation—or rather internal colonization—of Diderot and Voltaire and like-minded philosophers and publicists who very much engaged the world beyond their locales. I have quarrels with this act of colonization, of the incipit parochialization of authors who ought not to be. I have quarrels with Voltaire's characterization of non-Europeans at times; but I have a greater quarrel with how he has been colonized today as distinctly European. Voltaire rejected European orthodoxies of his day and opted explicitly to enter into dialogue with Chinese and Africans as he understood them. Diderot, too, was often in dialogue with Tahitians and other non-Europeans. In fact, the relationship between Diderot and the Tahitian was exactly the same as the relationship between Socrates and Plato, in that you have an older person talking and a younger person and less wise person listening. A lot of Western philosophy and political theory was actually generated—at least in the modern period—after contact with the non-West. So how that is Western I don't know. I encounter the same problem when I am in Africa where I am accused of being Western just because I make the same literary references. It is a paradox today that even literature is assigned an identity for the purpose of hegemony and/or exclusion. Francis Galton (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francis_Galton) travelled widely and wrote dialogues from this expedition in Africa, so how can we say to what extent the substance of such dialogues was Western or British?
So in sum you are not trying to counter Western thought, but do you feel that the African political experience and your own perspective can bring something new to IR studies?
I am going to try and express something very carefully here, because the theory of the state in Africa brought about untold horrors—in Sierra Leone, in Liberia, and so on—so I am not saying this lightly. But I have said to many people, Africans and non-Africans, that I am glad that the postcolonial African state failed, and I wish many more of them failed, and I'm sure a lot more will fail, because they correspond to nothing on the ground. The idea of constitutions and constitutionalism came with making arrangements with a lot of social elements that were generated by certain entities that aspired to go in certain directions. What happened in Africa is that somebody came and said: 'this worked there, it should work here'—and it doesn't. I'll give you three short stories to illustrate this.
One of the presidents of postcolonial Guinea, the one I despise the most, Lansana Conté (in office 1984-2008), also gave me one of my inspirational moments. Students rebelled against him and destroyed everything in town and so he went on national TV that day and said: 'You know I'm very disheartened. I am disheartened about children who have become Europeans.' Obviously the blame would be on Europe. He continued, 'They are rude, they don't respect people or property. I understand that they may have quarrels with me, but I also understand that we are Africans. And though we may no longer live in the village', and it is important for me that he said that, 'though we may no longer live in the village, when we move in the big city, the council of elders is what parliament does for us now. We don't have the council of elders, instead we have parliament. They, the students, can go to parliament and complain about their father. I am their father, my children are older than all of them. So in the village, they would have gone to the council of elders, and they could have done this and I would have given them my explanation'. And the next morning, the whole country turned against the students, because what he had succeeded in doing was to touch and move people. They went to the head of the student government, who said: 'The president was right. We had failed to understand that our ways cannot be European ways, and we can think about our modern institutions as iterations of what we had in the past, suited to our circumstances, and so we should not do politics in the same way. I agree with him, and in that spirit I want to say that among the Koranko ethnic group, fathers let their children eat meat first, because they have growing needs, and if the father doesn't take care of his children, then they take the children away from the father and give them to the uncle. Our problem at the university is that our stipends are not being paid, and father has all his mansions in France, in Spain, and elsewhere, so we want the uncle.' He was in effect asking for political transition: he was saying they were now going to the council of elders, the parliament, and demand the uncle, for father no longer merits being the father. He was able to articulate political transition and rotation in that language. It was a very clever move.
The second one was my mother who was completely unsympathetic to me when I came home one day and was upset that one of my friends who was a journalist had been arrested. She said, 'if you wish you can go back to your town but don't come here and bother me and be grumpy'. So I started an exchange with her and explained to her why it is important that we have journalists and why they should be free, until our discussion turned to the subject of speaking truth to power. At that moment she said, 'now you are talking sense' and she started to tell me how the griot functioned in West Africa for the past eight hundred years, and why truth to power is part of our institutional heritage. But that truth is not a personal truth, for there is an organic connection between reporter and the community, there is a group in which they collect information, communicate and criticize, and we began to talk about that. And since then I have stopped teaching Jefferson in my constitutional classes in Africa, as a way of talking about the free press, instead I talk about speaking truth to power. But it allows me not only to talk about the necessity of speaking truth to power, but also to criticize the organization of the media, which is so individualised, so oriented toward the people who give the money: think of the National Democratic Institute in Washington, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Germany, they have no organic connection to the people. And my mother told me, 'as long as it's a battle between those who have the guns and those who have the pen, then nobody is speaking to my problems, then I have no dog in that fight'. And journalists really make a big mistake by not updating their trade and redressing it. Because speaking truth to power is not absent in our tradition, we have had it for eight hundred years, six centuries before Jefferson, but we don't think about it that way. I have to remind my friends in Guinea: 'you are vulnerable precisely because you have not understood what the profession of journalism might look like in this community, to make your message more relevant and effective'. You see the smart young guys tweeting away and how they have been replaced by the Muslim Brotherhood, because we have not made the message relevant to the community. We are communicating on media and in idioms that have no real bearing on people's lives, so we are easily dismissed. That is in fact the tragedy of what happened in Tunisia: the smart, young protesters have so easily been brushed aside for this reason.
The third story is about how we had a constitutional debate in Guinea before multipartism, and people were talking about the separation of powers. And I went to the university to talk to a group of people and I put it to them: why do you waste your time studying the American Constitution and the separation of powers in America? I grant you, it is a wonderful experiment and it has lasted two hundred years, but that would not lead you anywhere with these people. The theocratic Futa Jallon in Guinea (in the 18th and 19th centuries) had one of the most advanced systems of separation of powers: the king was in Labé, the constitution was in Dalaba, the people who interpreted the constitution were in yet another city, the army was based in Tougué. It was the most decentralised organization of government you can imagine, and all predicated on the idea that none of the nine diwés, or provinces, should actually have the monopoly of power. So those that kept the constitution were not allowed to interpret it, because the readers were somewhere else. But to make sure that what they were reading was the right document, they gave it to a different province. So the separation of powers is not new to us.
In sum, the West is a wonderful political experiment, and it has worked for them. We can actualize some of what they have instituted, but we have sources here that are more suited to the circumstances of the people in that region, without undermining the modern ideas of democratic self-governance, without undermining the idea of a republic. Without dispensing with all of those, we must not be tempted to imagine constitution in the same way, to imagine separation of powers in the same way, even to imagine and practice journalism in the same way, in this very different environment. It is going to fail. That is my third story.
Siba N. Grovogui has been teaching at Johns Hopkins University after holding the DuBois-Mandela postdoctoral fellowship of the University of Michigan-Ann Arbor in 1989-90 and teaching at Eastern Michigan University from 1993 to 1995. He is currently professor of international relations theory and law at The Johns Hopkins University. He is the author of Sovereigns, Quasi-Sovereigns, and Africans: Race and Self-determination in International Law (University of Minnesota Press, 1996) and Beyond Eurocentrism and Anarchy: Memories of International Institutions and Order (Palgrave, April 2006). He has recently completed a ten-year long study partly funded by the National Science Foundation of the rule of law in Chad as enacted under the Chad Oil and Pipeline Project.
Related links
Faculty Profile at Johns Hopkins University Read Grovogui's Postcolonial Criticism: International Reality and Modes of Inquiry (2002 book chapter) here (pdf) Read Grovogui's The Secret Lives of Sovereignty (2009 book chapter) here (pdf) Read Grovogui's Counterpoints and the Imaginaries Behind Them: Thinking Beyond North American and European Traditions (2009 contribution to International Political Sociology) here (pdf) Read Grovogui's Postcolonialism (2010 book chapter) here (pdf) Read Grovogui's Sovereignty in Africa: Quasi-statehood and Other Myths (2001 book chapter in a volume edited by Tim Shaw and Kevin Dunn) here (pdf)
Transcript of an oral history interview with John H. "Jack" Pimm, conducted by Sarah Yahm in January 2015, as part of the Norwich Voices oral history project of the Sullivan Museum and History Center. John Pimm was a member of the Norwich University Class of 1945; his education was interrupted by his military service in World War II. His interview includes recollections of both his time as a student at Norwich University and his service overseas during the war. ; 1 Mr. John H. "Jack" Pimm, NU 1945, Oral History Interview January , 2015 Sullivan Museum and History Center, Norwich University Interviewed by Sarah Yahm Transcribed by C.T. Haywood, NU '12 February 5, 2015 SY: Did that work? Is that comfortable? JP: Yeah. Sure. SY: Okay, terrific. [coughs] So if you could just start by telling me your full name. JP: My full name is John H. Pimm, P-I-M-M, SY: And you go by Jack? JP: Yeah, Jack is my— SY: And where were you born? And when you were born? JP: I was born on January 10, 1924, in Hamden, Connecticut, which is a suburb of New Haven, Connecticut. SY: Yup, I have driven through it, I think. And you know [coughs] something I've been asking everybody who's served in the military was did you play war as a kid? Did you think about going to war? Did you play out in the woods and pretend that you were fighting? JP: Well when I was, my dad got me a .22 single shot which I still have when I was nine-years-old, and I lived in a rural community so there were plenty of woods around and we didn't play war, we played hunting anything that'll move. We shot at woodchucks, squirrels, birds, everything. That was our sort of what we did. SY: So [coughs] how did you end up at Norwich? JP: Well, I graduated from Wethersfield High School in the class of '41, and actually my mother had her friend whose son went to Norwich. I looked at Norwich. I could've to the University of Connecticut or one of the options was I was thinking of going to Pratt & Whitney in the apprentice toolmakers group but I went to Norwich and I thought that was kind of neat so that's how I ended. SY: Yeah what about it did you think was neat? JP: Well I sort of—the military appealed to me, you know, and being in those days there was no superhighways it was a long drive or you went up on the Montrealer which went from Hart—I was living in Wethersfield, Connecticut at the time and that's the train that went through to Montreal and made stops in Northfi—they would stop in Northfield if there's anybody who wanted to get off so. So that's how I happened to go there. SY: That train still exists. JP: It is still there? SY: [coughs] Yeah I've taken it, I've taken it from New York to Montreal.2 JP: Well ok, good. SY: So yeah, well what was your experience like at Norwich when you first got there? Do you remember your first impressions? Do you remember being a Rook and what that was like? JP: Well I was a little, you know I didn't realize that you went through one semester of hazing which you did and that was ah [chuckles] some of it was we thought pretty rough actually. There were a couple of the freshmen when they started getting hazing quit school, so but I thought it was just something you went through and actually some of the guys that were the worst hazers in the sophomore class became good friends after it was over, so. SY: What was the hazing like? JP: Well you had to wait on the upperclassmen. You had to drill every night. One of the exercises was standing with your back to the wall holding a rifle out in front where you thought you were going to drop dead. But that went on every night. And it's just the upperclassmen inspected your room, you know, and we stood reveille. Your bed had to be made by then and if you didn't make it tight enough you were screamed at, and they just tried to make it miserable which they mostly succeeded in doing. SY: Did you ever think about leaving? JM: No. SY: You didn't, why not? JP: I just thought it was part of the thing to do and I knew it was going be over so, you know. SY: And so when you think about Norwich now, what do you think about? I think you mentioned horses to me when you talked the other—? JP: Well it was the horse cavalry when I went there. They had 180 horses and you had riding lessons one day a week and then troop drill another day. You know there was roughly, what, 160 in a troop? And the lower field which I don't know what it is now but that used to be troop drill so that was pretty neat. They let us use the horses on the weekend to ride out into the mountains, and the hills around there for a couple of hours at a time. I had a particular horse, I remember her name was Lacey, that I used to ride and my, a buddy of mine his name was Ken Clary, he's since died, he and I used to ride weekends when we could. So it was kind of a fun thing. SY: And you said something about how you had to make sure the upperclassmen didn't jam your spurs? What happened? JP: Well when you were in troop drill of course you'd be four in line and you'd be in the middle and the favorite thing is upperclassmen, mostly the sophomores, would turn their spurs and try to jam 'em into your horse so that you'd, the horse'd leap forward you know and then when you'd leap, when the horse leaped forward they'd holler at, "Get back in line," you know, so it was a favorite. SY: Did that ever happen to you? JP: Yeah. SY: Yeah. JP: Yeah, it was, it was at the time I thought it was pretty exciting but it was different, let's put it that way. 3 SY: Yeah, so, do you remember where you were when you heard about Pearl Harbor? JP: Ah, well I'm sure I was in, I can't tell you the name of the place but it was on the in the barracks where we were when I heard about it, yeah. Newspapers were not something handed, we had to, I—we had to be told about by somebody else so… SY: You didn't have radios either? JP: No. We didn't have radios either. SY: So you weren't getting any news? JP: No. I remember the most exciting thing about it was that the, commandant at the time I can't even remember what his name was but he used to. We had guards all night. I don't know what we were guarding, anyway but and they carried .45s, the standard issue .45 and when Pearl Harbor happened they issued ammunition for the first time and that I guess what happened is some guy got up to go to the john and the guard said you know, "Halt, where you are," and he said, you know, "Screw you," and the guy fired a shot in the air and the next day they took all the ammunition away. That was the last time. SY: Yeah, I bet they did, JP: Yeah that was the last time that happened, yeah, SY: Yeah, I bet it was. So okay, so at that point you probably knew you were going to war? JP: Well yeah, they hadn't, they announced the draft after that you know and we had to register. Everybody who was eighteen had to or over up. I think they registered eighteen to thirty-five. SY: So did you go down to Northfield to register, did somebody come to campus? JP: I honestly don't remember where we registered, yeah. SY: But then, but you decided you're going to enlist, right? Or the whole school did, how did that work? JP: Ah [chuckles] I remember the date, it was September 14, 1942 they marched us all down the Armory and said, "You're enlisting in the Army," and we did, that was it. SY: How did you feel about it? JP: Well everybody else was doing it so you know. Being eighteen you knew you'd be one of the first to go. So I, you know, it's just part of what it was that's all. SY: Do you remember, I think that the Army also took the horses from Norwich and conscripted them, do you remember that? The horses being marched off campus? JP: No I don't. I don't remember when that happened. SY: I saw picture of it actually, JP: Oh really, SY: Just the other day, yeah. So okay, you enlisted and then what happened, where'd you go? JP: Well they, we enlisted and then we were called up and I had to report Fort Devens, Mass., from there. Let's see, we went by train to a camp outside of St. Louis where we went through a bunch of tests and orientation they called it and they shipped us up to the University of Nebraska in Lincoln and then, we're 4 here again. I was a mechanic in the Mechanical Engineering Department. The guys who were mechanical engineering and myself were shipped down to Columbia, Missouri to the University of Missouri there and we were bunked in the SAE House there on the University of Michigan. And there were four or five guys from Norwich, there was a lot of guys from the Michigan State there and oh we registered to take what we were supposed to take in engineering and the…the manger whatever you want to call, the dean of mechanical engineering found that we had taken the courses the Army wanted us to take. So he signed us up for our continuing education so we got to take courses that would have been in our junior year at Norwich. SY: Oh, that's exciting, JP: Yeah, so. SY: Yeah, so okay, so then, you were getting ready to ship overseas I would imagine? JP: No, we stayed there until the spring of '44 and then they disbanded that program. We were shipped to Camp Swift, Texas where, we were in entered, not all of us, most of went in different directions. Some of the guys went to infantry divisions, I went Camp Swift, Texas and was put in the 1252nd Combat Engineer Battalion. SY: And what does that mean, what were you guys gonna be doing in the war? JP: Well combat engineers you, we did all, in some cases we went in ahead of the infantry. We did river crossings, we did a lot of demolition work, I specialized in demolition learning how to use TNT and various other. You didn't have dynamite that was too too unstable, but we did a lot work with TNT and other type of explosive and I can't remember what it was. But other than that it was standard infantry. We did a lot of, [chuckles] we did awful lot of hikes, we did a lot of shooting, that's when you qualify. It was no big deal for me 'cause I shot a rifle my whole life and let's see. SY: And [coughs] so tell me about how you went over to Europe, JP: Well in, let's see. I think it was in the end of July, we were shipped by rail to, it took a couple of days to do it to Camp Kilmer, New Jersey from there Camp Kilmer, New Jersey is close to, close to New York, cross the Hudson River there and I remember they gave us, if you live nearby you were given a twenty-four hour leave, and this buddy of mine he actually lived in Des Moines, Iowa, but he said he lived in Connecticut so the two of us went to New York City and my mother actually came down to New York City and met us late and we had dinner at the Alm—at one of the, what do you call it, the Almanac's oh not Almanac…. SY: Oh where Dorothy Parker used to go, you were talking about the.I can't remember what that's called, JP: Automats, Automats that. SY: Oh one of the Automats oh… JP: Yeah, my brother, older brother who was a tail gunner in a B-24 his girlfriend who had gone through even in high school was a dancer in Broadway. She was dancing in Pal Joey with Van Johnson and can't think of the other guy's name. Anyway, we got to see her and see my mother for a minute and went back to camp. And then the next morning they took us to the 42nd Street Ferry in Wee… SY: 42nd Street Ferry? I've never heard of such a thing. 5 JP: In Weehawken, New Jersey on the, so we went to the 42nd through, street ferry and we took the ferry across to a dock and there we were surrounded by MPs 'cause they were afraid some of the guys would bolt and we were loaded. And interesting enough the 42nd Street Ferry, when I a kid, my grandmother lived in Weehawken, New Jersey and when my brother and I were like twelve and ten, ten and twelve. My dad would get us a dime each and we would walk down to the ferry and ride back and forth on it all day. So I, it's the same ferry that took us across to the, and the ship's name was the, it was an English troop ship called the Tameroa and the Tameroa you know we thought it was a dump but, we were, we left there went out by the Statue of Liberty, and joined a convoy. We went north I think and we picked up a convoy that I'm told was one of the largest convoys that ever went across. So this is in, I think it was in early August and… SY: Do you remember what you were thinking when you riding the Weehawken Ferry? When you were passing the Statue of Liberty, I mean you were what nineteen, something like that? JP: Let's see, I was twenty, I was an old one, SY: You were twenty, what did you remember what you were thinking when all that was happening? JP: Well, some of the guys kept thinking, do—will we come back or not? You know that was a little bit. SY: So you were thinking about that? JP: Yeah, yeah it was pretty, well you're with a bunch of guys so you know anyway, and I remember the convoy because we had four destroyers circling and escorting us on. I was told afterwards that two of the ships were sunk by the Germans, but I didn't know that at the time. It took us three weeks to get to England and that, what I remembered the food was horrible. For breakfast they had boiled bacon, have you ever heard of that? SY: No, I never heard that, JP: That was terrible, yeah, SY: Only the British could do something so terrible with bacon. JP: Yeah, and we landed finally at Southampton, England and from there we were trucked, or went by train to Torquay, which was on the southern coast, which was actually a, I learned afterwards was a resort area and we were billeted there. The Tameroa interestingly enough left us and was going someplace and was sunk two days after we got off at, which we saw was great 'cause we thought it was a worst piece of junk we ever rode in but, it was a very, you know, it was like a Liberty Ships, and it was, it was a pretty rough. I didn't go below, I was on guard duty four on and eight off so I was on from midnight till four in the morning and then noon to four with another fellow and, we were, it was our job to keep the aircraft gunners who sat in those special seats where there were two twenty millimeter cannon on each side of them to keep them awake, 'cause those guys would get in there and try to sleep, you know, so we had to keep them awake, that was our job. SY: What did you guys talk about for midnight to four in the morning on the dock of the ship? JP: Well actually the guy I was with had a beautiful voice and he would sing that song, "Lilli Marlene," SY: Ah, do you remember it? Do you want to sing a little bit of it? 6 JP: No, [laughs] but I have a record of it, with Marlene Dietrich. She sang in the English and in German, it was a German song too with the English. The English adopted it and there was a gal, an English gal by the name of Vera Lynne who sang it. We heard later, anyway. SY: And so he used to sing that? JP: Yeah he used to sing and that helped us keep us awake because we had to walk. We had a one set of guns that on one side and the other, on the other side, so that was… SY: You never went below deck 'cause it smelled so bad? JP: Yeah, there were too many guys, sick throwing up down there, so it was not very pleasant, yeah. SY: So how long were you in England? JP: Ah, well we were in England until December. They had a shortage of ammunition so I guess that's what's held us from going across the Channel and we went, so went across the Channel in December of '45 when the Battle of the Bulge started. SY: So describe that to me, JP: Well, we went back to Southampton we were loaded into a troop ship and taken across the English Channel and then they loaded us, we went off. They had these rope nets that went over the side down to what they call it an LCVP, landing craft, personnel and we went into a place above La Havre the beach. We were not under, we were supposedly under sniper fire but none of our guys that I knew got hit. And we landed in France and that was the start of our, we were involved with the, we were later assigned to the 6th Armored Division, Patton's group who who ah brought them up. Patton was originally, I think in southern France and he brought a column of tanks up to help on the Battle of the Bulge so we were involved in that. SY: So that was your first experience with combat, huh? JP: Yeah, I got to tell you the most exciting thing that I remember was New Year's Eve and on New Year's Eve the Americans with their artillery and all let go big time and big flares and the Germans did the same thing. So the sky was absolutely white there for a few minutes at midnight. SY: And and it was, was it like celebratory? I mean so that everybody celebrating. That's it's sort of like the Christmas Truce in World War I a little, right? JP: Yeah I don't think we were celebrating. I just thought that we—yeah we were celebrating, that we made 'till—to to January 1, 1945, yeah. SY: And they were too? JP: Yeah, right, so…. SY: Yeah, in that moment did you think about them as soldiers like you? Did you it humanize them a little bit? JP: Not really, SY: Not really, yeah? 7 JP: No, we 'cause we knew they were trying to kill us and we were trying to kill them. So it was real simple. SY: And it wasn't like the fighting stopped it was just that you—g JP: No, S: You looked at the skies for a few minutes? JP: Right, yeah, just tell everybody no, 'cause I can't remember wearing a watch or anything like that. SY: Right, so this was trench warfare, essentially, huh? You weren't— JP: Well we weren't in trenches we were in foxholes, SY: [coughs] So what was that like? JP: Well you'd dig, well you'd hoped you got in a fox, you, normally there were two of us together, you hoped you didn't get in with a guy that was too tall because you'd have to dig the foxhole too deep. But we were moved up to I think the Our River where we, we were very thin it was snow, we were doing this in the snow and I remember one time and the Germans were deadly with their mortar fire. We lost a lot of guys with that. SY: Yeah, JP: And you got a…. SY: Did you lose any close friends? JP: Yeah, one kid that I really, was in my squad and he was a pretty neat guy. Well he was a student from someplace in Iowa, and he went, I'm not sure. So in a particular mortar fire we both dove under a Jeep and he was hit in both legs and I wasn't and I remember he cruelly said, "Jack, I can't move my legs," and he said, "Give me my wound pills." So he carried what they call wound pills, which were sulfur type pill. Penicillin hadn't been discovered then. So we, I gave him sulfur and a drink of water to get it down and then the medics got him out of there. You got to appreciate there were no heli—the only reason way to guy who was wounded out was by stretcher to a point where you could put him on a Jeep the Jeeps had a, they'd take two, two stretchers in the front and two in the back and that's the way they got him back to the nearest aid station or field hospital. But I remember this one place where we were so thin that we would take the machine guns most of the air cooled, we did have water cooled guns too, and we'd fire bursts of them and then we'd run about fifty yards further up and fire 'em and try and convince the Germans there were a lot of us and there weren't, there were only us few. And they said, "You know, stop 'em if you can, if you can't they'll go through, so just let 'em go." So…. SY: How long were you fighting there? Was it a couple of weeks, right? JP: Yeah well yeah. Yeah I think the worst of it were over by the middle of, or the latter part of January. I remember one thing that I thought was funny afterwards is this other guy and I were in this foxhole and you could hear all this noise and we thought the whole German army was attacking us. And we were issued hand grenades and I threw I would say five or six hand grenades as fast as I could and then it all quieted down and the next morning when I looked out to see what happened and we killed a bunch of rabbits. So… SY: Huh, 8 JP: So… SY: Really? JP: Yeah… so, that was… SY: What did you think in that moment looking at the rabbits? JP: [laughs] I thought, those poor bastards, you know, SY: Right, right, JP: Yeah so…. SY: Oh my God, you guys you must have been terrified in that foxhole? JP: Well you got, you know, mostly you were cold. We had grabbed sheets out of the houses and tried to use them as camouflage over us because of to, blend in with the snow you know so. SY: Mhmm, JP: So, SY: Did you have, did you have enough boot—were your boots okay? Did you warm clothes or were you just freezing? JP: Well our clothing was pretty limited, we all had a blanket that we somehow wrapped up around us or tried to. The boots were, we had standard issue boots but it wasn't till later in January we were pulled back they gave us shoe packs that had rubber on the bottom, you know, the L.L. Bean type of shoe where our feet were then, then finally warm. There were a lot of guys that got frozen feet and loss—lost a couple of toes as long as you didn't lose your big toe, you were alright. SY: I was just gonna say, did they send you home for that or no? JP: No, no SY: No they didn't send you home for that? Huh, okay. So you never, you didn't get wounded during the Battle of the Bulge? But yet did you have, it sounds like you had some near misses though? JP: Yeah, I had some near misses, they, there was a lot of small arm fire and machine guns, the Germans have what they call a Burp gun which is probably a, which was fired faster. We were had the M1s where we had eight cartridge clips and you could fire as you could pull but the Germans had sort of an automatic weapon, I guess somewhat like a Tommy gun, but the Tommy gun was old, you know and heavy, so. SY: Was combat what you thought it would be or was it very different than what you'd expected? JP: It probably pretty much the way we had, you got to appreciate that we did, we shot, other than firing the machine gun through for effect our rifles we shot one we saw somebody to shoot at. We didn't just fire intermittently yeah. I see in the movies or the way they do now they fire bursts and stuff like that and general direction, we didn't do that. We fired at individuals who were firing at us so. It wa… SY: So that was what you, so was what you expected it was? JP: Yeah, yeah. We had been trained liked you know, part of our infantry training had been with bayonets so we were prepared to the fact that we'd have a close close warfare we never got to the point where we 9 had to use the bayonets and eventually it's something like, they gave us gas masks and we trained for gas masks a lot. And finally threw 'em away 'cause you got to get rid of anything that was too heavy to carry you know, so. SY: Right, I mean those were sort of World War I that they were sort training you a little bit for World War I? JP: Yeah right, SY: Yeah that makes sense. Do you remember what you would joke about to keep your spirits up if you sang and what you sang things like that? JP: No I don't remember much singing. SY: What about jokes? JP: Well there were a couple of guys that, and I don't remember what they were there were some guys that were really happier that other guys we had one guy we called, "Happy," and he was we thought a little nuts, he had come into our outfit as a replacement after being in the Aleutians so I thought you know how bad can it be. But and I had another friend in our platoon, I remember his name was Eddie Indamowicz and he had been in the Aleutians, came home, and was there forty-five days and sent our outfit as a replacement and thought how bad can it get, you know? SY: And what? JP: I said, I thought he had it as bad as here could get, you know? SY: Yeah, JP: Yeah, SY: Yeah. Hey did you have any good luck charms to keep you safe, things you would do, superstitious things you would do to keep yourself safe in battle? JP: No, I didn't have any of that. SY: You didn't have any of that. Okay, so then the Battle of the Bulge ended, do you remember the ending, do you remember the Allied victory? JP: No, no it wasn't like that, it's just that I remember one of the things was that there. Germans had a lot of horses and their tanks were much superior, their Tiger tank was much better than our Sherman tank, I thought and but they ran out of fuel and they used horses to try to aim their guns and the American artillery knocked, killed a lot of horses. So that it for a while everywhere you went as you went through you saw dead horses so. I didn't know they were good to eat at the time we were living on K Rations and K Rations and D Bars so yeah… SY: And did people eat them later? JP: Well horse meat is a standard fixture in Paris, in France yeah they eat 'em all the time. SY: So okay, so how did you, so how did it all end for you at the Battle of the Bulge? When did you, you guys kept walking right? Through Czechoslovakia and through Germany? 10 JP: Well we did a lot of. Part of our deal was clearing mine fields and clearing the roads ahead of the tanks. So we went ahead of the tanks to make sure they, the Germans had what the call a teller mine that would, they would plant and it was our job to clean them out before that time and so we did that under fire which wasn't too healthy. We were the outfit that helped breached the Siegfried Line which was the German pillbox line and under fire from the tanks. My job was to climb on top of the pillbox and use what they called a shape charge to blow a hole in it and then we'd drop grenades and try to kill all the Germans inside the pillbox, and then when they came out a lot of them, I didn't know one particular case which is a large pillbox they came out and with their hands up of course and except for the SS lieutenant who said he would not surrender so we killed him. But in one case there was a guy in our I guess he was 3rd platoon whose family was German and he spoke regular German and he went, we went into the pillbox and he got on the phone it was connected to other pillboxes and told them that he was a commandant for German and to surrender and we surprise, we were surprised that we had gone by a pillbox and hadn't even seen it was so well camouflaged and two guys came walking out that with their hands up. So we thought that unusual, yeah. SY: Wow JP: Yeah, SY: Wow, huh. JP: So. SY: Interesting, okay so, so you reached the Siegfried, the Siegfried Line. JP: Siegfried, yeah, yeah, SY: And then you just kept walking? JP: Well or on trucks or on the tanks, we rode on the tanks, too. We were involved with the Rhine and I think that was towards the end of March, right. I'm not sure of the dates here. It's been so many years ago. But I was in the first wave at Saint Goarshausen across the Rhine and they had given us motors to we took part of the 89th Division across and in the first wave we had some gun fire and not too much and got over and got into the town and then it was all rifle fire. I remember shooting a women that was firing at us and I don't know whether I killed her or not but anyways stopped firing. But the second wave in the second wave the Germans opened up from above one of those castles and I'm told they killed 100 guys. So it was a bloody thing, so… SY: Wow, yeah, JP: But we secured the town and slept in the German beds that night [chucklses] so it was good. And then it… SY: Really? JP: Yeah, then the next morning I got up and one of the guys came into me and said, "Jack, look there's a deer up there, about 150 yards away," and actually there are two of them and I shot them both and they came down the mountain and we had a guy who was a, knew how to butcher 'em. So we cut him into steaks and soaked them in red wine and ate 'em night, they were really good. SY: Mhmm….probably the best thing you'd eaten in a very long time? JP: Yeah, right, yeah. 11 SY: Yeah, yeah, what was the, what did the countryside look like that you were moving through? JP: Well, it was mostly, when we went through the German farms, and German's place, like that they, the German people came right out and repaired their their land because you know we kind of beat it up. They didn't, the French didn't seem to do that and I don't know, they had been at us so long that they thought it would continue to you know be messed up. But you know it was a lot of riding. I remember once riding in we were riding in six by sixes, trucks and we had a squad in each truck and we were strafed by a—they rode what they had what they call cat eyes on the front of us. Front of the truck where the enabled the driver to see the next truck in front of them and course you couldn't have headlights or anything like that. And we were strafed and they pulled over quickly and we all jumped out and ran as far away as we could but there were two guys who were replacements and they dove, dove under the trailer we were pulling and afterwards when it was over and we climbed back into the truck. They said, "You guys were crazy running like like that." And he said, "We jumped on this trailer." And he said, "Yeah but that trailer had 700 pounds of TNT in it." I said, "You'd gone to smithereens if they ever had." So in that particular thing they, their machine guns went through the windshield but right between the two guys that were riding there and didn't kill the other one. So I thought that was kind of different. SY: Wow, JP: Yeah, SY: So, so tell me about Buchenwald, JP: Well the concentration camp was freed by, I don't— either the 82nd Airborne or the 101st one of the first of those two airborne division. We came in afterwards and ah— SY: Afterwards, JP: Well it couldn't have been too long afterwards because the kilns were still hot where they cremated the bodies and there were wagon loads of bodies that had been gassed, just piled like cordwood on a thing. There were some gas… SY: It must have been there, just a day or two after the first Americans got there? JP: I'm sorry I didn't hear you Sarah. SY: I said, it must have been just a day or two after the first Americans got there? JP: Oh yeah, SY: If the bodies were still there, JP: Oh yeah the bodies were still there and the crem—the kilns were still hot too, so. There were guys skinny as could be and were had been that were prisoners there and we gave 'em our K Rations so they'd have something to eat you know they had, I think, and afterwards I heard that the general in charge of that section marched all of the people from Weimar which this is a town outside of the concentration down there to show what had been going on 'cause they acted like they didn't know what was, which I don't think was true. But… SY: I ah, yeah I've read that, I've read that too, that he made everybody— JP: Yeah, SY: Everybody from Weimar walked through 12 JP: Yeah, yeah, SY: And that somebody laughed and he made them all do it again actually. JP: Yeah, SY: He made them do a second tour. So did you, did you know what you were walking into before you got there? JP: No, SY: So how did you all figure out what was going on, do you remember your first thoughts? Do you remember what you said to each other? JP: We just couldn't believe it. We couldn't after all we had no knowledge of, you know our communications we had no communications we didn't know about the concentration camps or things like that and there was no newspaper or there was. You just went where you were told you know followed so forth. So I didn't have any particular, I thought it was horrible and just it added to hating the Germans a little more you know? SY: Yeah [coughs] how long were you there? JP: Oh just a matter of hours. SY: Really? JP: Then we moved on, yeah sure. There was nothing for us to do there, they were some of the other, I guess they moved in a soup kitchen and things like that to feed the people who were left and sorted it out, so…. SY: Did any of the inmates speak English? Did you have conversations with any of them? JP: No, no. SY: And the kilns were still hot, did you see smoke or had they…? JP: No they were just hot, they just were cooling down and so forth. They wanted cigarettes the prisoners you know we had cigarettes. We were issued a carton a week of cigarettes and then all the K Rations, these K Rations had five cigarettes in it so when we gave the K Rations they thought that was just unbelievable to have cigarettes. SY: Were they, were they smoking them or trading them? JP: Oh no, strictly smoking them, strictly smoking. SY: So you pulled out of Buchenwald [coughs] and did you talk about with each other? JP: Oh yeah, sure. SY: What you say? Do you remember the conversations? JP: No, not I remember, you know our whole thing was moving on, moving on. When we were, we were in Patton's Army and I remember back in I think in early February we were pulled back from the line and were put through we'd been in the same clothes since December and we obviously all smelled pretty well and what do you when sleep in the—eat, sleep, in the same clothes a lot and they had what they called a13 Shark, shower group and we would rack our equipment our arms and take off all our clothes and heave 'em into a bin and then you'd go into a, they had forty-eight showers set up and you got one minute a rinse, one minute a soap, and one minute a rinse again and that was it. And then you'd… SY: You probably still smelled? JP: Yeah and then you got all new— new clothes and I remember we had a, what would you call it a clipper that you could use in and we'd give each other's haircuts with this clipper to 'cause you know that was the only thing you could do and you know it was easier to have shorter hair under your helmets. SY: So what you do after Buchenwald? JP: Well, we moved on. Did a lot of clean up and with the tanks and so forth and actually we moved up for it and we were ready for a assault crossing, got across the Danube when in May when the war was declared over. So we moved on and they took us into a place called Ejar, E-J-A-R, Czechoslovakia and we built a bridge there over a railroad crossing or something like that, a bridge that would carry the tanks into that and we stayed there and then we were pulled back because the Russians took over that territory. Hey, can you excuse me a minute? I'll be right back. Oral history pauses, with background noise, and then resumes JP: Hi, I'm back, SY: Hi, you're back, JP I'm back, yeah that was quick, SY: Excellent, JP: Too much too much coffee, SY: Too much coffee, I know that problem. Okay, so it seems like we're getting to the end, close to the end of the war. So where were you on VE Day? JP: On VE Day we were in, I think we were in Czechoslovakia. We'd gone there, they stopped the fighting I think on one day and then couple of days later they it was it a fish hole. So we had moved into Czechoslovakia. Then let's see they moved us the Russians came and took over our positions in Czech and we moved back to Austria and actually we moved back and we had a deluxe accommodations which was a guest house which is a small hotel and we took it over and our platoon, and I remember another guy and I actually had a bed to sleep in and we had [airplane flies in background] you know by then they had ah they were set up with a cook, the cooks and all we had meals, real meals and all. SY: How long had it been since you'd slept in a bed? JP: Well [chuckles] a long time I guess since I was in England. SY: Since you were in England, JP: Yeah, SY: Wow. So [coughs] do you remember when, how did you hear that, how did you hear, about, the victory? 14 JP: Oh it came down from our headquarters they came through and told us all about it, you know it would get a platoon of us together and tell us you know the war was basically over as far as we were concerned. SY: And what would you, what did you do? JP: Well we thought that was great. I think we probably drank you know, we confiscated all kinds of wine and beer and liquor and we drank it all up. [chuckles] Yeah so that was it, SY: You probably had a big party, and so then, then what happened? So you know victory's been declared and the war is basically over it's over in Europe and so where'd they send ya? JP: They moved us back to Marcé and there our equipment was checked over. Some of the guys who had the highest points like the fellows who had been in the Aleutians were taken away from our unit and we had replacements come in and they told us basically that we were sailing for the Philippines. So we were actually on the boat, there were four boats in the group I was in. It's started out and I was in the last one to leave and we ran into a bad storm and they put us in back of the Canary Islands for a day that's what I heard anyway for the worst of it to get through and we were in the middle of the ocean when the war in Europe was declared over and but the first three boats in our group went through the Panama Canal to the Philippines and we were diverted into Boston we were had been scheduled to be a part of landing in Tokyo which was scheduled for November 1, 1945. So that we put… SY: And so you heard that the bomb had been dropped while you were on the boat? JP: Yeah, yeah, SY: Yeah and they announced that you? JP: Yeah, yeah, SY: Yeah, and that's why you got diverted to Boston? JP: Yeah, yeah, SY: Were you relieved? JP: Yeah, well in a way, I at the time we knew we were going to the Philippines but we didn't know. It was until fifty years later that we found out that we were part of the landing group into Tokyo. SY: How did you find it out? JP: Well they didn't release those orders until 1995 and a friend of mine who was with the 4th Marine Division who I still talk to he was able to get a hold of the orders and we found out that we were, the Philippines was where the gathering place for the landings were in that's where we were scheduled to go. The guys in…. SY: No idea that you were on your way? JP: No, SY: That's interesting, JP: No, no the guys that went through the canal all the way to the Philippines they ended up playing cards for three months and then they came and brought them back. So…15 SY: And you guys went to Boston, and what was it like when you arrived in Boston? JP: It was nothing we arrived at Boston, we went get—we were I think we took us to Myles Stand—either Myles Standish, or Fort Devens and were given thirty day leave and then we were on leave they gave us another thirty or forty-five days and then they told us to report back to. I was supposed to report back to Devens in the middle of December for discharge and I got back there and they said, "You got the mumps," so I was sent into the hospital and was there for three weeks and then was discharged the first week in January. SY: Was it hard to adjust to life back home? JP: Well it, you know all the guys I knew. Buddies of mine were same age bracket we'd all been in the service together so we you know, we were with them and actually when I got out of the service on a Thursday and my father worked for the Southern New England Telephone Company and he came home on Friday and said, "You have a job starting Monday." So I didn't have, so I worked for the telephone company and I had checked with Norwich and the semester started in February. So I went back to college in February and my, one of my old roommates there, his name was Ken Clary. He and I roomed together until he spoiled it and got married. Yeah and anyway…. SY: What was it like to back at school after having been at war? JP: Well we were, when we came back to Norwich we came back as civilians we did—we were not in uniform. They had a Cadet Corps but as far as we were concerned we were strictly there to complete our education and I lived for a while in one of the dorms and then we I moved I was in SAE and I moved to the SAE House for rest of the time I was there. SY: I've heard from other, from other things from other people and from things I've read that it was, it was kind of, that Norwich didn't seemed to be equipped for returning veterans? JP: No I would say that. They seemed they gave me so much credit so I had only had another year to go and my and they sort of rushed us through to get rid of us I felt. But that's alright. SY: Why do you think they did that? JP: Well they wanted to be back to their Corps of having you know a complete complete military again and that's what I thought anyway. But… SY: Did you consider staying in the military or going back in or were you done after you came back from the war? JP: Well you know my brother was a tail gunner in a B-24 he completed his fifty-six raids or fifty-four and the spring of '45 actually spring of '44 and he had been in same length of time as I had and we thought nah that you know what I was in couldn't couldn't get any better so and we talked about staying in but we both decided on hell with it let's get out of here. So then we did. SY: Yeah, both of you together? JP: Yeah, yeah, SY: So somebody described to me there was a basically like a trailer park off campus, where the vets lived? JP: Maybe they were the married vets but not, 16 SY: Married vets yeah, do you remember that or no? JP: I remember there was a, yeah there was some Quonset huts they built and they put hardwood flooring in them and a guy by the name of Bill Peck who was a friend of mine and I had been in actually he, Bill and I had been in University of Missouri together. Although I don't know where he went after that, he went to an infantry. But he and I went down there looking for a jobs and they said, "Do you know to put in hardwood flooring?" and Bill said, "Oh sure," and he didn't know either that's what we did and that was one of the jobs we had. SY: And that was where the married veterans lived? JK: Yeah, right, yeah, yeah, yeah, SY: Hmm…interesting, interesting. So how often do you, did you talk about the war? Did you talk about the war with your friends and family when you came back throughout the rest of your life? Or has it been something you didn't think about that much? JP: I really didn't think about it that much. Sometimes you know, some of it comes back to you but I was able to get it off my mind. I had other things to think about too. SY: Yeah. So tell me briefly about what you did after you graduated from Norwich? JP: Well after I graduated from Norwich, my dad wanted me to work for telephone company and I didn't want to do that 'cause I couldn't stand the manager that I talked to at the Bridgeport office. He had told me how he's start me at a certain salary and after six months I'd be reviewed and all this kind of stuff and be taken care of for the rest of my life. And that didn't appeal to me. And I had an uncle who worked for Hartford Empire who make glass making machinery and as an engineer I had an opportunity to go to Saudi Arabia but that you had to sign a two year contract and I didn't want to do that and actually the fellow that lived across the street from me was a guy by the name of Bob Keeeny, and Bob and I had grown up together from seventh grade or seven-years-old on and he but he had gone. He was going to Wesleyan University and had gone in the V whatever it is program there, had graduated and like June of '45 and then sent to San Diego and he was on the Indianapolis when it was sunk and he died on that. But his father owned this plumbing company, plumbing manufacturing company and he asked me if I wanted to come to work over there so that's where I started working and I started working selling for them and working as their in their sales management group. SY: And then you stayed in sales management for the rest of your career, right? JP: Yeah, well pretty much I went. I left that company and went to Bridgeport Brass Company and here again I was sale manager of the copper water division and the plumbing division and they decided they would move that division from Bridgeport, Connecticut down south for better wages and so forth and so I got to be the manager and we moved the company to Moultrie, Georgia which is fifty miles north of Tallahassee and I went down there with four of the guys we hired, set the company up moved all the machinery down from Bridgeport and hired 300 people. So it was down there for four years and from there I told them you know that I didn't want my kids living in the south. I had three kids and the schools are just, were, the day, the year we got there they added the twelfth grade to the high school and so they offered me a job working out of New York in their international division so I did that for three or four years I forget which yeah. SY: Excellent. So how do you think your time at Norwich influenced your later life? 17 JP: Well it's hard to say. I guess I guess one of the early things that, in Norwich you learned real quick to obey orders and that's one of the things that I [chuckles] kept with me all through the Army and even in business you learn to who is the boss and who is you supposed to tell. Do what they tell you, you know that type of thing. SY: Did you also learn how to be a leader? JP: I would say so, yeah, yeah. SY: And what about this idea of citizen soldier or service, is that something you think about or relate to as you're sort of gone through your life? JP: Well as opposed to the volunteers that they have now you mean? SY: Yeah, I mean I guess it's just—No I mean, not the actually opposed to that, I mean, I guess the premise of the citizen soldier of the founding of the school was the idea of people who were both educated and also in the military. So it's sort of combining the liberal arts, right? With the military training at the same time? JP: Well, I think that's, I think that the military training is something that you'll lives with you the rest of your life. My son's, son or his wife or present wife's has a son who is a senior in high school and thinking about going on to college obviously and he said he'd liked to work in the State Department and I suggested he go to Norwich because you know he would have to complete there and then be in the service for four years. But I thought, I said "that will be the best background you'll ever had for working for the State Department." And but after getting that information and finding that they get up at 5:30 every morning he was no longer interested in that. SY: [laughs] What about as you've gone through your life and watched the U.S. enter into other wars, how do you feel about your war versus the wars that followed? JP: I think our war was very different in that we had sort of lines of demarcation. We knew who the Germans and who were the Allies versus now. They seem to have people coming at 'em from different directions and coming across the Pakistan border and things like that. I think it's a very different, and the method of fighting is very different you know everything is automatic weapons, automatic weapons. We didn't have that stuff, it was more of an individual fight. SY: Hmm…interesting. JP: Yeah, SY: Well I don't' think I have any more questions for you. JP: Okay, SY: Is there anything you want to add in that you didn't get to talk about? JP: No I think we covered everything, yeah. SY: I think we've covered everything. You sound kind of tired too. I'm a little tired, we've been talking for a long time. JP: [laughs] Yeah, no yeah, I see it's almost 11:30 here yeah so. Well I appreciate the invite. How did— SY: Thank you so much for talking. 18 JP: Yeah, are you, will you have a recording of this, is that right? SY: Yeah we'll have a recording of this that we'll send you and then we'll also ah have a transcript that we'll send you. JP: Oh great, great, 'cause my son— SY: Listen to it and then if there's that something factually wrong or something that you want to keep private, you can tell me and then we'll edit that out. JP: Yeah, now— SY: So that's, so you'll getting stuff in the mail from me, JP: Yeah I didn't tell you any of the nasty stuff, so. SY: Oh yeah, why not? JP: Or any of the sexy stuff [laughs] SY: Any of the what? JP: Any of the sexy stuff, SY: Oh well those are all the important stories for oral history, you should tell me some of them now. [laughs] JP: I thought one of the things that was really interesting is that and course we went—and a lot of our training in basic was how to avoid getting social diseases, you know? SY: Right, JP: And the other thing was that the Army seemed to recognize that was the guys all needed to have their sexual relations and in Marcé in the Stars and Stripes they said there's 20,000 pros, plus 7 semi pros and amateurs here in town so. SY: So you guys on your time off would wander into town? JP: It was available yeah, so that's all. No other than that not too much. SY: That sounds great. And it was France? JP: Right, right, SY: Which was exciting for a young American man? JP: Yeah, yeah, SY: Yeah, JP: Right, SY: Yeah, were there any moments when you had real ethical dilemmas? Where you really struggled with something with an order that you didn't want to follow? JP: No, 19 SY: Something like that? No? JP: No, no I didn't have any of that, so. Anyways thank you so much for your interest. SY: Thanks for telling your story, I really appreciate it. JP: Okay, I'll look forward to it hearing from, SY: Okay, alright have a good day, JP: Thank you bye. SY: Bye, bye.
ERRORS OF LINGUISTICS COMPONENTS FOUND IN THE BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY OF THE S1 STUDENTS' THESES Dewi Anggraini English Education Department, Language and Arts Faculty, Surabaya State University. email: dedewanggara@ymail.com Prof. Dr. Susanto, M.Pd. English Education Department, Language and Arts Faculty, Surabaya State University. Abstrak Membuat kesalahan adalah salah satu hal yang tak dapat dihindari di dunia, terutama di pempelajaran bahasa, karena ini adalah bagian yang alami dari proces pembelajaran. Kesalahan siswa dapat diamati, dianalisis, dikelompokkan, dan dipelajari menggunakan error analysis dan hasil dari analisis tersebut dapat menunjukkan perkembangan siswa dalm penguasaan bahasa dan membantu guru dalam proses belajar dan mengajar. Penelitian ini menganalisa komponen bahasa dalam latar belakang permasalahan dalam skripsi mahasiswa jurusan Bahasa Inggris Universitas Negeri Surabaya. Peneliti menggunakan metode penelitian deskriptif kualitatif karena tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mendeskripsikan gambaran dari kesalahan morfologikal, leksikal, sintaktik, dan mekanikal yang dibuat oleh mahasiswa dalam latar belakang permasalahan skripsi mereka. Peneliti mengambil enem skripsi dari tiga kelompok. Peneliti mengambil dua skripsi dari mahasiswa yang lulus lebih cepat (kurang dari empat tahun), dua skripsi dari mahasiswa yang lulus tepat waktu (empat tahun), dan dua skripsi dari mahasiswa yang lulus lambat (lebih dari empat tahun). Kemudian, dalam menganalisa dan menafsirkan data, peneliti menggunakan Ferris's error analysis model sebagai acuan. Hasil dari penelitian menunjukkan bahwa: 1) Untuk kesalahan morfologikal, peneliti menemukan bahwa dari semua macam kesalahan morfologikal, kesalahan yang paling utama adalah subject-verb agreement dan kesalahan artikel/determiner, terutama kesalahan penggunaan artikel kosong (Ø) untuk the. 2) Untuk kesalahan leksikal, siswa hanya membuat sedikit kesalahan dalam preposisi dan sub kategori lain di kesalahan leksikal. Ini menunjukkan bahwa siswa telah menguasai kosa kata Bahasa Inggris untuk menyusun kalimat yang benar. 3) Untuk kesalahan sintaktik, peneliti menemukan bahwa siswa membuat kesalahan paling banyak di penghilangan kata dan run-on sentence. Dan 4.) untuk kesalahan mekanikal, peneliti menemukan bahwa kealahan tanda baca, terutama dalam penggunaan koma, adalah kesalahan yang paling banyak muncul diikuti kesalahan kapitalisasi. Kata Kunci: Error Analysis, Kesalahan Morfologikal, Kesalahan Leksikal, Kesalahan Sintaktik, Kesalahan Mekanikal. Abstract Making errors is one of the most inevitable things in the world, especially in language learning, since it is a natural part of learning process. Students' errors can be observed, analyzed, classified, and studied by using error analysis and the result of analysis can indicate the students' development in mastering the language and help the teachers in teaching and learning process. This study analyzes the linguistics components in the theses' background of the study of the English Department's students in Surabaya State University. The researcher used descriptive qualitative as the research design because the objectives of this study were to describe the profile of morphological, lexical, syntactic, and mechanical errors made by the university students in their theses' background of the study. The researcher took six theses from three groups randomly. She took two theses from the students who graduated earlier (less than four years), two theses from the students who graduated on time (four years) and two theses from the students who graduated late. Then, in analyzing and interpreting the data, the researcher used Ferris's error analysis model as the guidline.The findings of this study revealed that: 1) For the morphological error, the researcher found that from all kind of errors in morphological error, the most problematic errors were subject-verb agreement errors and article/determiner errors, especially for misused of zero article (Ø) for the. 2) For the lexical error, the students only made few preposition errors and other subcategories errors in lexical error. It indicated that the students had already mastered the English vocabularies to construct the appropriate sentences. 3) For the syntactic error, she found that the students made the most errors in omitted word and run-on sentence. And 4) for the mechanical error, she found that punctuation error, especially in using comma, was the most problematic error followed by capitalization error. Keywords: Error Analysis, Morphological Error, Lexical Error, Syntactic Error, Mechanical Error. introduction Making errors is one of the most inevitable things in the world, especially in language learning, since it is a natural part of learning process (Makino: 1993). In the language learning process, the students continuously explore and improve their knowledge about the rules of the target language. Consequently, when they do not complete or lack of the knowledge, they will make errors. According to Brown (2000: 217), an error occurs because the students do not know what is correct and it cannot be self-corrected. They need helps or feedbacks from the teacher to correct it. Thus, an error is no longer seen as a bad thing which has to be avoided in language learning process as in the past since it can indicate the students' development in mastering the language and help the teachers in teaching and learning process. Maicusi, T., Maicusi, P., and Lopez (2000) state that errors take place when the deviation arises as a result of lacking of knowledge. Then, Choiriyah (2007) defines errors as any deviation from a selected norm of language performances, no matter the possibility of the characteristic or causes of the deviation. In a few words, from the definitions above, it can be concluded that errors are the result of the deviation from the target language's norms and lack of knowledge about the target language itself. Brown (2000: 217) states that error and mistake are different. He states that a mistake occurs because of slip or lack of attention or carelessness in utilizing the language system and it can be self-corrected whereas an error occurs since the learner does not know what is correct, and it cannot be self-corrected. In the other hand, Ellis (2007:18) states that the difference between an error and a mistake may not be clear since the learners sometimes constantly use a feature in some contexts and constantly fail to use it in others. Error is categorized as local and global error. Heaton (1988: 149) states that local errors are errors which do not cause significant trouble and misunderstanding for the readers in comprehending the sentences (e.g. misuse of articles, omission of preposition, etc.), whereas global errors are errors which influence the overall structure of the sentences and make the readers get difficulty to understand the sentence (misuse of connective, omission of relative pronoun). According to Brown (2000: 223-227), there are four sources of errors. They are interlingual transfer, intralingual transfer, context of learning, and communication strategies. 1. Interlingual transfer is caused by the interference of the mother-tongue; it makes students have a tendency to copy every word or grammar rules of their native language into the target language. 2. Intralingual transfer is the negative transfer of items within the target language or the incorrect generalization of the target language's rule. 3. Context of learning can be called as false concept, the learner makes faulty hypothesis because of misleading explanation from the teacher or faulty presentation of the structure of word in textbook. 4. Communication strategy is the learning style of the learners; they use wrong strategies when getting their massages, so it causes the errors. Then, according to Touchie (1986: 77-79), there are two main sources of errors in second language learning. The first source is interference from the native language/ mother-tongue. Errors due to the influence of the native language are called interlingual errors. Interlingual errors are also called transfer or interference errors. The second source is intralingual and developmental factors. Intralingual and developmental errors are due to the difficulty of the second/target language. Intralingual and developmental factors include the following: Simplification: Learners often choose simple forms and constructions instead of more complex ones. An example of simplification might involve the use of simple present instead of the present perfect continuous. 2. Overgeneralization: This is the use of one form or construction in one context and extending its application to other contexts where it should not apply. Examples of overgeneralization include the use of buyed and goed as the past tense forms of buy and go. It should be noted that simplification and overgeneralization are used by learners in order to reduce their linguistic burden. 3. Hypercorrection: Sometimes the keen efforts of teachers in correcting their students' errors induce the students to make errors in otherwise correct forms. 4. Faulty teaching: Sometimes it happens that learners' errors are teacher-induced ones, i.e., caused by the teacher, teaching materials, or the order of presentation. This factor is closely related to hypercorrection above. Also, it is interesting to note that some teachers are even influenced by their pupils' errors in the course of long teaching. 5. Fossilization: Some errors, especially errors in pronunciation, persist for long periods and become quite difficult to get rid of. Examples of fossilized errors are the lack of distinction between /p/ and /b/ in English produced by these learners. 6. Avoidance: Some syntactic structures are difficult to produce by some learners. Consequently, these learners avoid these structures and use instead simpler structures. 7. Inadequate learning: This is mainly caused by ignorance of rule restrictions or under differentiation and incomplete learning. An example is omission of the third person singular s as in: He want. 8. False concepts hypothesized: Many learners' errors can be attributed to wrong hypotheses formed by these learners about the target language. For example, some learners think that is is the marker of the present tense. So, they produce: He is talk to the teacher. Similarly, they think that was is the past tense marker. Hence they say: It was happened last night. Brown (2000: 218) states that errors can be observed, analyzed, classified, and studied by using error analysis. James (1998) as cited in Gustilo and Magno (2012) defines error analysis as the analyses of the errors made by L2 learners by comparing and explaining the learners' norms with the target language norms. Then, Yang (2010) states that "error analysis is the process of determining the incidence, nature, causes and consequences of unsuccessful language". Furthermore, Hariri (2012) defines error analysis as a systematic procedure which includes collecting, identifying, describing, explaining, and evaluating errors from a collection of language learner data by analyzing and comparing it to the target language. Hence, it can be concluded that error analysis can discover the students' weakness in the process of language learning through studying the students' errors. By conducting it, the teachers can be sensitive to their students' errors and notice what kind of errors which the students often make. Then, they can modify their teaching materials in order to adapt to the students' needs. According to Ellis (2007: 15-20), there are four steps in analyzing students' errors. They are identifying, describing, explaining, and evaluating errors. 1. Identifying Errors In identifying errors, the researcher compares the sentences which are produces by learners with the correct sentences in the target language. If the sentences are judged incorrect for the target language or inappropriate for a particular context, they are categorized as errors. 2. Describing Errors In this step, all errors are described and classified into types. The researcher may categorize errors into types, such as grammatical, phonological, lexical, or morphological categories. 3. Explaining Errors In this step, the researcher tries to explain why errors occur. It enables the teachers to identify the process in the students' mind which have caused errors to occur. 4. Evaluating Errors In evaluating step, the researcher measures the comprehensibility of students' writing. Here, he/she can know whether the students' errors are included to global or local error. According to Touchie (1986:76), language learning errors involve all linguistics components. The linguistics components include phonology, morphology, lexicon, syntax and orthography. Then, errors in these linguistics components are called as phonological, morphological, lexical, syntactic, and orthography errors. When the teachers or the researchers want to analyze the students' composition, they can focus on analyzing the morphological, the lexical, the syntactic, and the orthography errors. Here, the phonological error is excluded since it does not deal with the students' composition. It is only analyzed when they want to investigate the students' speaking ability. Analyzing linguistics components of students' compositions is very important because linguistics components have an important role in a composition. Heaton (1988: 146) states that linguistics components contribute around 50% in scoring a composition. In scoring a composition, content takes 30% for the scoring, organization takes 20% for the scoring, vocabulary takes 20% for the scoring, language use takes 25% for the scoring, and mechanical takes 5% for the scoring. It can be concluded that in writing a good composition, we need not only good content and organization but also good vocabulary, language use, and mechanical (linguistics components). Some studies about error analysis on the students' compositions have been conducted. Most of them have shown that many students still make errors on their compositions. Gustilo and Magno (2012) investigated the sentence level errors in one hundred fifty essays written by freshmen college students in five private schools in Metro Manila, Philippine. They found that the top five errors which occur in the essays were comma (unnecessary or missing comma, missing comma after an introductory clause or phrase, and missing comma before a non-restrictive clause), word choice (wrong word form/word choice), verbs (s-v agreement, verb tense, and verb form), capitalization and punctuation, and sentence structure (fragment and run on sentences). Then, AbiSamra (2003) analyzed ten written works of Arabian students which were collected in their mid-term examination. The result showed that there were some errors which found in the ten students' essays. They were grammatical, 35 syntactic, lexical, semantic, and substance (mechanics & spelling) errors. In addition, Abushihab, El-Omari, and Tobat (2011) conducted a study to investigate and classify the grammatical errors in the writings of sixty two students of the Department of English Literature and Translation in one of private universities in Jordan. The students enrolled in a paragraph writing course in the first semester of the academic year 2009/2010. These errors were classified into six major categories: tenses, prepositions, articles, active and passive voice, verbs, and morphological errors. They found 345 grammatical errors in the students' paragraphs. It was observed that the largest number of errors was the errors of preposition. The next problematic areas were morphological errors, articles, verbs, active and passive voice, and tenses. From the previous studies above, it can be concluded that error analysis can indicate the students' competence in writing since it shows the area of students' problems in writing. After discovering these areas, the teachers can take some better treatments and more reinforcements, so it can be a feedback for the students and they can use it to develop their writing competence. Gustilo and Magno (2012) states that errors can be viewed as valuable information for the teachers, the researchers, and the students. For the teachers, it provides information about the students' errors which helps them to correct the students' errors and improves the effectiveness of their teaching. For the researchers, it gives them valuable data and information about how language is acquired or learned. Then, for the students, it enables them to reflect on their learning, so they can get feedback and develop their competence. In addition, Erdogan (2005) concludes that error analysis can identify the strategies that language learners use, find out the reason of the students' errors, determine the common difficulties in learning, and help teachers to develop materials for remedial teaching. Looking at the huge benefits of error analysis, the researcher is interested in conducting a study about analyzing errors in the students' compositions. Besides, the researcher had ever visited a library and read one of the English Department student's theses submitted there. She found that there were still any errors found in that thesis. That is why; she wants to analyze the theses of the English Department's students in one of state universities in Surabaya, Indonesia. She does not analyze all of the parts of the thesis, but only the background of the study of the thesis. She chooses to analyze the background of the study because it becomes the foundation, reason, and explanation why they conduct the study. In this case, the students in the English Department have taken Writing I, Writing II, Writing III, Academic Writing I, Academic Writing II, and Thesis Proposal before composing the thesis. Besides, they also had been taught how to write when they were in junior and senior high school. Therefore, it can be said that they have had enough knowledge about writing to compose their thesis. Looking at this fact, she is more curious whether there are errors found in the other students' theses, especially in the background of the study, or not. At least, the present study is intended to investigate the following problem: How are the profile of errors made by the university students in their theses' background of the study? In line with Touchie, Ferris (2005) as cited in Kato (2006) also includes all linguistics components in analyzing the students' compositions. She divides the common writing errors which occur in the students' compositions into four categories: 1) morphological, 2) lexical, 3) syntactic, and 4) mechanical errors. Morphological errors are errors which include the lack of grammatical processes of inflection and derivation, e.g. My brother is fattest than my sister (My brother is fatter than my sister). Lexical errors are errors which involve inappropriate direct translation from the learner's native language or the use of wrong lexical items in the second language, e.g. I will wait you when the clock is five (I will wait you at five o'clock). Syntactic errors are errors in sentence/clause boundaries (run-ons, fragments, and comma splices), word order, and other ungrammatical sentence constructions, e.g. Rini very beautiful (Rini is very beautiful). Then, Mechanical errors are errors in using punctuation, spelling, and capitalization, e.g. i will go to jakarta next week buying a refrigenerator (I will go to Jakarta next week to buy a refrigerator.) Based on these categories, the researcher formulates the research questions of this study as follows: (1) How are the profiles of morphological errors made by the university students in their theses' background of the study? (2) How are the profiles of lexical errors made by the university students in their theses' background of the study? (3) How are the profiles of syntactic errors made by the university students in their theses' background of the study? (4) How are the profiles of mechanical errors made by the university students in their theses' background of the study? METHOD This study was qualitative, especially descriptive qualitative. This design was used because the data of the study were in the form of words in written language rather than numbers, taken in natural setting, and explained descriptively. In this study, the researcher analyzed the English Department students' theses background of the study, which were submitted in the Language and Art Faculty library, to know the profile of morphological, lexical, syntactic, and mechanical errors. The data were analyzed and interpreted based on Ferris's error analysis model which categorized common writing errors into four categories: morphological, lexical, syntactic, and mechanical errors. The subject of this research is the English Department students of Surabaya State University who have graduated from the English Department and submitted their theses in the Language and Art Faculty library. In this case, the subjects had taken Writing I, Writing II, Writing III, Academic Writing I, Academic Writing II, and Thesis Proposal before composing the thesis. Besides, they also had been taught how to write when they were in junior and senior high school. Therefore, it can be said that they have had enough knowledge about writing to compose their thesis. Besides, their theses had been approved as their graduation requirement. In this study, the researcher chose six theses from thousands theses submitted in Language and Art Faculty library randomly. She took the theses from three groups. She took two theses from the students who graduated earlier (less than four years), two theses from the students who graduated on time (four years), and two theses from the students who graduated late (more than four years). She chose theses from the students who had different time of graduation since she wanted to know the differences between the errors they committed and for heterogeneity of the subject. The sources of data in this study were the theses' background of the study made by the English Department students which were taken from the Language and Art Faculty library. The data of the study were the sentences which contained of morphological, lexical, syntactic, and mechanical errors found in the students' background of the study. In this study, the researcher was the key instrument in collecting data. She went to the library to choose six theses which would be analyzed. After getting the theses, she copied all of the theses' background of the study, read, and identified the errors found in the students' background of the study. In analyzing the data, the researcher analyzed theses' background of the study using several steps. After identifying the errors, she classified them based on Ferris's error analysis model which categorized common writing errors into four categories: morphological, lexical, syntactic, and mechanical errors. After classifying the errors, in order to answer the research questions about the profile of morphological, lexical, syntactic, and mechanical errors made by the university students in their theses background of the study, she did the second classification. She classified the errors into some subcategories. For the morphological errors, the classification is done in the verb errors and noun errors. Verb errors consist of verb tense, verb form, and subject - verb agreement. Then, noun errors consist of articles/determiners and noun ending (plural and possessive). For the lexical errors, the classification is done in the word choice, word form, preposition errors, pronoun errors, and spelling errors. For the syntactic errors, the classification is done in the word order, omitted word/phrase, unnecessary word/phrase, run-on sentence, and fragments/incomplete sentence. For the mechanical errors, the classification is done in capitalization, spelling, and punctuation. After classifying the errors into some subcategories, the researcher described and evaluated the errors found to make conclusion from the result of the analysis. RESULT AND DISCUSSION The Profiles of Morphological Errors Made by the University Students in Their Theses' Background of the Study In this study, the classification of the morphological errors is done on the verb error and noun error. Verb error consists of verb tense, verb form, and subject - verb agreement. Then, noun error consists of articles/determiners and noun ending (plural and possessive). The further descriptions are explained below: Verb Error Subcategory Based on the Ferris's error analysis model, verb error subcategory consists of errors in verb tense, verb form (infinitive, gerund and other forms), and relevant subject-verb agreement. The following description explains the students' errors in verb errors subcategory from each group. A. Verb Tenses Error According to Ehrlich and Murphy (1991:49), verb tense can be the indicator of time when an action takes place. Therefore, we can indicate whether somebody writes or speaks about past, present, or future events from the tenses that he/she uses. There are some tenses in English, such as present, past, past perfect, present perfect, future, future perfect, etc. On the contrary, in the other languages, include the students' native language, there is no different tenses when somebody writes or speaks about past, present, or future events; the verbs that he/she uses are always in the same form. Therefore, most of the verb tense errors in this study were interlingual errors. Touchie (1986: 77-79) states that interlingual errors are errors due to the influence of the native language. In this study, because in the students' native language the verbs that the students use are always in the same form, they confused in using it since it's different to their native language. From the verb tenses errors which were found, most of the students from each group failed to identify the correct pattern of simple present tense. Here were some examples of verb tenses errors : [1] .without realizing that they have master several vocabulary and expressions in English. [2] The presented material was made by the students, the teacher only prepare some examples for them, and then they have to make their text as they want with the guidance from the teacher and their friends. (Student 1) In sentence [1], the student failed to identify the correct pattern of present perfect tense since he used simple present instead of the present perfect continuous. The verb in the present perfect tense should be in past participle (V3), but in this case he used simple form (V1). Therefore, the sentence should be: ".without realizing that they have mastered several vocabularies and expressions in English." Then, in sentence [2], he failed to identify the correct pattern of present tense; he should use to be for simple present tense (is) instead of to be for past tense (was). Besides, the second subject (the teacher) was singular. In simple present tense, the students should add verb ending –s or –es if the subject is singular. Therefore, the correct sentence should be: "The presented material is made by the students, the teacher only prepares some examples for them, and then they have to make their texts as they want with the guidance from the teacher and their friends." [3] Nowadays, the curriculum that we used is the 2006 English standard competence. (Student 3) [4] Realia are things that given an explanation about real life. (Student 4) In sentence [3], the student failed to identify the correct pattern of present tense. The verb in the present tense should be in the simple present form (V1), but in this case she used verb in the form of simple past (V2). Therefore, the sentence should be: "Nowadays, the curriculum that we use is the 2006 English Standard Competence." In sentence [4], the student also failed to identify the correct pattern of present tense. He used verb in the form of past participle (V3) instead of simple form (V1). Thus, the sentence should be: "Realia are things that give an explanation about real life." [5] A teacher could make the end goals of language learning seem nearer and more motivating. (Student 5) [6] Lado (1957:2) says that the students who came in contact with a foreign language will face some features. [7] Dulay (1989:138) stated that making error is an inevitable part of learning. (Student 6) In sentence [5], [6], and [7], the students also failed to identify the correct pattern of present tense. The verb in the present tense should be in the simple present form (V1), but in these cases they used verb in the form of simple past (V2). Therefore, the sentence should be: [6] A teacher can make the end goals of language learning seem nearer and more motivating. [7] Lado (1957:2) says that the students who come in contact with a foreign language will face some features.and [8] Dulay (1989:138) states that making error is an inevitable part of learning." B. Verb Form Error Verb form errors occur when the students cannot apply the rule of gerund, infinitive, and past voice well. Azar (1992:150) states that a gerund is an "ing" verb form used as a noun whereas an infinitive is a verb form which is preceded by "to" and its function is as noun, adjective or adverb. Then, in passive voice, the object of an active verb becomes the subject of the passive verb. Most of the students made errors in verb form errors because of overgeneralization. Overgeneralization is the use of one form or construction in one context and extending its application to other contexts where it should not apply (Touchie, 1986: 77-79). Here were some examples of verb form errors: [8] .the students are expected to be mastered in four skills listening, speaking, reading and writing. [9] . in speaking people put idea into words, talking about perception, feeling and intension. (Student 4) In sentence [8], the students failed to apply the rule in passive voice and infinitive. He should omit be and verb ending –ed. Therefore, the correct sentence should be: ".the students are expected to master the four skills: listening, speaking, reading and writing." In sentence [9], the first verb (put) is in the simple form (V1), so in the parallel structure, the second verb should in simple form (talk), not in gerund (talking). Therefore, the correct sentence should be: ". in speaking people put idea into words, talk about perception, feeling and intension." [10] They require choosing the proper method. (Student 5) [11] Oshima and Hogue (1991:2) defined that academic writing is a kind of students writing that require doing in school, college or university. (Student 6) In sentence [10] and [11], require is one of verbs that is followed by a noun + an infinitive. But in these cases, the students applied the rule of gerund in it. This cause of error was called overgeneralization. Besides, these sentences also should be in passive voice not in active voice. Therefore, the sentences should be: [10] They are required to choose the proper method. And [11] Oshima and Hogue (1991:2) define that academic writing is a kind of students' writing that is required to do by the students in school, college or university. C. Subject-Verb Agreement Error The subject–verb agreement occurs when the verb of a sentence does not match with the subject in number and in person. The students in every group made subject-verb agreement errors in their composition. It took place because in the students' native language, there was no subject-verb agreement. They use same verb for singular or plural subject. Some examples of error in subject-verb agreement from each group were: [12] So improving participation is an obvious goal in courses that include frequent discussions and small-group work. (Student 1) [13] The key feature of successful teaching receptive skills such as reading is the teacher concern on the comprehension. (Student 2) In sentence [12] and [13], the subjects were singular (improving participation, and the teacher), but the students tended to omit the verbal ending –s or –es in those sentences. Therefore, the correct sentences should be: "So improving participation is an obvious goal in courses that includes frequent discussions and small-group work." and "The key feature of successful teaching receptive skills such as reading is the teacher concerns on the comprehension." [14] It means that reading ability is very important and teaching reading need much time in the school environment. [15] The government need to seek the most appropriate curriculum. (Student 3) [16] The second, Student are usually bored with the classroom, because sometimes the teacher manage the the classroom monotonously. [17] Baker and Westrup (2003:5) states "students find it difficult to have conversation on a topic that they know little about." (Student 4) In sentence [14], [15], and [16], the subjects were also singular (teaching reading, government, and the teacher) but the students tended to omit the verbal ending –s or –es in those sentences. Therefore, the correct sentences should be: [14] It means that reading ability is very important and teaching reading needs much time in the school environment. [15] The government needs to seek the most appropriate curriculum. [16] The second, the students are usually bored with the classroom because sometimes the teacher manages the classroom monotonously. In contrary, in sentence [17], the subject was plural (Baker and Westrup), but the student added the verbal ending –s. He should omit it in order the subject matched with the verb. Therefore, the correct sentences should be: "Baker and Westrup (2003:5) state that "students find it difficult to have conversation on a topic that they know little about." [18] The teacher needs to find the exact approach, methods, and technique which is suitable for the junior high school students. (Student 5) [19] Students tends to make errors when they are studying a language. (Student 6) In sentence [18], the student misused of to be. The adjective clause "which is suitable for the junior high school student" was modified the noun "the exact approach, methods, and technique". Here, the noun was plural, so the correct sentence should be: "The teacher needs to find the exact approach, methods, and technique which are suitable for the junior high school students." In sentence [19], the subject were plural (students), but the student added the verbal ending –s. He should omit it in order the subject matched with the verb. Therefore, the correct sentences should be:" Students tend to make errors when they are studying a language." Noun Error Subcategory In the morphological errors category, noun errors consist of article/determine errors and ending noun errors. A. Article/Determiner Errors According to Bryant (1984), article/determiner errors are frequently encountered by Asian students since definite and indefinite articles do not exist in their languages. In these languages, the noun stands alone, often being modified only by descriptive and/or limiting adjectives (possessive adjectives, relative adjectives, interrogative adjectives, demonstrative adjectives, and indefinite adjectives). This statement was proven in this study, the students from all group made article/determiner errors, especially for misused of zero article (Ø) for the since in their native language (Indonesia) definite and indefinite articles do not exist. In this study the article/determiner errors were one of the most problematic errors faced by the students. It was in line with Han et al (2006:115) in Apriyanti (2013) who state that, "one of the most difficult challenges faced by non-native speakers of English is mastering the system of English articles. Here were some examples of article/determiner errors made by the students: [20] .the teacher could not maximize students' participation in learning and practicing the competence. [21] Although it is not easy to make students speak as the teacher wants. (Student 1) [22] Nowadays, English is taught formally in fourth graders of elementary school. [23] Moreover, to be a good reader, students need to be strategic readers first. (Student 2) In sentence [20] and [21], the words student' participation and students had been identified before by the writers. Then, in sentence [22], the word fourth graders was involving an ordinal form to show order/level. Therefore, according to its characteristics and the rules of using article the, these nouns needed the article the before those words. In sentence [23], the student should not use article a since the subject is plural (students). Therefore, the correct sentence should be: "Moreover, to be good readers, students need to be strategic readers first." [24] It is an important component because it can be used as resource for teachers in teaching and learning process. (Student 3) [25] So, in the end of study, students are expected to have competence to communicate fluently. (Student 4) In sentence [24] and [25], the words teachers and students had been identified before by the writers. Then, according to its characteristics and the rules of using article the proposed by Azar (1999:115), these nouns needed the article the before those words. [26] For example, the invention of internet, mobile phone, etc. [27] In functional level, students use language to fulfill the daily life, for example reading the newspaper, manual or direction. (Student 5) [28] The main function of teaching English as stated in 1994 curriculum is to enable students to acquire science. (Student 6) In sentence [26], internet and mobile phone are kinds of invention. In sentence [27], the words functional level had been identified before by the writers. Then, in sentence [28], the word 1994 curriculum is a specific thing. Therefore, according to its characteristics and the rules on using article the, these nouns needed the article the. B. Noun Ending Error Noun ending errors are divided into noun ending error in plural and possessive. In this case, the students made noun ending errors since in their native language, the rule of pluralization is different from the rule of pluralization in English. In Indonesian, when the noun is plural, it is indicated by the amount of the noun, whereas in English they should add –s or –es after the noun to show the pluralization. Then, in Indonesian, there are some words that show about possessive, such as –nya, -ku, mu, etc, whereas in English they must use appostrophe and noun ending –s or –es to show possessive. Here were some examples of noun ending errors : [29] Therefore it is important for the teacher to be able to manage active student participation. [30] Teacher and students activities are clearly mentioned, but it is quite difficult to understand and follow. (Student 1) In sentence [29], the student omitted the apostrophe and noun ending -s after the word student to show possession. Therefore, this sentence should be: "Therefore, it is important for the teacher to be able to manage active student's participation." In sentence [30], he also omitted the apostrophe after the word students to show possession. Therefore, this sentence should be: "The teacher and the students' activities are clearly mentioned, but they are quite difficult to understand and follow." [31] Celce-Murcia at al in Agustien (2004:2) explains five component of communicative communication. [32] .most of the student will be interested if the students are in condition that make students comfort in the class. (Student 4) In sentence [31], the noun was plural but the students omitted noun ending –s after the word component. Thus, the correct sentence should be: "Celce-Murcia et al in Agustien (2004:2) explain five components of communicative communication." In sentence [32], most of was an expression of quantity. It preceded specific plural count noun or noun count noun. Since the student was count noun, it should be in plural form. Therefore, the correct sentence should be: ".most of the students will be interested if the students are in condition that makes students comfort in the class." [33] As a foreign language it is taught and learned, either formally or informally in many part of our country. (Student 6) In sentence [33], the word many showed the expressions of quantity. A noun which is preceded by some and many should be in plural form. Therefore, the correct sentences should be: "As a foreign language, it is taught and learned either formally or informally in many parts of our country." The Profiles of Lexical Errors Made by the University Students in Their Theses' Background of the Study In this study, lexical errors consist of all errors in word choice, word form, preposition errors, pronoun errors and spelling errors. Spelling errors are included if only in misspelling resulted in an actual English word. Word Choice Errors Students usually encounter some difficulties when they write a composition. One of problems is lack of vocabulary. It makes the students unable to choose appropriate word for their sentences. Consequently, they make errors in word choice. In this study, most of the students made word choice errors in their theses' background of the study. Some examples of those errors were: [34] There are 32 students with most of them are female students. [35] .the students who did not get the change to present their narrative on the previous meeting must present on the second meeting. (Student 1) [36] Besides that, the extension of scientific books in English language makes students have to master reading skill. (Student 2) In sentence [34], the student should not use preposition with. He should use adjective clause to modify the noun students. In sentence [35], the word change that was used by the student was not appropriate. He should use the word chance in this sentence. In sentence [36], besides that is usually used in spoken language, but the student overgeneralize it and apply it in written language. The student should use besides in formal written language. Therefore, the correct sentences should be: [34] There are 32 students which most of them are female students. [35].the students who did not get the chance to present their narrative on the previous meeting must present on the second meeting. [36] Besides, the extension of scientific books in English language makes students have to master reading skill. [37] An English text book, in which the ninth graders students used, has to fulfill the 2006 English Standard Competence of BSNP [38] The researcher is concerned on analyzing the reading material in "English In Focus" for the ninth of Junior High School. (Student 3) [39] Schunke (1988:295) states that realia are tangible objects things that can be seen touch held and smelled that gives students a real life experience with the topic they have been studying. (Student 4) In sentence [37] and [38], the student should use the ninth graders instead of the ninth graders students or the ninth to show the students' grade at school. In sentence [39], the word objects and things are synonymous, so the students should choose between objects or things that can be used in that sentence. [40] In addition, English has been taught in elementary, junior, senior and university. (Student 5) In sentence [40], the bolded words elementary, junior, senior are ambiguous. The student should make it clear by changing the words into elementary school, junior high school, and senior high school. Word Form Errors In this study, there were two word form errors made by the student. It was committed by the student who graduated on time. [41] "the goal of classroom management is to creat classroom atmosphare conducive to interact in English meaningful." [42] So, the teacher can use realia as an alternative technique in teaching speaking and narrative oral production skill about fable can help student more interest to speak. (Student 4) In sentence [41], the student overgeneralized the use of part of speech, he should use adverb instead of adjective in this sentence. In sentence [42], he should use adjective instead of noun. Therefore, the correct sentence should be: "the goal of classroom management is to create conducive classroom atmosphere to interact in English meaningfully." And "So the teacher can use realia as an alternative technique in teaching speaking, and narrative oral production skill about fable can help the student more interested to speak." Preposition Error In English, there are so many prepositions and it has different uses and rules. Therefore, when the students misused, omitted, misplaced or added preposition in their sentence wrongly, preposition errors occur. Some examples of preposition errors in the students' compositions were: [43] .then let them to answer the question related with the text. (Student 2) In sentence [43], the student misused preposition after adjective related. It should be combined using preposition to instead of with. Therefore, the correct sentence should be: ".then let them to answer the question related to the text." [44] .this skill is very important to be practiced for student in the classroom. [45] However, the student will interest make the realia in attractive situation with story and narrative text is one of text types that provide attractive and experience situation (Student 4) In sentence [44], the student misused of preposition for. He should use preposition by since this sentence was passive form. Therefore, the correct sentence should be: ".this skill is very important to be practiced by student in the classroom." In sentence [45], the student failed to apply the correct pattern of passive voice. Besides, he omitted preposition in after the word interest. Therefore, the correct sentence should be: "However, the student will be interested in making the realia in attractive situation with story and narrative text is one of text types that provides attractive and experience situation." [46] .the students are able to communicate fluently oral and written form. (Student 6) In sentence [46], the students omitted preposition in. Therefore, the correct sentence should be: ".the students are able to communicate fluently in oral and written form. Pronoun Errors Pronoun errors took place when the students misused, misplaced, or omitted pronoun in their sentences. Some examples of pronoun errors in the students' compositions were: [47] Teacher and students activities are clearly mentioned, but it is quite difficult to understand and follow. (Student 1) In sentence [47], the subject was plural (teacher and students' activities), so the student should use personal pronoun they instead of it. Therefore, the correct sentence should be: "Teacher and students' activities are clearly mentioned, but it is quite difficult to understand and follow." [48] When the learner learns the target language, he will face more problems than they learn his own mother tongue [49] Errors made by the students can be identified as evidences that he is in the process of learning. (Student 6) In sentence [48], the subject is singular (learner), so the student should use personal pronoun he instead of they. In sentence [49], the subject is plural (the students), so the student should use they as the personal pronoun. Therefore, the correct sentence should be: "When the learner learns the target language, he will face more problems than when he learns his own mother tongue." and "Errors made by the students can be identified as evidences that they are in the process of learning." Spelling Errors In lexical error, spelling errors are included when they produce an actual English word or the combination of two actual English words. [50] Therefore, a good textbook should fullfill the standard competence and relevant to the curriculum. [51] But the teacher should be carefull and review the text book when choosing a book. (Student 3) [52] Therefor a teacher has to make variation in the ways of his or her teaching. (Student 4) In sentence [50] and [51], the word fullfill and carefull were spelling errors since the student added the letter l in the actual words. It was caused by overgeneralization since she thought that the word full in English always had double l , so she added letter l in words fulfill and careful. Therefore, the correct words were fulfill and careful. In sentence [52], the student omitted the letter e in the actual words. The correct word should be therefore. Those spelling errors are categorized as lexical error since they are combination of two actual English words. [53] It can be seen trough the science and technology development. (Student 5) In sentence [53], the word trough was a spelling error since the student omitted the letter h in the word through. This spelling error produced an actual English word trough .Therefore, it categorized as lexical error. The Profiles of Syntactic Errors Made by the University Students in Their Theses' Background of the Study The classification of syntactic error is done in the word order, omitted word/phrase, unnecessary word/phrase, run-on sentence, and fragments/incomplete sentence. Unidiomatic sentence constructions were not included in this study since they were not found in all students' compositions. Error in Word Order Word order refers to the order in which elements occur in a clause or sentence (Leech, 2006:126). Word order in English sometimes makes the students confused since it is different from their native language. The ordering of words in English is in reverse order to their native language (Indonesian). The following description explained the students' errors in word order from each group. [54] The result is at best highly imperfect translation, at worst frustation and incomprehension. (Student 3) [55] ."the goal of classroom management is to creat classroom atmosphare conducive to interact in English meaningful." (Student 4) In sentence [54] and [55], the students could not order the words very well. The correct sentences should be: "The best result is highly imperfect translation and the worst are frustration and incomprehension." And ".the goal of classroom management is to create conducive classroom atmosphere to interact in English meaningfully." Error in Omitted Word/Phrase Error in omitted word/phrase took place since the students omitted a word/phrase or some word/phrase in their sentences. The examples of error in omitted word/phrase found in the students' composition were: [56] English is an international language plays an important role to all aspects of human life. (Student 3) [57] Depdiknas (2004:30) states the English learning in senior high school is targeted to the learners in order to gain the functional level. [58] They have to communicate through speaking to gain much more information with their teacher friends in order to practice and improve their speaking skill. (Student 4) In sentence [56], the student omitted the subject pronoun which. This word modified the noun English. In sentence [57], the word states should be followed by that, but in this sentence the student omitted it. In sentence [58], He also omitted conjunction and to connect the words teacher and friends. Therefore, the correct sentences should be: "English is an international language which plays an important role to all aspects of human life", "Depdiknas (2004:30) states that the English learning in senior high school is targeted to the learners in order to gain the functional level." and "They have to communicate through speaking to gain much more information with their teacher and friends in order to practice and improve their speaking skill." [59] While the fact shows most of the teachers might not implement it in depth study. (Student 5) [60] According Brown (1980:41), the learning of foreign language (English) often meets a lot of difficulties. (Student 6) In sentence [59], the word shows should be followed by that and in sentence [60], the word according should be followed by to but in these sentences the students omitted those words. Therefore the correct sentence should be: "While the fact shows that most of the teachers might not implement it in depth study." and "According to Brown (1980:41), the learning of foreign language (English) often meets a lot of difficulties." Error in Unnecessary Word/Phrase Error in unnecessary word/phrase took place since the students added a word/phrase or some word/phrase which were unnecessary in their sentences. The examples of error in omitted word/phrase found in the students' composition were: [61] Speaking, one of skills that is very important thing in daily communication. [62] According to Chastain (1976:340) states that "Vocabulary is needed for the students to talk about some aspect of their lives." (Student 4) In sentence [61], there was an unnecessary word. The students should omit the noun thing since the word important had modified the word skills. In sentence [62], the student should choose between according to or states that since those words could not be used together. Therefore, the sentences should be: [61] Speaking is one of skills that is very important in daily communication. And [62] Chastain (1976:340) states that "vocabulary is needed for the students to talk about some aspect of their lives." [63] Writing is very important in the academic level, in as much as the students works are mostly in the written form. (Student 6) In sentence [63], the student should omit in much as since it was unnecessary and make the reader confused. Therefore, the correct sentence should be: Writing is very important in the academic level as the students' works are mostly in the written form. Run-On Sentence A run-on sentence is two or more independent clauses improperly strung together. It omits the connectors, for examples semicolon or a coordinate conjunction, and often uses comma (comma slice) or a conjunctive adverb by mistake. In this study, run-on sentences were still found. It showed that the students could not join two or more independent clauses using conjunction or punctuation correctly. It could be caused by inadequate learning. Inadequate learning is caused by ignorance of rule restrictions or under differentiation and incomplete learning (Touchie, 1986: 77-79). Students in Indonesia seldom have enough knowledge about run-on sentences since most of the teachers in Indonesia seldom warn their students about it, so they have no sufficient knowledge about it. Here were some examples of run-on sentences made by each group: [64] The class is clear enough, with clear sunlight from the windows, there is no fan or AC, but the air is not too hot, the chairs and tables are arranged perfectly by the students. [65] The activity to practice the speaking skill which was conducted by the teacher and students was storytelling, the students did monologue of narrative text individually. (Student 1) In sentence [64], there were three independent clauses and in sentence [65] there were two independent clauses. In these sentences, the student only joined those independent clauses using comma, so run-on sentence take placed. He should use a period or a semicolon between the independent clauses. Therefore, the sentences should be: [64] The class is clear enough with clear sunlight from the windows. There is no fan or AC, but the air is not too hot. The chairs and tables are arranged perfectly by the students. And [65] The activity to practice the speaking skill which was conducted by the teacher and students was storytelling; the students did monologue of narrative text individually. [66] The purpose of the teaching of English for Senior High School is to master informational competency, this purpose should be taken into account in order to make the students be able to access the knowledge in the academic purpose. [67] Realia that be used to teach speaking of narrative text can raise the students' interest, they can be used to break up the routine class activity and they can provide fun for student in different interpretation. (Student 4) In sentence [66] and [67], there were two independent clauses. In these sentences, the student also joined those independent clauses using comma, so run-on sentence take placed. He should use a period or a semicolon between the independent clauses. Therefore, the sentences should be: [66] The purpose of the teaching of English for Senior High School is to master informational competency. This purpose should be taken into account in order to make the students be able to access the knowledge in the academic purpose. And [67] Realia that are used to teach speaking of narrative text can raise the students' interest. They can be used to break up the routine class activity and provide fun for the student in different interpretation. [68] An academic writing has special audience that is the academic circle, the advisors and the students, it is formal and serious in tone, and its purpose is to explain. (Student 6) In sentence [68], run-on sentence occurred since the student joined two independent clauses using comma. He should use a period or a semicolon between the independent clauses. Therefore, the sentences should be: "An academic writing has special audiences that are the academic circle, the advisors and the students. It is formal and serious in tone, and its purpose is to explain." Fragments Sentence fragment is a group of words without a subject or predicate in an independent clause. It is usually called as incomplete sentence since a complete sentence in English must has at least a subject and a predicate. [69] .and the recent Level of Educational Unit Curriculum (2006-present) [70] .the objective of the reading skill on the ninth graders are expected to be able to understand the meaning of short functional text and short simple essay text, in the form of procedure, narrative and report in daily life context. (Student 3) [71] Speaking, one of skills that is very important thing in daily communication. (Student 4) Sentence [69] and [71] were fragments since there was no verb in these sentences. Therefore, the students should add to be in these sentences and the correct sentences should be: ".and the recent is Level of Educational Unit Curriculum (2006-present)" and "Speaking is one of skills that is very important in daily communication. Sentence [70] was fragment since it had no object. The object should be placed after the word expecting. Therefore, the correct sentence should be: ".the objective of the reading skill on the ninth graders are expecting the students to be able to understand the meaning
Social Class in Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things TomyPriyoUtomo English Literature Faculty of Languages and Arts State University of Surabaya tomy.priyo@gmail.com Prof.Dr. FabiolaDharmawatiKurnia, M.Pd. English Department Faculty of Languages and Arts State University of Surabaya fabkurnia@gmail.com Abstrak Karyasastraadalahrepresentasikehidupansosial.Di dalamkehidupanmasyarakattertentu, seperti India, adasebuah system yang dinamakankelassosial.Kelassosialmembawamasalahsebagaidampak yang tereflekisdalam novel The God of Small Things karyaArundhati Roy.Tujuandaripenelitianiniadalahuntukmengungkappenggambarankelassosialpadatokoh-tokohdandampaknya.Dalamskripsiini, data yang digunakanadalah novel The God of Small Things karyaArundhati Roy yang diterbitkanpenerbit Flamingo.Dalammenyelesaikanmasalah yang sudahdipaparkan, penggunaanteorikelassosialmilik Karl Marx akandiaplikasikan. Penggambarantokoh-tokohkelassosialdianalisadenganmenggunakandefinisikelas yang didukungolehpelbagaiaspeknya.Sedangkandampakdarikelassosialdianalisadenganmenggunkankonsekuensidarikonsepkelassosial.Tokoh-tokohsosialkelasdigambarkanmelaluibeberapapoin yang mencangkupkekayaan, pekerjaan, danpendidikan.KelassosialatastergambarpadasosokPappachi,Mammachi, Baby Kochama, danChacko.SedangkanKelassosialbawahtergambarpadasosokAmmu, Velutha, Rahel, danEstha. Olehkarenaitu, kelassosialpadatokoh-tokohtersebutmemeberidampakpadakesehatanfisik, kesehatanjiwa, kehidupankeluarga, pendidikan, agama, dansistemkeadilanpadakasuskriminal.Jadi, halinisepertiduridalamdaging yang sudahmengakarpada system kehidupansosial di India. Hal ininampakpadakasusAmmu yang haruskehilangan status sosialnya, hargadiriPappachiterhadapMammachi, dantokoh-tokohlainnya yang meenghadapimasalahkelassosial. Kata Kunci: India, masyarakat, kelassosial. Abstract Literary work is the representation of social life. In a particular social life, such as India, there is social class. The social class dribbles the ball of problems as the impact in Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things is one of the representation of it. This thesis is aimed to reveal depiction of character's social class and impact of their social class. In this thesis, Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things published by Flamingo is used as the main data source. In answering the statement of the problems, theory of social class based on Karl Marx's view is applied. The depiction of the characters' social class is analyzed using definition of social class and supported by aspects of social class. The impact of the characters' social class is analyzed using the consequences concept of social class. The main characters' social class is portrayed through several points. They are wealth, occupation, and education. The Upper social class is portrayed on Pappachi, Mamachi, Baby Kochama, and Chacko. Then, The Lower Social class is portrayed on Ammu, Velutha, Rahel and Estha. Therefore, social class on the characters gives impact on Physical health, mental health, family life, education, religion and the criminal system justice. So, this thesis portrays the intimate enemy of the system that has been rooting in India that always brings problems caused by it, the social class. It can be looked at the fall of social status of Ammu, the dignity of Pappachi toward Mammachi, and other characters who face the same problem of social class. Keywords: India, society, social class. INTRODUCTION In social life, people are demanded to live in integrated individuals where each individual delivers different characteristics. These differences finally construct a problem within the social life, especially economic problems. Economic problem has been classic problem that cannot be avoided in modern life, thus people are categorized by their capability in economic status or class. This categorizing unconsciously creates a phenomenon where society is sorted. The sort of society based on the economic capability seems to have been articulated by Karl Marx, where society with low capability to product will be dominated by the society with high capability to product. Marx exclusively distinguishes three major classes, each of which is characterized in its role in the productive system by 'the factor of production' it controlled –the land-owners, obviously, by their ownership of land; the capitalists ('bourgeoisie') by their ownership of capital; and the proletariat (working class) by their 'ownership' of their labor-power (Worsley, et al., 1970: 302). Finally, social class turns to be tight and the distance among classes go further. In modernism, construction of society is shaped by the demands to live better. This way indirectly emerges competition that a one should defeat the other one just to earn the economic status. This also becomes the base of Western to colonize and dig the domination to Eastern and African. Indeed, colonization has been passed, and all people has freed, but it has not been clear at all. Behind this fact, colonization has leaved behind the effects toward the people who have been colonized. Sometimes, this fact slaughters keenly the problem of the post-colonized people, for instance in India. In India, there is known system of caste, Brahman, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Sudras. Some 3500 years ago invaders from the north, known as Aryans, imposed the caste system; there is no conclusive evidence that they originated the idea of caste in India, but it seems to be the most likely explanation. The Hindu religion divides the population into five basic groups. The highest groups are known as Varnas (colors) and beneath them come a group without caste, the Untouchables. The four Varnas consist of: Brahmans (a priest caste), Kshatriyas (a military caste), Vaishyas (a merchant or agricultural caste), Sudras (a laboring caste). These caste has been like a stamp to people's destiny and it impacts to their statues in society. These statues are not decided by what they have economically but from what caste they are. Then, it turns to be interesting thing when this system is faced with the problem of economic in modern life (Nobs, 1980: 30—31). As modern people, ability of delivering feeling is not only through direct utterance. The freedom to think, to articulate what they feel finally reach the world of literacy based on the experiences. In the literacy, meanings are accommodated with the beauty of words. Hence, in literary work, especially novel, the view of society including the problem of class can be mediated. It is added by Richard Taylor's Understanding the Elements of Literature, he says that literature is art that essentially created by imagination of the author's experiences (Taylor, 1981: 1). Wellek and Warren even assert that literature can be treated as a document that contains of historical idea and philosophy (Wellek& Warren, 1984: 111). Subsequently, literature work can be something important, crucial, and even interesting thing to dig up with interpretation. The crucial things can be seen in Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things. TheGod of Small Things depicted the life Indian society. The setting of the story takes place in Kerala. The story tells us that comunism or even religion which teach us about equality in human rights in the reality it can not change discrimination and patriarchy in society. The main characters in this novel are Estha and Rahel. They are twins. Their grandfather is the owner of a company from Christian which is very high class (touchable). But their mother has marry with the Hindust man, it means she must change become lower class (untouchable). Max Weber stated that the social class is divided into trhree layers- the upper class, the midle class and the lower class. The higest level is held by educated and wealthy family. This includes Pappachi family. Their social classes are in the high social classwhich gives the member of this class has different life styles,attitudes, educations, and opportunities in the society. The next class is lower class (untouchable), untouchable person can not touch high class. They are uneducated person. They are not allowed to work in high position. In this novel untochable personis Velutha. Velutha is a paravan. Paravan is the lowest caste in Indian. Furthermore, the richness of this novel has glimpsed on the awards that attaches on Arundhati Roy herself and hers. It needs to know that The God of Small Things has won The Man Booker Prize for fiction in 1997. Arundhati Roy herself is a famous Indian novelist and social activist. In 2002, she won the Lannan Foundation's Cultural Freedom Award for her work "about civil societies that are adversely affected by the world's most powerful governments and corporations," in order "to celebrate her life and her ongoing work in the struggle for freedom, justice and cultural diversity". In 2003, she was awarded 'special recognition' as a Woman of Peace at the Global Exchange Human Rights Awards in San Francisco with Bianca Jagger, Barbara Lee and Kathy Kelly. Roy also was awarded the Sydney Peace Prize in May 2004 for her work in social campaigns and her advocacy of non-violence. In January 2006, she was awarded the Sahitya Academy Award, a national award from India's Academy of Letters, for her collection of essays on contemporary issues, The Algebra of Infinite Justice, but she declined to accept it "in protest against the Indian Government toeing the US line by 'violently and ruthlessly pursuing policies of brutalization of industrial workers, increasing militarization and economic neo-liberalization". In November 2011, she was awarded the Norman Mailer Prize for Distinguished Writing. It shows that she is one of important writer in India. Her literary works always tell about social and tradition also symbols to be analyzed. In the instance Roy shows Indian culture as the identity in her literary work. Most of her master piece is showed about social class, tradition in Indian culture. She wrote many books such as an ordinary person's Guide to Empire, War talk, Public Power in the Age of Empire, Power Politics, The Checkbook and the Cruise Missile and The Cost of Living. After all, it is unarguable to be questioned that Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things is full of crucial issues. Based on those facts, the crucial issue that emphasizes on this thesis is in the social classes, thus the potential title that can be put on it is "The Intimate Enemy of Social Class in Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things". RESEARCH METHOD The used method is descriptive quality; it means that the essence or the quality of the data becomes the reference to work rather than the quantity of the data. With interpretation toward the data, the analysis can be worked. Interpretation becomes crucial step because with regardless this, the analysis cannot be maximally operated. It is also as the technique of the study. Then, the approach of the analysis sharpens to mimesis where the universe is used as comparative literature toward the result of the analysis. Indirectly, it includes in extrinsic approach where the sociality is referred as the universe. SOCIAL STRATIFICATION In social life, they always have something that is appreciated. That can be wealth, knowledge, education or economic. In Narwoko&Bagong'sSosiologi: TeksPengantardanTerapan, SoerjonoSoekanto states that in rural society, land and livestock are often considered more valuable than education. On the contrary, it does not happen in modern society. In society, people who have valuable goods in large quantities will be more appreciated rather than people who have a small amount. Thus, they will be considered as low class (Narwoko&Bagong, 2004: 152). This low class construction, because there is characteristic of "not" low class. This construction finally creates categorizing that can be called as stratification. Sorokin states that 'Stratification' is a term used to characterize a structure of inequality where individuals occupy differentiated structural positions and the positions are situated in layers (or strata) that are ranked hierarchically according to broadly recognized standards. The implied reference to sedimentary layers from geology reflects the relative permanence of the posited structure and the long history that is assumed to have generated it. Stratification researchers focus primarily on the empirical study of the sources of the rankings that generate the hierarchy of strata, the mobility of individuals between strata, and the mechanisms of integration that allow societies to cope with the existence of persistent inequalities between strata (Narwoko&Bagong, 2004: 153). Aristotle observed two millennia ago thatpopulations tended to be divided into three groups: the very rich, the very poor and those between. It shows that in ancient times people have come to know and recognize the hierarchy system in society. Social stratification can basically be distinguished into three kinds. They are Class, Status and Power (Worsley, 1970: 288). SOCIAL CLASS According to Karl Marx's Theory of Class, as quoted by Chris Livesey, it is stated that class is the motor of social development. Marx argues that society has developed through four main epochs ("period time"). They are Primitive Communism, Ancient Society, feudal Society, and Capitalist Society. For him, only the first epoch (the "primitive communism") is free from some form of social stratification on the basis of class. This is because, for Marx, class forms of social stratifications only come into existence once people start producing more goods than they require fulfill their everyday needs and gatherer society are basically subsistence societies; that is people can only manage to hunt/ gather enough food for their everyday needs (sociology.org.uk). To describe in detail this theory, it needs to be classified based on the definition, aspect, and consequences of social class. Karl Marx is one of the first writers who analyzes class differences. He sees class as a phenomenon of any society where the ownership of wealth and the means of production, factories or land, gives an economic basis for stratification. Marx also outlines different stages in history in which the ownership of property gives one group control over others. The group, which controls and owns the means of producing food and goods, is the dominant class. Furthermore, Marx argues that there is a constant struggle, a class struggle, and this conflict between the different classes brought about changes in society (Nobs, et al., 1980: 28). Therefore, the conflict among classes are grounded by the domination of a high class over the low class. Class itself, as Lenin says, is large groups of people differing from each other by the place they occupy in a historically determined system of social production, by their relation (in most cases fixed and formulated by law) to the means of production, by their role in the social organization of labor and consequently, and by the dimensions of the share of social wealth of which they dispose and the mode of acquiring it (Collected Works, Vol. 29: 421). Furthermore, Karl Marx divides social class into two classes. They are Capitalist class (or "bourgeoisie") and Working class (or "proletariat"). Capitalist class is those who own and control the means of production (which involves ownership of such things as land, factories, financial institutions and the like). And working class is those who own nothing but their ability to sell their labor power (that is, their ability to work) in return for wages (Henslin. 2003: 284). Similar to Karl Marx in discussing about social class, Max Weber tries to generate it with defining social class as a large group of people who rank close to another in wealth, power, and prestige. These three elements separate people into different lifestyles, give them different chances in life, and provide them with distinct ways of looking at the self and the world (Henslin, 2012: 276). Aspects of socials class are classified referred by wealth, by occupation and by educational level. Each can be used for different purposes or they can be combined (Worsley, 1970: 292). According to Henslin, the primary dimension of social class is wealth. Wealthconsists of property and income. Propertycomes in many forms, such as buildings, land, animals, machinery,cars, stocks, bonds, businesses, and bank accounts. Incomeis money received as wages, rents, interest, royalties, or the proceeds from a business (Henslin, 2003: 276). Furthermore, the spread of material resources among the population is an important indicator of social inequality, while changes in this distribution over time indicate whether society is becoming more or less equal. The investigation of the spread of personal income and wealth, however, is fraught with difficulty because of inaccuracies in the data, the problem of deciding the relevant unit of analysis (whether to use individuals, families or households), how to assess the non-monetary benefits derived from government expenditure, and the way individuals' positions may change over the life-cycle (Abrecombie, 1994: 120). Occupation is another aspect of class that definitely can be included as the ground of belonging to a class.People give less prestige to jobs that are lowpaying, require less preparation or education, involve more physical labor, and areclosely supervised. For example, people in every country rank collegeprofessors higher than nurses, nurses higher than social workers, and social workershigher than janitors. As soon as people develop of being specialized kinds of work, they also get the idea that some kinds of work are more prestige than others. The high prestige occupations generally receive the higherincomes; yet there are many exceptions. The next is factor is education. According to Lindemann, as quoted by Sharon Link & Alexandra Howson in Sociology Reference Guide: Defining Class, it is stated thateducation plays a significant role in one's social position, that is, to aperson's place in the social hierarchy and ultimatelyin stratification. Education also can provide equalityof opportunity and contributes directly to social mobility (that is, to one'sability to move upwardly from one's social class of origin). Social and economic indicators such as income and occupation are typically used to measure social class, and education plays a significant role in determining one's employability, employment, and income (Danziger& Reed, 1999). Education therefore plays a crucial role in the likelihood of people being able to improve their social class location by moving into higher occupational classes. Education is seen as having different functions. Within a consensus or functionalist perspective, associated with the work of Talcott Parsons, education is seen to have a role in socialization; it contributes to ensuring that children are 'trained' to comply with the demands of the social system. Indeed, for many people, education exists to ensure that individuals learn how to be good citizens and thereby maintain an efficient, stable social order. Consequently this view of education emphasizes merit, ability and effort and the needs of society or the economy. Such a view also expresses in the idea that education is about individual opportunity (Raines & McAdams, 2006). When social class exists in society, there will be many impacts given. According to Henslin (2003: 288), consequences of class are divided into six categories. It is very good to be applied as the impact of the social class in The God of Small Things. They are: (1) physical health (2) mental health (3) family life (4) education (5) religion and (6) criminal justice system. SYSTEM OF CASTES IN INDIA India is a country where system of caste grows basically. There were four original castes, separately created by Brahma: Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras. This fourfold division has its origin in the Vedas, the sacred books of the Hindus, and one of the 'most ancient books in the library of mankind'. They are admitted by all the adherents of the Hindu system to be the primary and infallible authority on the origin of the castes (Keanne, 1978: 24). Senart defines a caste as a close corporation, in theory at any rate rigorously hereditary : equipped with a certain traditional and independent organization, including a chief and a council, meeting on occasion in assemblies of more or less plenary authority and joining together at certain festivals : bound together by common occupations, which relate more particularly to marriage and to food and to questions of ceremonial pollution, and ruling its members by the exercise of jurisdiction, the extent of which varies, but which succeeds in making the authority of the community more felt by the sanction of certain penalties and, above all, by final irrevocable exclusion from the group. While, according to Sir. H. Risley, a caste may be defined as a collection of families or groups of families bearing a common name which usually denotes or is associated with specific occupation, claiming common descent from a mythical ancestor, human or divine, professing to follow the same professional, callings and are regarded by those who are competent to give an opinion as forming a single homogeneous community (Ambedkar, 1916: 3—5). In India, there is known system of class based on the caste. Thus the caste is having seemed to a thing that is flown in people's blood. Hindu religion divides the population into five basic groups. The four highest groups are known as Varnas (color) and beneath them come a group without caste, the Untouchables. The four Varnas consist of Brahmans (a priest caste), Ksathriyas (a military caste), Vaishyas (a merchant or agricultural caste) and Sudras (a laboring caste). Within these groups there are thousands of subdivision; among the Brahmans there are more than 500 subdivisions and there are over 200 divisions of people without caste (Nobs, et al., 1980: 31). India's majority population is Hindu (although it is worth noting that Hinduism is highly variable). Caste is often regarded as a social structure arising from Hindu practices and ideas. But, other religious groups in India also make caste distinctions. Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, and Jains have historically recognized and reinforced caste and/or varnadistinctions (Mines, 2009: 67). SYRIAN CHRISTIAN AND KERALA HISTORY Kerala provides a particularly interesting case study on race because religions are divided from each other based on caste. That is, not only do Hindus follow the caste system, but Christians as well (Sonja, 2001: 129).The Syrian Christians pride themselves on being one of the earliest Christians in the world and trace their conversion to the year 52 AD, when the Apostle of Jesus, St. Thomas arrived on the Kerala port city of Malankara near the bustling trade hub, Muziris.19 According to Syrian Christian communal history, after the death of Christ, the apostles went to different lands to spread the Word of God. St. Thomas went east through Babylon, present day Iraq and onto India. On arriving at the Kerala coast in 52AD, St. Thomas reportedly performed a miracle in front of Brahmins taking a ritual bath. He threw the water in which the Brahmins were bathing into air and it stayed there (Chittilaphilly, 2000:14). Then, The Brahmins impressed by this miracle, immediately asked to be baptized. St. Thomas established churches at Kottaickal, Kokamangalam, Paruetta, Chayel, Kurukkanikulam, and Palloor. He also established chapels and erected crosses at Niranam, Pallipooran, Vattamarry, Cranganore, Palloor and Kuthamana before he was martyred outside Chennai. During St. Thomas's tenure in Kerala, he performed miracles and acts of penance that draw pilgrims to St. Thomas sites to this day (Sonja, 2011: 31). "When I was young, low-castes had to get out of the way of an upper-caste. They would know to get out of the way because the upper-caste would travel with a servant. Every now and again, the servant would call out "hoi". When I was a young girl, I would hear that. "Hoi…" and then a little while later, "hoi". If the low-caste was on the path, he would hide off the path until the upper-caste passed. They used to get out of our way too. My mother told me that us Christians would have servants to sweep the ground before us as we walked so we would not step on any bugs. We were just like upper-caste Hindus" (Sonja, 2011: 36). Restrictions were also placed on worship—lower castes were not permitted to worship the 'high' Hindu Gods (Shiva, Vishnu, and Krishna) but were relegated to demon worship. Temple entry for low-castes was denied. Low-caste Hindus and Christians were prevented from obtaining and education and excluded from public service and government positions (Sonja, 2011: 36). Namboodiriswere exempted from land taxes while low-castes had to pay taxes and fees for even the right to use an umbrella or a palanquin. Namboodirisalso controlled the informal judicial system. While they were exempted from the death penalty, low-castes could receive the death penalty for ordinary offenses such as theft. The sentences of low-caste criminals were brutal: death by elephant trampling, blown from mouth of cannon, hung for 3 days, and mutilations (Sonja, 2011: 36). Historians have conjectured that regulating the oldest son to marry within the caste ensured that the illam(Brahmin property/residence) was kept caste pure (Sonja, 2011: 38). Only converted upper-caste Hindus would be accepted as part of the Syrian Christian fold (Palakunnel, 1999: 221). THE UPPER CLASS Characters who are Upper Class in the God of Small Things are: Pappachi, Mammachi, Chacko, BabbyKochama, Estha and Rahel. The novel tells us about social life in Ayemenem, a rural area in Kerala, India. Pappachi is one of the richest people in the area. He lives in a good wealth. Every single thing that he does shows that he is a rich person. Thus, Pappachi belongs to the upper social class. The higher class people, such as working class women or women who has rich husband usually have a higher life-style. It can be seen from the way of their life. Appearance becomes the most important thing for upper class women. They usually wear expensive clothes or expensive stuff to show off to other people that they are upper class. Mammachi here, in the novel, in the reality of the novel, is told as the wife of Pappachi, a Syrian Christian with high social class. Becoming a wife of the man from high class, indirectly, will lift up her status in front of the society's eyes. With that fact, Mammachi "should" have a life as upper class, with glamour life style, exclusive life, and everything with highest quality. Expensive, that is the proper word for her jewelries, as been exposed to this statement, "Margaret Kochamma took Mammachi's hand. The fingers were soft, the ruby rings were hard" (Roy, 1997: 83). There, the fact is barely exposed, how Mammachi's passions and desires toward jewelries, especially for the expensive ones. Wherever her body exists, wherever her feet step up, wherever her life strolls up to her social life, the jewelries never go to waste to be leaved, it is always following to decorate herself to become "like" upper or high class as usual. Probably, it can be related to the characteristics of women universally, that they likely to show off their jewelries to appear the impression of their status, class, and wealth. Chacko is the first child of Pappachi. As the oldest child, plus a fact of his sex is men, Chacko has privilege. Furthermore, in India, men are having high position especially in social life. It can be understood that India is Patriarch Country where men must have privilege to control everything including women. Going back to Chacko's fact, in the family system, Cahcko can claim to own all properties in the family. As Mamachi's Pickles company, the controller, the manager, the one who has major right is the oldest men child, and he is Chacko, it can be read on this statement, "Legally this was the case, because Ammu, as a daughter, had no claim to the property" (Roy, 1997: 28). Based on that fact, it can be supposed officially that Pappachi's and Mammachi's wealth will be inherited on Chacko, while Ammu, as the women child, has no right on that privilege above those wealth or properties. It presents that Chacko has a govern of Pickles Factory. It is strengthened with the statement of Chacko confesses that the factory is his own. That is clear factually that Chacko has good wealth that means he is a high-class man. Actually, it is important to add that Chacko also has a potential to manage the factory because Chacko has been educated, he has good level of education. Thus, it drives his brain being clear of thinking cleverly, managing something in a god way, and giving good profit. For additional information that supports it, "Chacko had been a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford and was permitted excesses and eccentricities nobody else was (Roy, 1997: 19). Baby Kochama is the sister of Pappachi, John Ipe. She is the most famous person in Kerala. "He was a priest of the Mar Thoma church. Reverend Ipe was well known in the Christian community as the man who had been blessed personally by the Patriarch of Antioch, the sovereign head of the Syrian Christian Church—an episode that had become a part of Ayemenem's folklore" (Roy, 1997: 12).John Ipe is not common priest, she becomes famous because she has been blessed personally by Patriarch of Antioch. Patriarch of Antioch is the Head of Christian Syrian Church. Because of that, after John Ipe has been blessed by the the Head of Christian Syrian Church, John Ipe is respected by the people around her. It means that John Ipe has high social class, especially for people in Ayemenem. Ammu is the last child from Pappachi's family. As the child of high-class family, Ammu automatically belongs to be high-class one. Her life, lifestyle, and education have shown that Ammu is high-class one. Education is something important for a one with high social class. It is usually considered as he step of a one to be high-class one. It is also a factor that can support a one to be high-class one because it can influence the sight and the view of people around him or her to consider as high-class one. Ammu is drawn as a woman that has good education, this educated woman continuously affects her status. It is seen by this statement, "Ammu finished her schooling the same year that her father retired from his job in Delhi and moved to Ayemenem." (Roy, 1997: 19). After finishing her education, Ammu marries to someone. Ammu marries to someone with good wealth. Ammu meets with her husband in a party, the party where rich men jostle and show their wealth off. It is accepted when it is called as a party where rich men assemble, because the irrational thing must be happening when the party is for poor men or low class because the Touchable and the Untouchable must not be touched each other. While Ammu is high-class one, and she comes to a party. The party logically must be a party for high class, and the man that marries to Ammu must be a man from high class. Several weeks pass, Ammu marries with him. "He was on vacation from his job in Assam, where he worked as an assistant manager of a tea estate. His family was once-wealthy zamindars who had migrated to Calcutta from East Bengal after Partition." (Roy, 1997: 19). THE LOWER CLASS Characters who are Lower Class in the God of Small Things are: Velutha, Ammu, Estha and Rahel. Lower social class in this novel is strongly drawn in Velutha's character. Velutha is black but he is so smart. Social class rises strongly through his life. He lives in poverty. As the main character, Velutha belongs to the lower social class. Life background has significance role and it makes his having lower class level as poor people. "He was called Velutha-which means White in Malayalam-because he was do black. His father, Vellya Paapen, was a Paravan. A today tapper (Roy. 1997: 35).The quotation shows Velutha's life background. Velutha is a son of Vellyan Paapen whom a Paravan. So, it automatically makes Velutha become a Paravan too. Paravan is the lowest caste in India. It is also called Untouchable. A Paravan contains of poor people because usually Paravan only work as a lower labor. Velyan Paapen works as a maid in Pappachi family, it means that he cannot deserve his son to get a good financial condition. It brings Velutha living under poverty. Social class rises through his poor condition, because the economic condition he has, indicates that Velutha belongs to lower class people. Ammu is a Christian Syrian from upper class. However, after she gets a divorce with her husband, her status also changes. From being a high class, he turns it in to lower class. After divorcing, Ammu comes back to Pappachi's home in Ayemenem, Pappachi welcomes it because of his compassion toward Ammu, his daughter. But, it does not take to many time for Ammu to decide to get off of the home. Because Ammu "secret" love with Veluthe has been revealed up, thus it drives Pappachi angry and Ammu gets off. Ammu has to fulfill all necessity for her life, she has to work to earn money. Before that, she works at the Pickle factory of her family, but when she has been dropped out of her home by Pappachi, Ammu search for other job in other place. Job is the important factor in dragging the strata in front of the eyes of society socially. People from high class usually have prestige job with good salary. Because it can influence to what life they choose, by buying everything, shopping everything, and establishing their arrogance of the wealth. Following that, the impression of being an upper class can be sought and decided. However, behind that fact, the lower class only has lower jobs, those lower jobs jail their economy. The limited economical conditions will never change their status and strata in front of the society's eyes, thus, their status will keep being lower and never being changed. Ammu, then decides to work at a hotel as a receptionist, and working as a receptionist is not a prestige one. Additionally, the hotel is not five stars hotel, it is only a small hotel with low standard, as has been quoted on this statement, "Ammu had lost the latest of her succession of jobs—as a receptionist in a cheap hotel—because she had been ill and had missed too many days of work." (Roy, 1997: 76). Nevertheless, working here has dropped the health of Ammu down. Probably, it is caused by her changing life, from living in good house with good treatment to living in a low life. His illness finally sharpens to the way she works, she often gets the absences on working, and it makes her getting the fire as a receptionist in that small hotel. Furthermore, working at a small hotel will not give gret significance of changing for a woman like Ammu, particularly for what she gets on his salaray. This quotation can be regarded, "On that last visit, Ammu spent the morning with Rahel in her room. With the last of her meager salary she had bought her daughter small presents wrapped in brown paper with colored paper hearts pasted on." (Roy, 1997: 77). 'Meager salary' explains clearly how small the salary that ammu gets, and it must not fulfill enough for her necessity. The work of Ammu like this is not the prestige one and the salary is too small. That is the main point of this talk, it is concluded that Ammu becomes a lowe class after facing divorcing. The divorcing is added by her love with a low class, Velutha, that facts slap her status in front of the society. Socially, her status collides and becomes one of low class masses. Estha and Rahel are the twin of Ammu with Baba. Estha and Rahel have unique life in this novel. When they are still child, Estha and Rahel are treated by Ammu in her family life that is from upper class. However, although they are live there, there is an unsaid rule that sets Ammu and her children have no right anymore to live in Pappachi's house. But, Pappachi's commission breaks that rule, so that is why they can still enjoy to live in Pappachi's house. It is clear to be understood that Estha and Rahel can be put in to a detail that they are children from upper class. Estha and Rahel can enjoy a trip with family private car that for low class that is the most greatful trip. The trip that they will ever enjoy. The trip they never imagine. The trip they never fantasize because they have been adapted to jostle in the public transportation with the bad smell and disgusting sweat of poor people. Their life is painted in that public transportation and tripping with privacy car is only a part of their fantasy. Estha and Rahel also often go to cinema, it is even told that they have watched film entitled "The Sound of Music" three times. After watching it, they go home to Ayemenem, with one night over sleep in a great hotel. Plus, the smell of food, their trip becomes perfect. The fact like that, is something that is only for upper class, it is important for low class of having it. This lifestyle, indeed, need much money, thus it belongs to upper class with good condition economically, besides that, it is also becomes the viewpoint of valuing the strata of a class. Rahel is a daughter of Ammu. After being left by her brother, Estha, who is sent back to his father, Rahel becomes sad, the sadness grows peaking up when she has to be leaved by Ammu. Rahel, then is treated by Mammachi. All the need of Rahel is fulfilled by Mammachi. As the grand daughter who grows in upper class family, Rahel gets good education. "She spent eight years in college without finishing the five-year undergraduate course and taking her degree. The fees were low and it wasn't hard to scratch out a living." (Roy, 1997: 9). Rahel then continuous her school to a university, and it is not a big problem for Mammachi to pay all the charge of the school. Rahel spends eight years in that university and ends it with no graduation, or it means that Rahel drops out. She even decides to marry to a man from America and go with him to America. Actually, that is not good marriage for Rahel. She is too hurry up to marry. "Rahel drifted into marriage like a passenger drifts towards an unoccupied chair in an airport lounge. With a Sitting Down sense." (Roy, 1997: 10). After deciding to marry and move to America, Rahel does not enjoy her life, because she is not treated as an upper class. Because Rahel has married, her life burden goes to her husband's own. Thus, Mammachi does not pay anything of Rahel's life anymore. However, the age of the marriage is too short, not long after that, the marriage is broken down. Rahel divorces with her husband, and it insists Rahel to work to stay alive and fulfill all necessity for her life in America. It is clear to see that Rahel live in the circle of low class life. She works as a waiter in an Indian restaurant in New York. It is easy to be classified that working as a waiter is one of low class job, it has no any prestige. That job just give little earn for her life daily. Life he has to pass is different with the life he gets in Ayemenem. Rahel also ever works as an employee in a gas station. This job is not a job that can give her good earn in salary. This fact, one day, makes a procure offers Rahel to become a sexual worker where she can get more money. This is simply clear to understand, how low Rahel life in America, and she can be put in to one of low class people. THE IMPACT OF THE SOCIAL CLASS In this section, the impact of social class will be explained. The impact of the social class will be revealed through several characters that have connection each other. The consequences of social class by Henslin (2003) will be used to analyze the impact of the class. The consequences of class that will be used to explain are family life, education, religion, and criminal justice system. Pappachi, the character who is drawn as Upper Class has some impact in his social life. Those are family life and mental health. Papachi has good education, he has prestigious job, besides that, he also has good wealth. It makes him becomes a character or a one who is upper class. The wealth and the prestigious job he has makes him always looks prefect. He desires to be looked as the perfect one around the people. As a man with upper class, Pappachi becomes very famous in Ayemenem. It can be seen to the quotation above, when Pappachi passes away, Indian Express, a newspaper with English letters, writes the news about the death and the funeral of Pappachi. It means that, Pappachi is not only an upper class one, he is more than that. However, the important part that can be informed in this fact is, the class of Pappachi. It is not easy for low class to be put on the newsletter, only important information that can be considered as the important news to be informed, and low class does not belong to. Mammachi is an Indian woman character. As an Indian woman, Mammachi receives all things happen to her. Mammachi marries to Pappachi who is an upper class. Thus, it can be seen that it is not easy to have a couple from different class, especially upper class. However, Mammachi has been ready of facing all the risks, the risks that bring the consequences of social class.Mammachi is accustomed to get hit from Pappachi. Mammachi does not do anything because for Indian women, women, as a wife,have to serve their husband. So whatever her husband does to his wife then his wife must accept it. "He never touched Mammachi again. But he never spoke to her either as long as he lived' (Roy, 1997: 23). So, Mammachi is never really touched or talked at all to Pappachi until Pappachi died. Besides family life, Consequence of social class also influences to the religion. People who are Christian Syrian, are supposed to be upper class than Hindus. In an intriguing chapter of Modernization and Effeminization in India, Anna Lindberg discusses how jobs within cashew factories in Kerala are dependent on one's caste. The dirtiest job, shelling the cashews, is done by the lowest castes of the factories. Shelling is the most unhealthy job as it involves removing the roasted nuts from the corrosive black oily shells. The next step up is peeling, or removing the brown skin from the cashews and is performed by both the scheduled castes and the Ezhavas caste (Linberg, 2005: 55). That quotation explains indirectly how caste affects the job of people in India. People with upper caste will throw the obligation and duty of the job to the lower caste, and people with upper caste prefer choosing clean and light works. Thus, the lower caste, people with the lower caste always works with dirtiness job, and low class job. Chacko is the first son of Pappachi and Mammachi. He was born from upper class family, and it makes the life of Chacko is surrounded by the wealth that can sink himself in the sea of this life. Upper class is portrayed clearly in this novel and it is reflected by Chacko's character. It can be looked at the background of education and of lifestyle of Chacko. The background of education of Chacko that is laid on Oxford and marries-divorces-re-marries, and gets back to Ayemenem, and ends it with heading the Pickle factory, have proven that it is the interesting life to have. However, this social class, finally affects his mental health. As the head of the Pickle factory, Chacko actually can do everything he wants, he has that chance. As has been exposed on this follows statement, "He would call pretty women who worked in the factory to his room, and on the pretext of lecturing them on labor rights and trade union law, flirt with them outrageously." (Roy, 1997: 31). Chacko has a habit of calling all beautiful women who work at the Pickle factor. He invites them with reason to teach them about the rights they have to have. However, Chacko does not do that, it is just a reason. Chacko tries to sleep those women with giving them money. For Chacko, spending much money for sleeping with women, is not a great problem. The condition of his economy, especially money, can guarantee it. Baby kochama is a character who has upper social class in the novel. Her social class then gives impact toward criminal justice system. One with upper social class is usually respected. Once, when Baby Kochama arrives at a police station, she is treated as if a queen. The police treat her very well, with great attitude, and so much respect that is never hidden in the police's mouth. She ever sells a lie to the police, and the police trust it by taking it for granted. Based on that fact, it can be articulated that the impact of Baby Kochama as the upper class is really affecting to her life, her life that is full of respect by the people or the society around her. For the support to proof it, this statement can be supposed to, "Baby Kochamma misrepresented the relationship between Ammu and Velutha, not for Ammu's sake, but to contain the scandal and salvage the family reputation in Inspector Thomas Mathew's eyes." (Roy, 1997: 122). It is clear when it is known that Baby Kochama sells the lie to the police just because she does not want her family gets down of reputation. The way Baby Kochama utilizes her status in the society is very tricky. She reconstructs the story of Ammu and Velutha because the relation between the two is such a shame thing for the family, especially for Baby Kochama's family that is from upper class. With no having any choices to save the reputation, Baby Kochama finally does the lie, with regardless the value of lying is lower than lower class status. Impact of Ammu as lower social class is drawn in physical health and criminal justice system. Ammu suffer from many diseases after he gets out of Ayemenem's house. As has been exposed on this follows statement, "Who came back to Ayemenem with asthma and a rattle in her chest that sounded like a faraway man shouting" (Roy,1997: 76). Her weak economical condition grave illnesses suffered by Ammu. There is not much that can be done by Ammu. Eventhought she is sick, she still has to work to meet all her needs. Living in poverty make Ammu can not treat her disease. Her physical changes occur from groomed Ammu and beautiful become Ammu who has disease and ugly. Ammu physical changes that profoundly changed drastically make her looks very different. When Baba, who is a Hindus, marriage with Ammu that makes the church doesn not want to bury Ammu. because for the church Ammu has different class from them. So, Chacko dicides to bring Ammu's bodies to the electric crematorium. Ammu's bodies are treated very badly, they wrap the body of Ammu on a dirty mattress. How Ammu's bodies are treated very clearly illustrates how Ammu's social class. Her marriage that is considered wrong, living in poverty and disease she has, it all led to Ammu suffer until she dies. Cremation place that is used to burry Ammu's bodies is very dirty. From the above quotation clearly seen what people is burned in that place. Only the bodies of beggars, criminals and police custody are burned on the ground. It is impossible for bodies of people wiyh high social class and have good econmomic condition is buried in that ground. Unfortunately again, no more families are present in addition to the ground except Chacko and Rahel. Impact on the character Velutha great looks of the criminal justice system. Velutha as a lower social class is treated badly in the criminal system. When velutha is accused of making a mistake then the police catch him in a bad way. They do the violence which is not a procedure of arrest. They woke Velutha with their boots (Roy, 1997: 144). The police wake Velutha who is asleep with their hard shoes. The police do not want to touch velutha because he is a lower class. Velutha gets injustice. The police directly commit violence on Velutha without asking first what happen actually. On Estha's character, social class gives impact on his mental health. Estha who is accustomed to luxury living in Ayemenem's house. One day he has to move because his mother send him bank to his father. Where the condition of his father is different with condition in Ayemenem's house. Estha finished school with mediocre results, but refused to go to college. Instead, much to the initial embarrassment of his father and stepmother, he began to do the housework. As though in his own way he was trying to earn his keep. He did the sweeping, swabbing and all the laundry. He learned to cook and shop for vegetables (Roy, 1997: 6). His mental health is disturbed after he decides not to continue his education into college. Estha starts doing what he should not do. He does all the homework that should be done by women. And since then Estha starts rarely speak until one day he really stop talking altogether. Estha performs regular activities without spending a single word. He does not care what the people around him are doing. He will still silent. Although his twin sister, Rahel, is next door and talk, then Estha still keep silent. This condition sometimes makes Rahel think whether Estha become mad, as has been exposed on this follows statement, "Had be seen her? Was be really mad? Did be know that she was there? They had never been shy of each other's bodies, but they had never been old enough (together) to know what shyness was" (Roy, 1997: 44).EStha's mental condition shows that social class can also give impact on mental health. Rahel is raised by mammachi after Ammu die. Of course being raised by mammachi will make life in very good socio economic condition. Raised by Upper class lifestyle makes an impact on family life of rahel. Rahel who has been abandoned by both parents become a very naughty girl. Because she never get a good attention from all her family. Uncle Chacko and Mammachi just give her all the material only. Rahel gets all the facilities that she need so she can reach high education. it is clearly explained how Rahel who are not given attention by all her families. They are just busy with their own affairs without considering the love that needed by Rahel. She is just given all the material she needs such as clothes, food, and money. That all makes Rahel become a naughty girl. Rahel is actually a beautifull smart kid, but she often makes the act that make her eventually are punished and expelled from the school. In the above quotation illustrated how Rahel delinquency in schools. Rahel is first convicted when she is at the Convent of Nazareth. She is caught decorate dorm room door with a flower head. And the next day she is tried and given punishment by the head monastery. Six months after, Rahel is expelled from school because she is already given many punishments and she still keeps naughty. It is all because of Rahel ever caught smoking, she also ever steal and burn bun of Houseministers. Rahel becomes naughty because of she never gets a good attention. Here, it clearly shows that social class olaso give impact to family life. Rahel eventually grows into adulthood without attention and affection of a family. As an Indian women, Rahel's future is determined also by her marriage. CONCLUSION Based on the recent analysis of the data, the result can be concluded that all the issues that have been revealed by statement of the problem can be drawn. There are two conclusions which can be concluded. The first is about the depiction of the social class, the second is about the impact of the social class on the character. The first conclusion is about the existence of social class experienced by the character in the novel. Karl Marx divides social class into two classes. They are Capitalist class (Upper Class) and Working Class (Lower Class). The existence of social class can be seen by wealth, occupation and educational level. As Worsley says that each of the aspects can be used for different purposes or they can be combined. So the character in the novel is divided into two classes. Upper class's characters are Pappachi, Mammachi, Chacko, BabyKochama. And the lower class's characters are Ammu, Velutha, rahel and Estha. The social class can be identified by their economic background, their way of life, their way of dressing, and the standard of living. The second conclusion is about the impact of social class on the character. The impacts of social class are divided into six categories. They are: physical health, mental health, family life, education, religion, criminal justice system. Every character has different social class impact. Furthemore, the writer also find some characters who have different social class. Here, Ammu, Rahel and Estha are Upper social class. Because of some problems, their social class is changed from Upper social class to Lower social class. And it also makes different impact for them. REFERENCES Abrecombie, Nicholas. et al,. 1994. The penguin dictionary of sociology (3rd edition). New York: Penguin Books Ltd. Al-Qudaeri, Golam Gaus & Muhammad Syaiful Islam. 2011. "Complicity and Resistance: Women in Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things". ISSN No. 1948-1845 (Print); 1948-1853 (Electronic). Ambedkar, BR. 1916. Caste in India: their mechanism, genesis, and development. Julundur City: The Awami Press. Chittilapilly, Paul. 2000 The Life and Nature of the St. Thomas Christian Church in the Pre-Diamper Period. Kochi: LRC Publications. Chu, Yu Ru.2006. Recasting India: Caste, Trauma, and the Politics of Transgression in Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things. Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friederich. 2001. The Philoshopy of History. Ontario: Batoche Books. Henslin, James. 2003. Sociology. Boston: Pearson. Hornick, Barbara. 2011. Sociology Reference Guide: Defining Class. New Jersey: Salem Press. Keane, David. 1978. Caste-based Discrimination in International Human Rights Law. Hampshire: Ashgate Publishing Limited. Khori, Moh. 2010.Social Class and Political Satire in Mark Twain's The Prince and The Pauper. Lawrence, Wishart London. 1965. V. I. Lenin: Collected Works Vol. 29. Moscow: Progress Publisher. Mines, Diane P. 2009. Caste in India. Michigan: Association for Asian Studies, Inc. Narwoko, Dwi., Bagong Suyanto ed,. 2007. Sosiologi: Teks Pengantar & Terapan. Jakarta: Kencana Prenada Media Group. Nanda, Silima. 2012. "Women as the Oppressed in The God of Small Thing". ISSN 0976-8165. Neil, Stephen. 1984. A History of Christianity in India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nobs, Jack. Et al,. 1980. Sociology. London: Macmillan Education Ltd. Palakunnel, John. 2003. Christianity is Truly Indigenous inSt. Thomas Christians. Kochi: LRC Publications. Rao, Anupama. 2003. Introduction in Gender and Caste. New Delhi. Kali for Women. Renou, Louis. 1961. Hinduism. New York: George Braziller, Inc. Richards, WJ. 1908. The Indian Christian of St Thomas. London. Bemrose& Son Limited. Roy, Arundhati. 1997. The God of Small Things. London: Flamingo Taylor, Richard.1981. Understanding the Elements of Literature. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Thomas, Sonja. 2011. From Chattas to Churindas: Syrian Christian Religious Minorities in a Secular Indian. New Jersey: The State University of New Jersey Wellek, Rene., Austin Warren.1984. Theory of Literature. New York: Mariner Books Worsley, Peter. 1970. Introducing Sociology. Baltimore: Cox & Wyman Ltd.
"Fake News" bilden seit Menschengedenken ein zentrales Problem für die individuelle und öffentliche Meinungsbildung. Dabei wird die Wirkung verbreiteter Desinformation heutzutage durch die technischen Möglichkeiten im Bereich der Online-Kommunikation, etwa durch die Echokammern in sozialen Netzwerken oder den Einsatz künstlicher Meinungsverstärker, mitunter noch verstärkt. Effekte von einmal geäußerter Desinformation lassen sich aus kognitionswissenschaftlicher Perspektive nur noch sehr schwer korrigieren. Die Arbeit beschäftigt sich daher mit dem (kommunikations-)grundrechtlichen Schutz vo...
"Fake News" bilden seit Menschengedenken ein zentrales Problem für die individuelle und öffentliche Meinungsbildung. Dabei wird die Wirkung verbreiteter Desinformation heutzutage durch die technischen Möglichkeiten im Bereich der Online-Kommunikation, etwa durch die Echokammern in sozialen Netzwerken oder den Einsatz künstlicher Meinungsverstärker, mitunter noch verstärkt. Effekte von einmal geäußerter Desinformation lassen sich aus kognitionswissenschaftlicher Perspektive nur noch sehr schwer korrigieren. Die Arbeit beschäftigt sich daher mit dem (kommunikations-)grundrechtlichen Schutz vo...
Transcript of an oral history interview with Priscilla Dole Hatch, conducted by Sarah Yahm on 11 June 2015, as part of the Norwich Voices oral history project of the Sullivan Museum and History Center. The bulk of her interview focuses on Priscilla Dole Hatch's family and their long-standing relationship with Norwich University; also discussed are her experiences as an elementary school teacher and her memories of Northfield, Vermont. ; 1 Priscilla Dole Hatch, Oral History Interview June 11, 2015 Interviewed by Sarah Yahm SARAH YAHM: Hmm. Well, we'll keep trying. This may not work. We might need to reschedule but we're going to give it a shot. I've been having some trouble with my equipment. Um, okay, so you've been here for eighty-something years? PRISCILLA DOLE HATCH: Eighty years actually. SY: Eighty years. Was this the house you were born in? PH: No. No. When my family bought this house when I was four years old. SY: Wow. But you were born in Northfield. PH: Born in Northfield. SY: And where was your, what house were you born in? Where was your original house? PH: The house up on, um, the corner of Stagecoach and Route Twelve. SY: Wow. PH: Right across from the library. SY: Okay. So, you've seen a lot of big changes in your lifetime. PH: Oh, yes. SY: Yeah. So, I guess I'm wondering, so your family has a long-standing history with the University. Right? Could you talk about that relationship a little bit? PH: Okay. Which one? My grandfather? SY: Both. PH: Both of them. Okay. My grandfather Dole, Charles Dole, was acting president for two years. It was at a time when Norwich was having financial difficulties. So, he used his own money to pay the instructors. Of course, there were fewer instructors then than there are now but, um, he did that and then he had, four boys went to Norwich, his four sons. And then he had two brothers I believe that went to Norwich, at least one, maybe two. And then, my other grandfather, Ira Holden, he went to Norwich, I think, two years, because he liked to play football. That was the 2 reason. But then he had to go back and work on the farm. So, he only stayed in for two years. SY: So, I'm wondering, okay, so you were born in Northfield. You grew up here but I'm wondering what your first memory is. PH: My first memory. I don't know if it's from pictures or really a memory but I remember living on Cross Street. And it was a duplex house. We had a family living beside us. Excuse me. We had a family living beside us and there were two boys in the house. And they were, we all played together and had a good time. And let me tell you what I did. Uh oh. One day, I decided to take a walk and I was three, I think. So, I, my mother discovered that I was gone. And so, she started looking for me and they were digging a cesspool line all the way down Vine Street at that time. Of course, they're pretty deep. So, she went the whole length of the cesspool trying to find me. She thought I was fallen in there. Anyway, in the meantime, I had walked down Vine Street but didn't fall in the sewer, walked down Vine Street and then I went down over the bank, walked the tracks until I got into town, into the depot. And then, I went across the, I went across to, um, East Street. Now, I went to visit my mother's hairdresser. That was my point of travel. So, she, of course, was just about crazy and she went to, she finally got the telephone call from her friend, saying, "I have a little girl down here. She walked in just a little while ago." P.S. then, when I got home, I was put on a rope and I was able to, it was on a run and I could, I could move around that way. But I had to stay on that. The little boy next door, the reason I mention him, the little boy next door came running into the house one day, that day, and he said to my mother, "Don't worry, Mrs. Dole. Don't worry, Mrs. Dole. She's all right. I let her go." (Laughs.) SY: Uh oh. PH He thought was, that's pretty much, that's the first big memory I have. SY: How old were you when that happened? PH: About three. SY: About three, oh. So, that was a young memory. PH: I was young. Yes. SY: So, what was Northfield like as a kid? What were your favorite places? What did you do? Where'd you go? PH: Well, we had the, we had the concerts down on the common. We used to go to that in the summer. My father played in the cornet band and as he did at Norwich too. And, oh dear, what else did we do? We didn't have a lot. I mean, we just pretty 3 much played together as kids. My father worked in the post office. And so, he was busy all the time. We didn't have long vacations or anything like that. We pretty much lived at home. And then, I used to go up to my grandmother's, up on Twelve A and they had a farm. And that was when I really had fun, up there too. That was great, great sport. SY: What would you do? PH: Well, if you were really good, you were allowed to ride the hay, what do you call it? SY: Wagon? PH: Wagon! Thank you. The hay wagon, back from the field, when my grandfather was, you couldn't ride it when there was any hay on it. He was too nervous about that. But you could ride once. You could ride down. And so, we used to do that and in the summer, once in a while, I could take a friend and go up there. Then, in the winter, we used to go up to the sugar house because he made maple syrup. You went up over the tracks there and up on the hill behind the, I don't know how to describe that, um, he had a bridge that went across Dog River there and that he had built himself. And then, because he had to take horses upwards to draw the sap. Anyway, he had the sugar house up there and I was allowed to go up there. We would take an egg, one egg with us and it had to be a raw egg. We took that up. He'd put it in the sap. And then, come lunchtime, we had a hard-boiled egg that was cooked in the sap. SY: Oh! Did it have a maple-y taste? PH: Just a tinge. And if it didn't, we thought it did. (Laughs.) SY: Of course, it doesn't matter if it did for real. Yeah. PH: Right. SY: Absolutely. So, I'm wondering what your impressions were of Norwich were as a kid. Did you have much interactions with the cadets? Did you ever get on campus? Do you have any memories? PH: Oh, yes. Yes. Yes. Of course, they were always around. They had more freedom then. They were off campus more. Once we moved here, I don't know how it always happened but they used to come here and, you know, they'd get sick of campus food and they'd come over and have dinner or something like that. My father was acquainted with quite a few of them. And so, you know, I'm just talking three or four, something like that. But they, this kind of got to be their second home. 4 SY: And how did your father know them? Just through the post office or because he was an alum? PH: No. I think through the Masons. He was a Mason and they were learning to be Masons. So, they'd come over here and study, study the, whatever it is. Then, of course, they'd stay for dinner. I can remember my mother making homemade English muffins. They were so good. They would sit down and have those and coffee after their lessons. And they would come. It was interesting. They just seemed to be glad to have a home atmosphere and feel like they could come over whenever they want. Sit on the porch or what have you. So, I knew quite a few of them that way. Of course, we used to go the football games and the basketball games. Then, when I got older, I knew a few of them. Let's see. What did we do when I was older? I dated some of them. SY: Yes. So, you did. You dated indecipherable. So, what did that mean? Going to the balls? PH: I did. Some. Mm hmm. Went to the ball and to the fraternities. They had the fraternities there. We would have parties. One of the boys that I met that I really thought a lot of, after graduation, he came back to visit. On the way back, he was going to grad school in Ann Arbor, Michigan. And on the way back, he was on a flight that went down. So, he was killed unfortunately. Great, great, great cadet. Really nice, nice young man. Anyway, uh. SY: That's very sad. PH: Pardon me? SY: That's very sad. PH: It was terrible. SY: And how old were you when that happened? PH: I was, oh, by then, I was, I had dated him so I was, how old was I? I was nineteen, twenty. SY: And when were you allowed to start dating cadets? PH: It was interesting because then, if you dated a cadet, the town boys wouldn't date you. SY: Why was that? PH: They were jealous, I think. There was a definite demarcation there. You went with one of the other and you didn't go with both. You always had to make a decision. 5 SY: What, why'd you make the decision that you made? Do you remember your teenage thought process about it? PH: Actually, until after I got out of school, I did not date any cadets. I did date the town boys. But then, after that, I don't know. I don't know how it happened. A lot of the boys went away. That was '48 and it was getting close to the Korean War. A lot of them went in the service. Then, I met some through them coming here. I met two of them when they came here. And one of them I dated and we went to the ball, the junior, what was it called, junior. SY: The ring ceremony? PH: Pardon me? SY: The ring, uh, I always forget what it's called. The junior weekend. PH: There was junior weekend but there was a special name for I can't remember what it was. But anyway, it had the king and the queen and the whole nine yards. SY: Yeah. Yeah. PH: Yeah. SY: Would town boys be sort of mean about? PH: No. They just wouldn't date you. It was kind of a, a hidden thing, you know. Nobody talked about it. Nobody said, "I won't date you if you date." That wasn't even part of it but it just happened. That's the way it was. SY: That's very interesting. Let's rewind a little bit and let's talk about, because you're a teenager during World War II. Let's talk about what it was like during World War II in town. Do you have any memories of that? PH: I do. I do. SY: Could you talk about those? PH: I do because I had an uncle and two cousins that were in the War. They were Marines. I was, let's see, at that time, I was trying to think the other day how old I was when the Germans marched into Poland. That was '39, so I would have been eight. I can remember lying in bed and this was a direct route for the planes to go over from Portland to, I think, Massachusetts. I used to worry. I'd hear those planes and I think, "Oh. Are they going to?" You didn't know who they were. Whether they were our or theirs. I used to think about that, lying in bed and I used to think about my cousins, worrying about them, where they were and what they 6 were in to and so forth. Plus, other boys that were in town, you know. You worried about them too. It was an interesting time. I can remember when I heard that the Germans had gone into Poland in 1939. I was walking to school and I met up with somebody who had heard it on the radio and they mentioned it. It was a shock. It was a real shock. Because, of course, we didn't have TV and all of that to get instant information. So, it was hard to take. SY: Yeah. Do you remember deprivation during the War? Do you remember rationing? Do you remember blackout curtains? What was the day to day life like? PH: We had all the curtains on all the windows were all blacked out. SY: So, in this house, all of these windows were blacked out curtains. PH: All the windows were blacked out and, uh, then, they had the civil patrol. What was it called? I think it was called civil patrol. They would go out and canvas the town to see if they could see any light. If they did, they knocked on your door and told you something was leaking somewhere. SY: And was it your job to pull down the curtains? Whose job was it to pull down the curtains? PH: Whoever was near them at the time. Not anybody's job really. SY: Were those blackouts scary? PH: No. No. You just had them all the time. You pulled them down all the time. No. We got used to it. My mother and father were spotters, up on the hill up here. They would go up. Now, my father and friend went from six to twelve because they were working. My mother and the friend's wife went from twelve to six in the morning. So, they were up there all night. SY: Looking for planes? PH: Yes. When a plane went over, they had to notify. If it was going this way, they had to notify if Massachusetts. If it was going that way, they had to notify Portland. SY: And did they have phones with them? How did they? PH: Mm hmm. They had phone service up there. SY: Wow. PH: Mm hmm. SY: And they did that every night? 7 PH: No. Once a week. SY: Once a week. PH: They were scheduled. Different people were scheduled once a week. SY: And it was rotated. PH: It was rotated. It was constantly covered. Somebody was up there. SY: Anybody ever see anything? PH: Just the planes going over, you know. Yeah. No. Nothing happened. Thank goodness SY: No. Nothing did. Do you remember when all of the Norwich cadets left campus and enlisted? Do you remember that? Could you describe that? PH: I do. And then, the ASTP came in. SY: Yes. Could you describe that and tell that story? PH: Well, it's all of the sudden they just were, they left and there was no fanfare, not much fanfare anyway. There was more fanfare when ASTP left. They marched to the train and they went that way, as I remember. SY: Did you see them marching? PH: I think so. I know I saw the ASTP when they went down. SY: What does ASTP stand for? PH: I knew you were going to ask me that. SY: Ha! Ha! PH: Army training service? They were soldiers. SY: Yeah. PH: They were soldiers that, non-com soldiers, you called them, I think. They were up here to, I think they had different stretches like six weeks, six months, I mean. I don't know. I'm not sure what their schedules were. But they were up here and that was time we still had horses at Norwich. They had to, they had to take care of them. In fact, we had two friends, two of the AST people, their wives came and 8 stayed here. One, she could only get away like weekends. So, she'd come here. And then, the other one, she was, oh God bless her, she was only eighteen years old. She followed her husband up here. What the people did around here, they took them in. And they could live with, we had one that lived with us, the one I mentioned for room and board. And they just worked, you know, did the dishes. SY: And they weren't associated with Norwich? They were associated with the Guard or something else? PH: No. They were with ASTP that was up there. SY: But that was up on campus? PH: That was on campus. The boys were on campus. SY: Oh. I see. So, all the Norwich cadets left. And then, the campus was used probably to do some training for the military. PH: Exactly. SY: Okay. Now I understand. Okay. And you remember when they left. And you're a little kid, at this point, watching this happen, watching the country mobilize for war. What were you thinking watching all this? PH: Right. I had to, I don't know. It was just something else that was happening, I think mainly. I don't think, I mean, we knew about it and it was talked about and we were concerned. But we didn't really know what was happening, you know. We couldn't visualize. SY: Was there part of it, because when you're a little kid, any event is sort of exciting, even if it's scary. It's a little bit like a snow day like, "This is a new thing that's happening!" Do remember being excited by all the fanfare? PH: It wasn't that much fanfare, really. It really wasn't. Everything just sort of happened, you know. The fanfare was when they left and I can remember going down to the train with the girl that lived here. And, of course, she was weeping because he was going off. He was going to war then and she was going to have to go back home. She was very distraught. I can remember walking with her down to watch them march down, follow them and to get on the train. It was tough. It really was tough. SY: Was she waving? PH: Yeah. SY: Yeah. And crying? 9 PH: Crying. SY: That sounds hard. PH: They all were. All the girls that were here. Many, many people took the girls in so they could be near them. It just, they were friends forever. SY: Yeah. You stayed in touch with them? PH: Mm hmm. SY: Yeah. PH: Yeah. SY: Wow. Do you know what happened? PH: Went to visit them in Florida many, many years afterwards. SY: Oh. Look at that. So, what about rationing during the War? Were you able, what foods weren't you able to get? How did that, how did daily life change? Did the town feel empty without men? PH: Well, we didn't, we didn't have much trouble as far as meat was concerned because my grandfather had a farm and he butchered the cows or had them butchered. So, we were all right with that but butter and sugar were the two things that were difficult. And, of course, you had your stamps and your little coins that you use. It was an interesting time. You'd go to the store and, oh, and we'd take our fat, fat that you had that you dried out like if you had bacon, if you were lucky enough to have bacon. If you had bacon, then you'd dry that out and you'd take the fat down and they'd give you maybe two cents. SY: For the lard. PH: It was like a donation almost for the lard. SY: And what would they use it for? PH: They turned it back in for, they remade something with it in the war effort. SY: Interesting. Was cloth hard to get? I know that cloth was sometimes rationed. PH: I, probably, probably it was. I know my mother, my mother made everything. She made all the clothes and everything. I don't know if cloth was hard to get. I really don't. 10 SY: Okay. So, you remember your little ration book and stamps and going around and getting things. And was cooking different? Did you cook differently than you had before the war? PH: If you had a pound of bacon, you stretched, I mean a pound of hamburger. You stretched it. You put an egg in it because eggs we could get. You put an egg in it and you'd put some breadcrumbs in it. You really stretched it to make it go. SY: Do you feel like you kept some of those habits throughout the rest of your life? PH: Some of them. SY: Because you also were a Depression baby. You were born during the Depression. PH: Right. SY: Yeah. So, did you feel that that influenced you as an adult, those early years? PH: Oh, it has. SY: How so? PH: My children tell me is has. (Laughs.) SY: Oh, yeah? They're like, "Mom!" So, what types of things? PH: Oh, dear. Well, I'm frugal. That was one thing that I learned. Make it work. What other things? I don't know. Maybe the way I cook. I think that might have some influence on that. And making food go. When you're first married, you don't have much money no matter where you are. You tend to fall back on those old ideas. SY: Yeah. So, were there a lot of men missing in the town? Did it feel empty? PH: Yes. Quite a few. Quite a few of the boys went. Yeah. SY: And boys you grew up with too. PH: We lost one. Tom. Tom Mayall. We lost him. He was missing in action, finally declared dead. They had a funeral for him here. His body wasn't brought back. They had a funeral here. And then, about two years later, he came to life. He was not dead. He was prisoner. I think he was a prisoner. And he surfaced. SY: Do you remember how that news was spread? Tell me that story. That's a great story. 11 PH: Everybody was excited. Everybody, whether they knew Tom or not, they were excited. SY: And had you known him? PH: I did know him. SY: Yeah. So, do you remember where you were when you heard that he was alive? PH: I don't. I don't remember. SY: Do you remember when he first came back to town? Did he come by train? PH: I don't remember how he came to town. I remember just having him here and his mother being so excited and, oh, she was so excited. She had other boys that were in the service too. SY: What a reprieve! Can you imagine? Every mother who loses a son is like, "Maybe it's a mistake." What an incredible thing for it to have actually been a mistake. PH: Yeah. SY: Wow. You said your uncle and cousins were in the War and they were okay? PH: Yes. SY: Any aftereffects? Things like PTSD? Were they different afterwards? PH: No. SY: No. Did they talk about it or did they not talk about it? PH: They didn't a lot. No. My husband didn't either until shortly before he died. I mean, it wasn't that he wouldn't talk about it. He just didn't talk about it. If you asked him something, he would answer you, but he was not, he just didn't make a big deal out of it. That's the only way I can describe it. SY: But then, before he died, he felt the need to talk about it. PH: He did talk about it more. Yes. He was an avid Marine. He was very proud to be a Marine. The other two cousins, actually I had several, my favorite cousin, he was in and his brother and his father was in. And they met over in Okinawa. We have a picture of them where they met, the three of them in Okinawa. Uncle Ray, I think he was a general at that time. He graduated. He's on the flag up there at Norwich. Are they still there, the flags in the chapel? 12 SY: I think so. PH: And his two sons. He met his two sons over there. That was kind of nice. SY: So, he had been a Norwich graduate as well. PH: Mm hmm. SY: So how did you meet your husband? PH: In college. SY: And where did you go to school? PH: At Castleton. SY: You went to Castleton. You met him at Castleton. After the War? PH: Yes. Oh, yes. SY: What did you study? PH: On campus. SY: No. What did you study? PH: What did I study? Oh, teaching. I was a teacher too and he was a teacher. SY: What subject? Or did you teach elementary? PH: I taught elementary and he taught junior high. Then, another interesting thing that happened to me, I laugh about it now. They had a course. I don't know if you've heard about it. They had a course here in Norwich in aviation, in the summer. You've heard about it? Okay. I can't think of his name, the one that taught. Oh, he was wonderful. All of them were. Anyway, I took that course. One day, it hit me. I said, "I'm the first girl to go to Norwich, to take a course and go to Norwich in our family." It was like, okay, so there was my uncle, my grandfather, and my father and brothers. And then, I had the chance to go. SY: You might have been one of the first girls ever to take a class at Norwich! PH: That's right. SY: So, what year was this and tell me what it was like? 13 PH: I think it was 1950. Oh, we had a wonderful time. It was all teachers. I used the material a lot afterwards. I wish I could think of the man's name. SY: And what were you learning? Were you learning to actually fly? PH: Aviation. Mm hmm. Well, we had an hour, two hours in the simulator, the simulator here. We did a lot with, we learned how they studied air currents and all of that and the principals of flying. Enough so that we could take it back and give the kids an understanding of it. They loved it. I did a unit on it afterwards, the first year afterwards. Oh, it was so much fun because they got so excited to be able to do something so different. We had to make planes. They had to fly. I can't remember how long they had to fly but they did. We had to pass that. That was very important we passed that. SY: So, you had to make planes, like miniature planes, and they had to fly successfully so that you could demonstrate understanding aerodynamics. PH: Right. Right. SY: And you got to be in a flight simulator. PH: You got to be in the flight simulator. We took a trip to Sikorsky in Connecticut where, you know, they were building, they were building, I think, helicopters. Maybe they're doing that now. I'm not sure. Anyway, yeah. We had to fly. It was just a wonderful course. Nobody could ask for a better course. They were working so hard to make it successful. They really just put their all into it. SY: And it was other teachers. So, there were other women in that course. PH: Oh yes. SY: Lots of other women in that course. I wonder if you guys were technically the first group of women to take a course at Norwich. PH: I think we were. SY: Huh. How did that feel? PH: I was excited because I liked the idea of going there. SY: And your whole family had gone there. So, it makes sense that you were like, "What about me!?" Yeah. PH: It was really fun. It was a different experience. I'm trying to think how many were in the class. It must have been, I don't know. There were twenty-five of us, maybe. 14 SY: I wonder how long they ran that course for. PH: Only a couple, three years. They dropped it. I never knew why. I always felt bad that they did. SY: Yeah. PH: Because it was a wonderful teaching tool. SY: And it's exciting that they were also attempting to connect to elementary school teachers, right, and create an aviation curriculum. So, it sounds like you worked for most of your adult life. PH: I taught until I went down to New York. And then, I stopped teaching when I went down there. I substituted. That was all. And then, I decided I wanted to be home when my children came home. So, I stopped working. I didn't stop working. I stopped teaching. (Laughs.) SY: Yep. Let's not make that mistake. PH: No. SY: You were working hard. PH: But anyway, yes. That was it. We were there twenty-five years. Then, we came back here, retired back to this house. Been here since '82. SY: I have some more questions. I'm wondering, when you were a little girl, what you wanted to be when you grew up? What were your dreams of what you were going to do with your life? PH: You're going to laugh. I wanted to be a teacher. SY: I'm not going to laugh! And why did you want to be a teacher? PH: Probably because my mother was. I suspect that was my motivation. SY: Where did your mother get her teaching degree? PH: She got it at Montpelier Seminary. There's a seminary down there. SY: So, that was Vermont College, wasn't it? PH: And then it was Vermont College. Yes. But she did not want to teach in village schools. She only taught in the country schools. She loved it. She absolutely loved it. 15 SY: Why not the village schools? Why the country schools? PH: The children are entirely different, entirely different. They're so appreciative, everything you do. You can't do enough for them. They don't have a lot, you know. They just are super kids. SY: So, she was never your teacher. You were going to the village school and she was teaching in the country. Or did she stop teaching when you were born? PH: The way it happened was the superintendent came to her and he wanted her, because right after she got married, she was teaching down in Braintree. After they were married, she came, they came back here. About five years later, I was born. And then, she wanted to stay home with me. I guess I was four at the time because I was going to be five when school started. The superintendent wanted her to teach and she said, "No. I'm not going back in to teaching until Priscilla goes to school." He said, "Well, maybe I can arrange that." He said, "I can't put her in the village school because the cut-off date is six." And I would have been five. He said, "But maybe I could put her up here in the center across from the library, up on the hill." He said, "Maybe I could put her in there and it won't cause a ruckus. Then you could teach." (Laughs.) Who'd do that? SY: So, is that what happened? PH: That's exactly what happened. I went to school up there for a year. And then, I came back down and I went to second grade in the village school. SY: So, you come from a, your mother loved teaching, it sounds like and you love teaching. I guess, where was your first teaching job and what were your joys and failures? I've taught, so I know there are joys and failures. PH: There are. My first teaching job was right here in Northfield. SY: Where you'd gone to school. PH: Yep. And I had what I'd call the best class that ever went through the Northfield school system. 1957, the class of 1957. And they were, oh, they were just wonderful kids. I've kept in touch with them all these years. I go to their reunions. They're just wonderful. SY: What made them so great? Well, what grade were you teaching? PH: Then, I was teaching sixth grade. I was teaching in an overflow class, an overflow group, because there were so many, they divided them. So, I only had nineteen. Perfect! 16 SY: Oh, because this is the baby boom. This is the post-war boom. That was the first year of that. If they were twelve, then. PH: That's why there was so many and that's why they divided them. I really considered myself lucky. To have such a class. Oh! All just wonderful and they've done very, very well. SY: What types of stuff did you do with them? Do you remember some of the curriculum you did, some of your projects? PH: Oh, dear. We had to stick pretty much to the, you know, one time, it was a Friday afternoon and everybody was like this, you know. And so, I said to them, we had to do, it was a literature, world literature. We had a little unit on that. And so, they were working around the Australian area. So, I said, "How would you like to learn to sing Waltzing Matilda?" Well, they thought that was a good idea and I figured it was good for anything else, right. So, the only way that I could do it was by rote, because I had nothing to do it with. I was singing to them and there were two doors on either side. The superintendent could come in. Of course, anybody could come in either door. So, I'm singing away there to them and then, I'd have them do a part of it and then I'd sing some more and then we'd do all of it. I did it that way. I happened to be singing and I didn't have the voice I have now. I happened to be singing and Walt Gallagher was the superintendent and he came around the corner and I looked up and I saw him and I don't know what, there must have been a look on my face or something. He said, "Oh, I won't bother you now. I'll be back later." (Laughs.) SY: (singing) Waltzing Matilda! Waltzing Matilda! PH: That's exactly what I was doing. It was fun. I loved it. I did. I loved teaching. That's all I can say is I really enjoyed it. SY: Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. It must have been nice to teach in the school that you had gone to. You probably knew the, there were probably just a couple families and you knew all the families. PH: I knew the families but I also taught with some of the teachers that taught with my dad. SY: That's a strange experience, huh? PH: It was very strange. In fact, the eighth-grade teacher, I mean I always called Ms. Lyon, Ms. Lyon, you know. That's what you call her, I mean. She was very strict. When she was the principal, you know, you were scared to death of her. One day, she said, "Priscilla." And then she paused, she said, "Priscilla, call me Vesta. Don't call me Ms. Lyon anymore." Okay. (Laughs.) 17 SY: Yeah. PH: And it was the hardest thing for me to do. The others, there were a couple of others there, I didn't have any trouble with. But to call her, it was really wicked. Oh. I was so nervous. SY: That's hilarious. PH: I had been afraid of her in school and it sort of carried through. SY: What was your biggest challenge as a teacher? What was the thing that was hardest for you in the classroom? PH: What was the what now? SY: Your biggest challenge as a teacher. What was hardest for you in the classroom? PH: Discipline. SY: Yeah. What the expectation then of how you were supposed to discipline kids? PH: Well, of course you didn't harm. I wouldn't think of hitting them. No way. But, it just, I don't know, I never had that much trouble with it really. I had one incident and he's a graduate of Norwich. No names. He was a challenge personified, really. I knew I was going to get him. The others teachers had so much trouble with him and I determined, right at the beginning, I determined, "I'm going to win this child over." So, he came in. He did a couple of things but he came in one day and, uh, I don't know what he did. Oh. Yes. I had already put his desk down beside mine. I was headed this way and he was headed this way. So, he was sitting there for several things he had done and then, I don't know what he did now. I can't remember. I sat down and I put the children to work. I sat down and I wrote and I wrote and I wrote and I wrote. I put it in an envelope. And then, I put his mother's name on it and I put it on the corner of his desk. This is in the morning. He's got to look at this until lunch time. So, I guess you'd call it torture. I don't know. He sat there and looked at it. So, he went home. When he came back, I said, "Did you give your mother the note?" He said, "I threw it on the table as I was leaving." I said to him, "Well, that means you've got to wait all afternoon to find out the result. That's going to make it even worse. Isn't it?" And so, that was that. The next morning, I went in. He's sitting at his desk. Now, I went to school about 7:30. Early. I did my best work with planning in the morning. I went in. There sits Gary. I said, "Did you get locked in last night?" He said, "No." He said, "The janitor let me in this morning." I said, "Why are you here so early?" He said, "I just had to tell you," he said, "I didn't know how much you cared about me." Because in the note, I had written, "It's only because I care so much about so much about, that I really want him to do well. Seventh grade is very important because it will be the start of his really having to buckle down in high school and learn to do well. I 18 know he can do it but he's doing too much extracurricular fooling around." He said, "Nobody's ever liked me in school." SY: What a success that is! What a success! PH: It really was. I consider it the biggest success I had in all my teaching. I had written on the bottom to ask his mother to please come in to see me. She came in and we talked about it. She said, "What can I do? What can I do to help this along?" I said, "Well, I don't know." I said, "He's very fond of his football equipment." And so, she took his football equipment away from him and told him he couldn't have it back until I wrote a note saying that it was possible. So, I let him go about six weeks. I was going to win this one. Finally, one day, I sat down and I wrote a note. Put it on his desk. He took it home. The next morning, I came in, same time, there sits Gary, full football uniform on, hat, all this stuff they wear, ball under his arm. SY: That's very sweet. PH: Is that a wonderful story? I love it. I just love it. SY: And how did he end up doing? PH: All I can say is he now, I think he's the registrar of one of the biggest colleges in the country. SY: Look at that! He did all right, that kid! PH: I wish I could tell you his name, but I shouldn't. SY: No. Oh, you shouldn't. That's a very sweet story. PH: Oh, it was wonderful. I was so pleased. He was so cute. After I left teaching, he even wrote me. He would write me letters. He was one of the ones, when we had the, when I had the units on aviation, he really got into it. He did so well on that. He really did. He was interested and excited about it. I remember him probably being the most excited than any of them. SY: It sounds like you were a wonderful teacher. PH: Oh, I don't know about that. We did have a good time. We had a good time. Hopefully, they learned. SY: Were you sad when you were moving to New York, to leave teaching at the village school? Did you teach? PH: I did. I was. Yeah. 19 SY: Did you have a send-off when you left? PH: No. Not really. Not really. SY: So, why and you lived in Northfield your whole life so you must have been sad about leaving Northfield or were you excited about moving somewhere else? What was the, I assume your husband got a job. PH: I was excited about going down there. I just wanted to do something, you know, outside. I knew I could always come back. I liked New York. I really did. Teaching was different. SY: How was it different? PH: I had, I was called in to teach first grade one day and I was pregnant with my youngest son. And so, I kind of hesitated but I said, "Okay." I would go in. I had this little kid who, I had put them all to work and when you go in, you don't have any lesson plans and you've got to figure out something quick. You've taught school. You know. So, I worked on that and then, I was walking up the aisle, between the, of course, the seats were all together. I was walking up the aisle and this little kid stuck his foot out, tripped me and I just barely, just barely held myself up and got out of it. I got home that night. I said to Stanley, "That's it. No more. Not now." SY: What was, you know what? I'm just realizing your chair is kind of squeaky. I'm wondering if maybe we should switch chairs because the squeak is coming up. PH: Is it? SY: Do you think this chair is less squeaky? PH: Could be. SY: Let's try. We'll just move my chair over and hope it's a little less squeaky. Trade. PH: This one's more solid. SY: That's more solid? Okay. Then let's do that one. There we go. So, what was it like to live in Huntington after having lived in Northfield? How was life different? PH: We lived in Northport but he taught in Huntington. It was different but I had very nice neighbors. That made it, you know. SY: And it was suburb then, right? 20 PH: Yes. We even had some potato fields. SY: Really? PH: Yes! SY: Wow! PH: Not now. SY: I was trying to figure out where Huntington is. PH: North Shore. SY: North Shore. And where's Levittown? PH: Levittown is closer to the city. SY: Closer to the city. PH: And it's in the middle. SY: But these were, like, some of the early post-War suburbs, right? PH: Mm hmm. SY: Were all the houses kind of alike? Were they designed neighborhoods or were they older than that? PH: No. You know, Huntington was, Northport especially, they had a lot of cottages out there. People went out there in the summer. A lot of them were converted cottages. Now, they're McMansions. SY: Of course. Yeah. PH: It's entirely different. Even the house that we had, it was built in the fifties. When I go by, I can't believe it. They just sold it so I was able to look at the pictures of the inside and they've done some beautiful work in there. Good ideas. No. They're not side by side really. Now, it's condos and big senior units and things like that. SY: So, how did you like being a mom? PH: Oh, I loved being a mom. SY: You did? Some people like staying at home with their kids and some people don't. You liked it. 21 PH: I did. SY: You really like kids, it sounds like. PH: I do. SY: How many kids do you have? PH: Pardon me? SY: How many kids do you have? PH: Three. SY: Three. Okay. Are they still living out on the island or are they scattered? PH: They are. They're all down there. SY: That's good. So, you can spend winters down there with them. PH: Right. I said, "We left and they didn't." SY: Yep. What made you and your husband decide to retire back up here? PH: After my mother passed away, father passed in '60, after my mother passed away in '75, the house was ours. We'd come every summer, just doing the work that had to be done to keep it up. Other than that, we closed it. He was from Vermont. He was from Calais and I was from Northfield. It was just a given to do this. Get back to where it's quieter and less expensive to live. Right now, it's horrendous to live down there. Awful. SY: Were any of your old friends still around when you came back? Did you still feel like you knew people? PH: Oh, yeah. SY: So, it was easy to slip right back in. PH: Right. Oh, yes. No problem. Between relatives and friends, it was easy. SY: Yeah. PH: That's why I say I have the best of both worlds because I go down there for six months and I see all my friends down there and then I come up here and I have all my friends up here. 22 SY: So, of course, Northfield has changed over the course of your life but I bet there's also ways in which its stayed the same. I'm wondering your thoughts about that, ways it's different and ways it's similar. PH: Well, if you take this street, for instance, every house on this street, except for the one's that painted purple, every house is the same as it was. Off this here, we now have another street off it. That wasn't there. It wasn't spruces. It was grove up there of fir trees. It was gorgeous. They took them down. SY: Oh, that's sad. PH: It is. The Common, the Common down there has changed. And, of course, Norwich has changed. That's what we watched. SY: How have you seen Norwich change? PH: Oh, my goodness! As the buildings go up, it's just amazing. And all we ever had was the, you know, Plumley. SY: The armory. PH: Couldn't think of it. Yes. Plumley. But now they have Kreitzberg. It's just amazing. It's amazing what they've done. And that's all been since, except for the building up on the Quad, all these other new buildings have all been built since the '50s. SY: Yeah. Do you remember how you felt when you heard that girls were going to be allowed to come to Norwich? PH: Oh, that was great! Yeah. I thought it was great. Nothing wrong with that. And I was so glad when we had a girl cadet colonel. I was excited. Didn't know her but I was excited. SY: Yeah. What about it excited you? PH: Oh, I just thought it was wonderful. She did so well that she could do that. SY: Yeah. PH: She had to go over some hard bumps probably to get there. SY: I would imagine. For sure. Yeah. PH: That's, you know, the Common and Norwich, that's basically the changes that have been made around here. Not too many. 23 SY: No. I guess not too many. And, I guess, the house hasn't changed that much. No. PH: No. We haven't changed it. I had the kitchen redid. We made the kitchen larger. There was a sunporch out there and a little pantry. We put that window in which was just like this window. Did that when we first came back. Other than that, no. We haven't changed it much. I like a kitchen where people can sit when you're cooking and you can talk to them. SY: Who doesn't? That's what a kitchen is for. PH: That's right. SY: That's what a kitchen's for. I wonder if you have any last thoughts or reflections about Northfield, about Norwich, about I don't know, last thoughts. You're at this point where you're probably looking back on your life and thinking about it in some ways and, I don't know, what are you proudest of? Are there things that you regret? PH: Hmm. SY: That's a hard one. PH: That's a hard one. Yeah. That's a hard one. I probably do but I can't think of. SY: But mostly, it sounds like you feel pretty good. PH: Oh, I do. I do. SY: Yeah. PH: I don't have much to, I don't have anything to be upset about or sorry. Just getting older. SY: Yeah. PH: I said, "I don't mind." My son's going to be 60. I said, "Gee, I didn't mind when I was 60. That was a good age." I said, "70 wasn't bad either but 80 has been…" (Laughs.) SY: Yeah. It's been hard. Yeah. PH: Awful. SY: Really? 24 PH: Yeah. SY: Yeah. PH: But oh well. It's all a part of it. SY: It's part of the process. PH: It's part of the process. SY: Yeah. Exactly. PH: Nothing you can do about it. SY: No. There's nothing you can do about it. PH: I have such a marvelous support group here. SY: Yeah? Tell me about it. PH: Oh. I'm so lucky. I mean, everybody looks out for me. When I go away, of course, you see my one cat has been roaming around. Got a couple of those, another one, I mean. I have a cat sitter who comes in and lives here. He's very good. He just looks out for the cats. They like him I think better than they do me now. (Laughs.) That's what I tell him. He looks out for me. I get phone calls. "Anything you need at the store?" I am going to have a woman that I go to the store with because I don't have the stamina now to lift everything and put it in and do all of that so. She'll help me with that. At the end of the street, I have Bill Lyon, who, anything goes wrong, he's right here, fixes it. I had a leak in the basement down here along the edge. I have a friend that, her husband's an engineer and she said, "Oh, he should look at that. He can tell you what to do." So, he came down and looked at it. He said, "It's really bad. It's going to cost about $3,000 to fix that." And I go, "Okay." I'm thinking, "Oh, gosh!" Then, Bill said, "Let me take a look at it." He takes a look at it. The next thing I know, the next morning, I wake up and I hear pound, pound, pound. What is that? I go around and I look and he's down there. He's working on it. He's fixing it. He fixed it! All fixed. SY: They're taking good care of you. PH: Yeah. SY: Yeah. I know another question I have – town/gown relations. How have you seen the relationship between Norwich and the town change over time? PH: Very good question. Very good question, because there's always been, the only word I can use is jealousy, a bit of jealousy of Norwich. I always say, "If it wasn't 25 for Norwich, Northfield would be Bethel." You know Bethel? Northfield would be Bethel! I said, "I don't know how you can say that because, I mean, yes, they've taken a lot of the houses over here, down." They've done things that are maybe not to everybody's liking but the good they do. Helping with the EMTs. There's just so many things that they are responsible for, helping with the police department, the money they give for that. Sure, granted, they use them. I think people resent the fact that there's no tax and nothing coming in to the tax indecipherable, but it's a college. SY: Did the cadets also have a reputation for being kind of wild at different points in time? PH: Yes. SY: Carousing in town. PH: But it depends who you ask, you know. It really does. They were boys! (Laughs.) They would do some things some times. I don't know if you ever notice the centennial stairs had chips on them. Those chips were made, if I can remember, those chips were made, I believe, I'm going to say 1950 but give it a couple years either way. They did things like that. They rolled a cannonball down those stairs. SY: Oh my. PH: That was bad. SY: Wow. PH: It was bad but it's kind of funny now. SY: Do you remember when all the horses, during the War, all the horses left at one point, didn't they? Do you remember that? Visually, what was it like? How did the leave? PH: They must have put them on a train. Must have. SY: You didn't see it? PH: I didn't see that. That was right after the ASTP left, about that same time, '40s that they left. Oh, I know what I wanted to show you. SY: Okay. I'm ready. I won't go anywhere. I'll stay right here. PH: Oh. I'm sorry. Are we still working? SY: No. No. Is it something that should be on tape or not on tape? 26 PH: Not on tape. I don't think so. It's about the drum. SY: Oh. PH: I mentioned the drum. SY: And where does the drum come from again? PH: Will that be all right? SY: Yeah. Okay. So, tell me again about William Holden. PH: He was in Gettysburg. He came back here to Northfield. He was a very active man. It will tell you some of this in there. No. Maybe it won't. He ended up having a farm up on 12A. He was in the slate business with my other grandfather that lived on Dole Hill. That's where that comes from. I forgot how hold he was when he went into the Corp. Anyway, he was there for the duration of that. Then, he came back. He did a lot of things but he was a great part of the town business, things that went on. I believe he was also in the legislature. He just kind of had his hand in every pot. SY: Did you hear stories about him growing up? PH: Let's see. I was pretty young when he died. I can just barely remember him. SY: This is Holden or Dole? PH: Holden. SY: Holden. So, your grandfather you remember? PH: Yes. SY: Yes. PH: Well, not very well. Grandfather Dole, no not very well because died in, actually I can't remember him. He died in '29 and I was born in '31. SY: Okay. So, you never met him. PH: Never met him. SY: Yeah. 27 PH: No. I just know stories about him. Change the subject here, there's a book. There are two journals, big fat books like this. You know them. I think they go from 1885 to – SY: This is Norwich history? PH: Yeah. SY: The Ellis? Ellis? Yeah. PH: Okay? All right. It tells you about Dole. SY: About Dole? Yeah. I actually wonder about your father too. Do you know what his experiences were like at Norwich as a cadet and did he enter the service afterwards? PH: I could tell you a story. SY: Yeah. Tell me a story. PH: When he was at Norwich, he used to go home on the weekend. You could go home on the weekend. His mother made all sorts of goodies, little pies, cakes, and everything. He'd come down and he'd sell them to the cadets. There's stories about him coming back with great big boxes of goodies. They'd all be waiting for him when he got there. SY: He was a little entrepreneur. PH: Yes. He was. SY: Do you also remember, after the War, when married Norwich students were living in this sort of family housing? Do you remember that? PH: Mm hmm. SY: And it was, I guess it was over by the intersection with Route - PH: It's on 12A. SY: Yeah. Do you remember that? PH: Mm hmm. SY: What was that like? 28 PH: They were little duplex houses. There was one bedroom, one living room, sort of a dining room, and the kitchen was off that. That's what they were, pretty crude, but livable. That's where, they lived there. A lot of professors lived there too. SY: Yeah. PH: For housing. SY: For housing. People were desperate for housing after the War. Well, I don't think I have any other questions. That was great. Then, this article about the drum, where was this from? What newspaper? PH: Okay. I don't know. See, my grandmother, great-grandmother, W.W.'s wife, so that's in the late 1800s, she would take anything that was happening in the paper about them. See, even down here, there's something, I think. Isn't there? SY: Yeah. PH: Right here. Were they celebrating a – SY: Yeah. PH: She had a book, a medical book and I wish I had it downstairs. She would paste articles in it. So, I don't know whether that came from a Vermont paper or, doesn't look like a Northfield paper. SY: No. It doesn't. I don't know. Well, I'll hand it over and we'll see if we can figure it out. PH: I figured it's documentation. As you read it, you'll see, because they never had anything to know. SY: Anything about the drum. PH: Anything about the drum. SY: Your family donated it but they don't know anything about it. PH: W.W. donated it. SY: I'll go find out what the deal is with it. PH: I'd love to know when you find out. SY: I will. 29 PH: Because I've never known. I mentioned it once when I was up there and they didn't have a clue. SY: There's a new registrar. He's very conscientious. End of Recording
