Suchergebnisse

Preliminary Material /Asbjørn Eide , Jakob Th. Möller and Ineta Ziemele -- The Right to Peace Milestones in the Development of International Humanitarian Law /Daniel Thürer -- Post-War American International Law Scepticism: The International Criminal Court, Stockholm 1924 /Mark Weston Janis -- Peace as a Human Right: The Jus Cogens Prohibition of Aggression /Alfred de Zayas -- The Human Right to Peace /William A. Schabas -- Security and Human Rights in the Regulation of Private Military Companies: The Role of the Home State /Francesco Francioni -- The United Nations and Human Rights What Makes Democracy Good? /Lyal S. Sunga -- Is the United Nations Human Rights Council Living Up to the International Community's Expectations? /Markus G. Schmidt -- The UN Human Rights Council: The Perennial Struggle between Realism and Idealism /Bertrand G. Ramcharan -- Eight UN Petitions Procedures: A Comparative Analysis /Jakob Th. Möller -- The Legal Status of Views Adopted by the Human Rights Committee – From Genesis to Adoption of General Comment No. 33 /Geir Ulfstein -- Winter Break 2010: A Week in the Life of a Special Rapporteur /Martin Scheinin -- Legal and Judicial Shortcomings of the Surrogate State of "UNMIKISTAN" /Margrét Heinreksdóttir -- The Right to Inclusive Education for Children with Disabilities – Innovations in the CRPD /Arnardóttir Arnardóttir -- Human Rights at the Regional Level The Council of Europe: A Champion in Monitoring Implementation of Human Rights Standards? /Petter F. Wille -- Flexibilising the Modes of Amending the European Convention on Human Rights: An Idea for a 'Statute' for the European Court /Krzysztof Drzewicki -- Strengthening of the Principle of Subsidiarity of the European Convention on Human Rights /Björg Thorarensen -- Presumption of Convention Compliance /Davíð Þór Björgvinsson -- The Right to Adequate Judicial Reasoning /Ragnar Aðalsteinsson -- Dialogue Between States and International Human Rights Monitoring Organs – Especially the European Commission Against Racism and Intolerance /Lauri Hannikainen -- How Old Are You? Age Discrimination and EU Law /Allan Rosas -- NHRIs in the European Union: Status Quo Vadis? /Morten Kjærum and Jonas Grimheden -- Selected Examples of the Contemporary Practice of the Inter-American System in Confronting Grave Violations of Human Rights: United States and Colombia /Diego Rodríguez-Pinzón -- Indigenous Peoples and Minorities Prevention of Discrimination, Protection of Minorities, and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: Challenges and Choices /Asbjørn Eide -- Minority Protection in the African System of Human Rights /Michelo Hansungule -- Indigenous Peoples on the International Scene: A Personal Reminiscence /Lee Swepston -- Indigenous Peoples and the Right to Development /Rainer Hofmann and Juri Alistair Gauthier -- Principal Problems Regarding Indigenous Land Rights and Recent Endeavours to Resolve Them /Erica-Irene A. Daes -- Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples: Preserve or Protect? – That's the Question! /Mpazi Sinjela -- Redefining Sovereignty and Self-Determination through a Declaration of Sovereignty: The Inuit Way of Defining the Parameters for Future Arctic Governance /Timo Koivurova.

This collection of articles sheds light on the role of human language in interspecies interaction. The book shows that language is not necessarily what separates us from other creatures. It can also be seen as yet another dimension of human existence that is deeply rooted in our shared history and everyday life with other living beings. This volume contains six individual research articles, two short reviews, an opening introduction to the themes of the book, and an extensive, theoretical closing chapter. The studies draw on methodologies and theoretical approaches including conversation analysis and a cognitive, usage-based approach to grammatical constructions. The book further explores the interfaces of linguistics, biosemiotics, and posthumanism. The studies show how linguistic and interactional approaches can contribute to our understanding of how human and non-human animals communicate with each other during embodied activities, how human language users make sense of interspecies encounters in speaking to or about animals, and how human language is thereby impregnated by the presence of other species. The individual research articles study, e.g., interaction with co-present animals, dialectal cow calls, parliamentary speeches, narratives of nature observation, and historical laws.

For the first time worldwide, this collection brings together analyses of the last two centuries of historical change around the shores and drainage basin of Lake Ladoga, Europe's largest lake. The main focus of the narrative is the Northern Ladoga region, which was a Finnish administrative area between 1812 and 1944. After the Second World War, the entire shoreline of Lake Ladoga was incorporated into the northeast part of Russia's border region, the Autonomous Republic of Karelia and the Leningrad Province. The main theme uniting this collection is how the relationship between humans and nature is shaped by industrialization and modernization in society. Other key issues include protecting nature and perspectives on particular places and times, which are reflected in the methodological and thematic choices made in this volume. The research framework set by the editor, Professor Maria Lähteenmäki, is the new lakefront history (Finn. uusi rantahistoria), focusing on approaches to environmental, economic and sensory history of lakes. To draw broad conclusions, on the one hand, the multilevel changes on the lakefront cannot be understood without knowledge of the history of the wider drainage basin, and awareness of the geopolitics of the region and the climate changes. On the other hand, the human relationship to natural waters has changed significantly in 200 years. Thinking in terms of economic benefit has gradually given way to principles of sustainable development. Lake Ladoga is also being redefined from a spatial perspective, as nationalist ownership of the region is coupled with global concern about the state of Europe's largest lake.

Human lives are crucially shaped by encounters of otherness – or, rather, various othernesses. This book explores the ethical challenge of developing an appropriate and respectful relation to other human beings by analyzing a number of historical and cultural cases of relating to the other. The topics range from barbarism, racist stereotypes, female rhetoric, and vampires to philosophical analyses of Finnish writers like Eino Leino and Väinö Linna, and from lyrical depictions of pain to an "antitheodicist" reflection on Primo Levi's Holocaust writing. A chapter on what it means to take a critical distance to other human beings in the context of the covid-19 pandemic concludes the volume. The authors approach these diverse issues (which are all aspects of the same basic problem of understanding and acknowledging otherness) from the perspective of an interdisciplinary humanistic reflection integrating literary analysis and philosophical argumentation.

Engl. Zsfassung u.d.T.: The rules of the timber trade : the timber trade of the non-industrial private forest owners and the forest companies in Eastern Finland from 1919 to 1939

Tutkimuksen tavoitteena oli selvittää poliittisen eliitin toimintaa ja työmoraalia Suomen eduskunnassa. Tutkimus tehtiin kvantitatiivisen ja kvalitatiivisen aineiston pohjalta ja soveltamalla yhteiskuntatieteen ja oikeustieteen tutkimusmetodeja. Tilastotietoa kerättiin kahdeksientoista (18) valtiopäivien täysistunnoista vuosien 1970-1998 väliltä. Valiokunnista kohteena oli vaalikausi 1991-1994. Yhteensä aineistoon sisältyi 6 078 pöytäkirjaa ja näiden 520 869 läsnä- ja poissaolomerkintää. Lisäksi tarkasteltiin valtiopäivien historiaa, sekä lobbausta eli valiokuntien kestityksiä. Tärkeimmät säädökset olivat valtiopäiväjärjestys, Suomen perustuslaki ja eduskunnan työjärjestys. Tutkimustuloksena todettiin mm. seuraavaa. Kansanedustajan toimi ei ole enää perinteinen luottamustehtävä. Kansanedustaja on ammattipoliitikko, ja hänen toimensa nimikkeeksi sopisi käsite 'luottamusvirka'. 'Edustajanpalkkiokaan' ei ole 'palkkio' vaan kuukausitulo, ja siihen voisi soveltaa vanhaa virkamiespalkan elatusteoriaa. Kansanedustaja saa elatusta siitä, että hän antaa työvoimansa valtion, puolueen ja kansan käytettäväksi. Eduskuntatyö kaipaisi perusteellista remonttia. Tulisi pohtia ainakin välikysymyksen tarpeellisuutta, täysistuntojen päätösvaltaisuusrajaa, varamiesjärjestelmää ja valiokuntien asiantuntijakuulemisia. Asiantuntijat ovat liian usein samoja henkilöitä, he edustavat julkista valtaa, ay-liikettä ja erilaisia etujärjestöjä. Puhemiesneuvoston valtaa - ja henkilöön perustuvaa auktoritatiivista valtaa - voisi rajoittaa asettamalla puhemiehen (ja varapuhemiesten) toimikaudelle määräaika. Eduskunnan kollektiivinen moraali muodostuu majoriteetti- ja senioriteettiperiaatteen pohjalta ja ilmentää usein kokeneempien edustajien käsitystä oikeasta ja väärästä. Taustajoukoista ja puolueensa tuesta riippuvainen ammattipoliitikko menettää herkästi yhteyden äänestäjiensä arkipäivään. Tällöin "oikea" voi hämärtyä ja edustajan etu nousee tärkeimmäksi. Esimerkiksi valiokuntien kestitysten suhteen on tulevan korruptiolain aikana syytä olla takavuosia varovaisempi. Kollektiivinen työmoraali näkyy edustajien tekemistä päätöksistä ja siitä, miten eduskunta tulkitsee, toteuttaa ja uudistaa instituutiota itseään koskevaa lainsäädäntöä. Yhtenä trendinä ilmenee eduskuntatyöhön kohdistuvien kontrollinormien lieventäminen, toisena demokratian vaatima mutta käytännössä paikoin näennäiseksi jäävä avoimuus. Eduskunnan sisäisten sääntömuutosten yhtenä funktiona voi olla jopa tarkoitus antaa suojaa kansalaiskontrollia vastaan. Poissaoloja on ollut eduskunnan alkuvuosista lähtien. Kaikki edustajat eivät saavu ajoissa valtiopäiville eivätkä kaikki osallistu äänestyksiin, vaikka ilmoittautuvat läsnäoleviksi. Salista poistumisen yhtenä syynä voi olla halu välttyä poliittiselta kannanotolta. Suuria poissaoloja ovat aiheuttaneet yöistunnot, maanantaipäivät, istuntokausien loppumiskiireet ja välikysymysten ministerivastaukset. Runsaita henkilöpoissaoloja ovat aiheuttaneet sairaus, virka- ja ministerintehtävät, 1990-luvun alussa myös loikkaukset ja ristiriidat puoleen kanssa. Aineiston valiokuntakokouksista päätösvaltaisena oli alkanut noin 70 % ja loppunut noin 65 %. Suurin vajaavaltaisuuden aiheuttaja oli asiantuntijakuuleminen. Ratkaiseva hallituksen esityksen toinen käsittely oli tehty päätösvaltaisesti, mutta muuten asioita oli viety eteenpäin vajaavaltaisena. Jos päätösvalta-vaatimus olisi ollut ehdoton, asia olisi voinut jumiutua valiokuntaan ja hidastaa eduskuntatyötä. Poikkeuksena päätösvaltaongelmiin oli toimintatavoiltaan erilainen, edustajia ministeristöön nostava valtiovarainvaliokunta. Eduskunnassa on hiljaisia puurtajia eli lainsäädäntötyön tekijöitä, mutta myös poissaolijoita. Poissaolijat jakautuvat puolueensa hyväksi työtä tekeviin poliitikkoihin ja edustajiin, joiden poissaoloihin löytyy ehkä selitys mutta ei puolustusta. Hiljaisen puurtajan työpanos jää usein näkymättä, ja julkinen kuva muodostuu tunnetuista poliitikoista. Ajan mittaan hiljainen puurtaja voi kuitenkin tulla palkituksi arvostetulla eduskunta- tai ministeritehtävällä. Eduskunnassa on korkeaa kollektiivista ja korkeaa yksilöllistä työmoraalia, mutta myös päinvastaisia ilmentymiä. Työmoraalilla ei ole keskimäärää, sillä on kasvot. Poliittiseen eliittiin kuuluu henkilöitä, jotka käyttäytyvät epäeettisesti jos heitä ei valvota - mutta niin heitä kuuluu kaikkialle yhteiskuntaan, äänestäjiinkin. Yleistää ei pidä; jokaista on kohdeltava omana henkilönään. 1980-luvun alkupuolella keskimääräinen poissaolo täysistunnon nimenhuudosta oli noin 20 henkilöä (10 %). Vuonna 1989 työjärjestykseen lisättiin mahdollisuus ilmoittautua läsnäolevaksi nimenhuudon jälkeen. Samana vuonna keskimääräinen poissaolo oli jo 31 henkilöä (15 %). Valtiopäiviin 1994 vaikutti mm. liittyminen Euroopan unioniin, ja silloin nimenhuudosta oli poissa keskimäärin 36 henkilöä (18 %). Sama 36 henkilöä toistui vuonna 1997, jolloin yhtenä syynä olivat äitiyslomat. Vuonna 1998 eduskunta muutti tilastonsa julkisiksi ja syksyn poissaolot lähtivät jyrkkään laskuun. Vuoden keskimääräinen poissaolo nimenhuudosta oli 29 edustajaa (14 %). ; The purpose of the research was to examine the operation of the political elite in the Finnish Parliament.The study is based on both quantitative and qualitative data, and the research methods used are derived from jurisprudence and the social sciences. The statistical data of plenary sessions were collected from 18 parliaments in years 1970-1998, and the data of parliamentary committees from the legislative period of 1991-1994. In all, the data consisted of 6,078 recorded minutes and 520,869 registrations of attendance and non-attendance. The qualitative data consisted of historical surveys of parliament's early years and of surveys of lobbying parliamentary committees. The most important statutes in the normative examination were Parliament Act, the Finnish Constitution and the Parliamentary Order of the Day. The actual work of a parliament member is no longer based on the position of trust. The position has now a more professional character, and the representative has in a way become a professional politician. In fact, the term "office of trust" might most appropriately describe an elected representative's work at present. Even today representatives are paid a "reward" for their services. The use of the term "subsistence" could better refer to the total sum of a monthly income and various other benefits. Subsistence, it also could imply that the representatives contribute their work for the use of the state, of the party and the people. Parliamentary regulations still need a fundamental restructuring. More widely it should be discussed the usefulness of interpellation, the quorum of plenary sessions, the system of deputy members and the system of hearing outside experts at the committee work. The power of the Speakers could be reduced by limiting the office years of the Speaker (and Deputy Speakers). In a parliament, collective morale is moulded by the principle of majority and seniority. Members with fewer years of service have to accept the decisions taken by the more experienced colleagues. Therefore, the collective morale mainly reflects the senior representative's perceptions of right and wrong. A professional politician, depending on political background and party, lost readily genuine contact with the everyday life of voters. Therefore the meaning of the word "right" can be obscured. For example, in committee work they should be more careful with lobbyism in future, when parliament pass a law for representative's corruption. The collective work morale of parliament manifests in the decisions taken. It is also visible in how the members interpret, implement and reform legislation concerning parliament institution. One trend seems to be moderating the norms used in controlling parliamentary work. Another trend is the requirement of openness, demanded by democracy, which, however, often remains quite superficial. It actually seems some times that the internal reforms of parliamentary regulations have been made to protect parliament against its control by citizens. Absences have always been there and they have been discussed since early days of parliament. All the representatives do not turn up in time when parliament begins its work, and some representatives leave the main auditorium as soon as the roll call is over. One reason for an early departure may be try to avoid taking political stand. In the years examined major non-attendance have been caused by night sessions, Monday sessions, ending of term of parliamentary sessions and interpellations debates during Cabinet minister's respond. As to individual representatives non-attendance have been increased by illness, ministerial and official duties or official journeys. In the early 1990s some non-attendance were caused by representatives who went over to another party or had conflicts with their own party. In research material some 70% of committee meetings had started with the presence of a quorum, but when they were adjourned the quorum had dropped to 65%. Hearing outside experts was the major reason for non-quorum meetings. In the decisive second reading of a government proposal there was always the presence of a quorum. If the demand for a quorum had been applied faithfully in all cases, the matter under discussion would probably have delayed the work of parliament as a whole. In this respect, the state financial committee was an exception, because it operates different and helps parliament members in their political career by promoting them to ministerial positions. In parliament work some of the members can be clearly identified as the quiet hard workers. On the other hand, the degree of non-attendance can be high. The conscientious representatives who attend meetings actively are "legislators", while the absent could be divided into "professional politicians" working for their own party or representatives whose absence can be explained but not really defended. The input of a single, hard- working representative often remains invisible. The public image of parliament is primarily created by the well-known professional politicians. A quiet hard-working can, however, in the long run be rewarded with visible parliamentary or ministerial duties. High collective and individual work morale is still to be seen in parliament, but just the opposite may also manifest itself. Morale is something that cannot be expressed in terms of an average, since morale has a face. There will always be members of the political elite who, if uncontrolled, will act unethically. But the same holds true for the rest of society, including the voters. Therefore we should avoid making generalisations and, instead, we should regard each member of parliament as an individual person with his or her own human characteristics. As the early 1980s the average number of absentees in the roll call of plenary sessions was 20 members (10%). In 1989, after an order reform, it became possible to register as present even after the roll call of plenary sessions. In that year 31 members on average (15%) were absent during the roll call. In 1994, when Finland was negotiating its membership in the European Union, on average 36 members (18%) were absent during the roll call. In 1997 the same 36 was caused by a large number of maternity leaves. In 1998 when parliamentary statistics were made public, the average number of absentees was 29 members (14%).

Matti Kurikka (1863–1915) is a multi-dimensional and controversial character in Finnish history. He was a playwright, a journalist, a socialist, and a theosophist, as well as a speaker for sexual emancipation and women's rights. Kurikka was born in Ingria, and his activities spanned not only Finland, but also Australia and North America, in both of which he led utopian communities. This biographical study explores Kurikka as a literary and political figure and a builder of utopias, whose life opens fascinating views on the societal and cultural currents of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The book critically re-evaluates earlier research on Kurikka and highlights forgotten phases of his life by using new source materials found in three continents. The sources include digitized newspapers and periodicals, Kurikka's plays and non-fictional books, oral history, and political cartoons.

This collection of essays looks at the issue of human well-being from the point of view of environmental aesthetics. Questions addressed include: What role do aesthetic values have in advancing well-being? Are there environments that are particularly supportive of well-being? What is the place of aesthetic factors in environmental and city planning? The authors of the first part of the book illuminate the relationship between aesthetics and well-being by discussing such notions and ideas as aesthetic well-being, interactive environmental planning, aesthetic quality in urban planning, aesthetic footprint, and ecological aesthetics. The authors of this part also engage with many topical questions in environmental and everyday aesthetics. For example, Yuriko Saito's idea of green aesthetics as well as Allen Carlson's science-based model of the aesthetic appreciation of nature are critically examined.

"Health and healing have been central concerns throughout human history. Individuals and societies have devised multiple ways to health. Healing practices have often been linked to questions of knowledge, power, politics, and morals. The limits of acceptable healing have been contested by men and women, priests and doctors, elites and commoners, indigenous peoples and colonialists. Successful healers have sometimes been labeled as witches, quacks, or dangerous political agitators. The contributions in this volume concentrate on healing in global history with case studies about Finland, southern Asia and Africa, Brazil, the Caribbean and North America. They discuss medical pluralism and consider the arguments for and against individual healers and different healing systems. The authors focus on the popularity of medical systems, the appropriation and adoption of healing practices in cross-cultural contexts, and the prohibition of certain forms of healing.
"

"This book provides the reader with understanding of the phenomenon of silent resistance, collecting and presenting research on it. Regulating, governing or controlling human activity often generates open resistance, which has been studied from the points of view of democracy, civil disobedience or political activism, for example. However, power relations and conflicts can also involve another kind of resistance, which may not necessarily even be recognised as resistance at first. It can be called silent, passive, invisible or everyday resistance. Silent resistance is a way of the subjugated or otherwise marginalised to challenge the dominant rules or systems. Because it does not proclaim resistance but rather tries to stay out of publicity, it is risk-free and low-profile activity that is seemingly non-political – and you can get away with it.
Silent resistance can take many different forms: it may appear, for example, as silence and grumbling, isolation, avoiding and hindering issues or shifting attention to something irrelevant. The importance of everyday resistance rises from the signals of small networks in a situation where open confrontation is not possible or desired, but total inactivity is not an option either. Moreover, silent resistance remaining in the margin cannot be considered separate from open resistance, but as an important part in the process of realising more open resistance. Although power relations serve as the event framework of the phenomenon, silent resistance is a weapon not only in the hands of the subjugated. Its tactics can also be used by those who hold power.
With the articles in the book, the reader can follow the most diverse situations of silent resistance through both historical and contemporary events. The cases outline different forms of silent resistance, as well as its mechanisms and motives. The articles in the collection reveal aspects of sociology, cultural anthropology, cultural research, youth research and historical research. This emphasises the wide spectrum of silent resistance, its loudness and multidisciplinary character.
" - "Kirja tekee näkyväksi vähän käsiteltyä hiljaisen vastarinnan ilmiötä sekä kokoaa yhteen ja esittelee sitä koskevaa tutkimusta. Kun ihmisen toimintaa säädellään, hallitaan tai kontrolloidaan, ilmenee usein myös avointa vastarintaa, jota on tutkittu esimerkiksi demokratian toteutumisen, kansalaistottelemattomuuden tai poliittisen aktivismin näkökulmista. Valta-asetelmiin ja konflikteihin voi kuitenkin liittyä myös toisenlaista vastarintaa, jota ei välttämättä ensin edes huomata vastarinnaksi. Sitä voidaan kutsua hiljaiseksi, passiiviseksi, näkymättömäksi tai arkipäivän vastarinnaksi. Hiljainen vastarinta on alistettujen tai muuten marginaalisiksi jääneiden tapa asettua poikkiteloin hallitsevien sääntöjen tai järjestelmien kanssa. Koska se ei julistaudu vastarinnaksi, vaan pikemminkin pyrkii pysymään poissa julkisuudesta, se on riskitöntä matalan profiilin toimintaa, joka on näennäisesti epäpoliittista ja josta ei jää kiinni.
Hiljainen vastarinta voi saada monia erilaisia muotoja: se saattaa näyttäytyä esimerkiksi vaikenemisena ja jurnuttamisena, ulkopuolelle jättäytymisenä, asioiden välttämisenä, niiden vaikeuttamisena tai huomion siirtämisenä epäolennaiseen. Arkipäivän vastarinnan merkitys nousee pienten verkostojen signaaleista tilanteessa, jossa ei kyetä tai haluta lähteä julkiseen vastakkainasetteluun, mutta ei myöskään haluta pysyä täysin passiivisina. Marginaaliin jäävää hiljaista vastarintaa ei myöskään voida nähdä erillisenä avoimesta vastarinnasta, vaan se on tärkeä osa avoimemman vastarinnan aktualisoitumisen prosessia. Vaikka valtasuhteet toimivat ilmiön tapahtumakehyksinä, hiljainen vastarinta ei ole ainoastaan alistettujen toimintaa. Sen taktiikoita voivat käyttää myös valtaapitävät.
Kirjan artikkeleiden mukana pääsemme seuraamaan mitä moninaisimpia hiljaisen vastarinnan tapahtumatilanteita sekä historiallisten että nykypäivän tapahtumien avulla. Erilaiset tapaukset avaavat ja jäsentävät hiljaisen vastarinnan esiintymismuotoja, samoin kuin sen mekanismeja ja motiiveja. Kokoelman artikkeleissa tulevat esiin sosiologian, kulttuuriantropologian, kulttuurintutkimuksen, nuorisotutkimuksen ja historiantutkimuksen näkökulmat. Tämä korostaa hiljaisen vastarinnan laajaa kirjoa, sen äänekkyyttä ja monialaisuutta. "