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The participation of non-state actors to international politics has been investigated since the creation of international institutions. Yet, the rules, principles and norms of global governance are no more discussed in single, isolated institutions. Rather, with the proliferation of international regimes and organisations, international issues are now negotiated in a context of institutional interactions known as "regime complexes". This poses new questions, in particular on the negotiation burden that these new processes place on international actors. To answer this question, this contribution compares non-state participation in both contexts (single regimes and regime complexes), using the international forest negotiations as a case study. It uses quantitative methods to measure the negotiation burden of single regimes and compare it to the negotiation burden of regime complexes. The negotiation burden of single regimes is found insignificant with political interest being the major motivation for participation, while the negotiation burden of regime complexes is found relevant, requiring a certain type of material and organisational resources for non-state actors to participate. Yet a certain diversity of non-state representation is maintained within regime complexes, with non-governmental organisations being dominant with respect to business groups.

While a great deal of attention is devoted to the Pacific region as the new chessboard of international politics, Pakistan remains a key actor in terms of both threat and potential. Two observations back this argument: first, Pakistan's fundamental roles as a state are challenged by its ongoing conflict with India and internal insurgencies. Second, due to a power-status gap, Pakistan experiences difficulties in holding specific self-conceived roles. In addition to hampering its socio-economic potential, these developments prevent Pakistan's quest for normalization in the system. As a consequence, we argue that engaging with Islamabad should be a priority for Washington so as to prevent the country from further aligning with Beijing, thus reinforcing China's regional leadership and status as peer-competitor to the United States. Indeed, as the potential for deviance in the international system arises from its normative dimension, the US, as the global leader, counts among its roles that of norm-setter and primary socializer for most states. Our research proposes to look at an old puzzle with new theoretical insights. By addressing the question of Washington's engagement towards non-conforming states, we aim to document a set of socialization processes as intervening variables linking American global role as leader and primary socializer to Pakistan's process of social integration (normalization/deviance). Drawing from sociology and social psychology, the paper seeks to explore the ability of the leader to act as a primary source of role location and status recognition towards non-conforming states so as to integrate them (back) into the US-led system.

Chan Yuk-fan. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2003. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 68-75). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese ; questionnaire also in Chinese. ; Consequences of Supervisors' Use of Forcing and Non-Forcing Influence Tactics --- p.i ; Acknowledgment --- p.i ; Abstract --- p.ii ; 撮要 --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Types of Influence Tactics --- p.4 ; Consequences of Influence Tactics --- p.9 ; Perception of Organizational Politics --- p.9 ; Non-Forcing Influence Tactics and Perceived Managerial Competence --- p.13 ; Perception of Managerial Competence --- p.16 ; Mediating Role of Satisfaction with Supervisors --- p.19 ; Non-Forcing Influence Tactics and Perceived Managerial Competence --- p.19 ; Forcing Influence Tactics and Perception of Organizational Politics --- p.20 ; Chapter Chapter 2. --- Method --- p.24 ; Samples and Procedures --- p.24 ; Instruments --- p.28 ; Influence Tactics --- p.28 ; Perception of Organizational Politics --- p.30 ; Satisfaction with Supervisor --- p.31 ; Managerial Competencies --- p.31 ; Analysis --- p.32 ; Chapter Chapter 3. --- Results --- p.33 ; Factor Structure of Influence Tactics --- p.33 ; Factor Structure of Managerial Competence --- p.36 ; Reliability of Perception of Organizational Politics --- p.37 ; Relationship Between Influence Tactics and Perception of Organizational Politics --- p.38 ; Influence Tactics and Satisfaction with Supervisor --- p.41 ; Influence Tactics and Managerial Competence --- p.44 ; Mediating Role of Satisfaction with Supervisor --- p.48 ; Chapter Chapter 4. --- Discussion --- p.51 ; General Discussion --- p.51 ; Managerial Implications --- p.59 ; Limitations and Future Research --- p.63 ; Reference --- p.68 ; "Appendix A. Observation Categories of Managerial Activities. (Luthans,1988)" --- p.76 ; Appendix Bl. Chinese Version of Questionnaire --- p.79 ; Appendix B2. English Version of Questionnaire --- p.86 ; Appendix C. Eighteen-item Scale of Profile of Influence Tactics ...

Wong, Wai Man Natalie. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-128). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Notes --- p.vii ; Lists of Figures and Tables --- p.viii ; Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Background of the Study - Transboundary movement of electronic waste (e-waste) --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Definition of Structure of NGOs Networks --- p.8 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) --- p.11 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- Variables in TANs --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Organization of this Study --- p.18 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Methodology --- p.18 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- REVIEWING TRANSNATIONAL ADVOCACY NETWORKS IN TRANSNATIONAL ACTIVISM --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Overview: Expansion of INGOs --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Debates: State-centric vs. Non State-centric in World Politics --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Transnational Activism in World Politics --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Networks in Transnational Activisms --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Linkages in Transnational Activism between the North and the South --- p.30 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- NGOs Networking: Two Levels Analysis --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.4 --- TANs in Transnational Activisms --- p.34 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Transnational Activism in Asia --- p.43 ; Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- WHAT HAS THE GREENPEACE DONE IN ANTI TOXIC E-WASTE CAMPAGINS IN CHINA AND THE PHILIPPINES? --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Problems of e-waste --- p.49 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Greenpeace China in Anti-toxic e-waste Campaign --- p.54 ; Chapter 3.3 --- The Greenpeace Philippines in Anti-toxic e-waste Campaign --- p.64 ; Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- COMPARISON OF THE STRUCTURE OF GREENPEACE NETWORKS IN CHINA AND THE PHILIPPINES --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1 --- History of INGOs in China and the Philippines --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1.1 --- History of INGOs in China --- p.76 ; Chapter 4.1.2 --- History of INGOs in the Philippines --- p.79 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Greenpeace - National Government Relationship --- p.92 ; Chapter 4.3 --- ...

中國自一九七八年以來一直致力於法制現代化建設,但至今仍未能建立一個具有高度凝聚力和獨立性的法律共同體,國家與法律職業之間的關係依然緊張。職業主義並沒有隨著過去三十年的法律發展而成為改革的核心。在這種背景下,非職業化法律服務制度在中國的發展無疑值得進一步的關注與研究。 ; 本文將分析國家在職業化與非職業化機制中所扮演的角色。在全面評估非職業化法律服務發展概況的基礎上,分析的焦點將放在基層法律工作者和非政府組織雇員這兩類重要的非職業化服務團體上。本文也將通過實證研究與比較研究的方法對這兩種類型的非專業人士進行深入的探討。 ; 本文通過以上視角得出若干重要的啟示。第一, 非職業化法律制度的發展主要服務於國家控制的目標。第二,非職業化法律服務團體的生存與發展必須建立在滿足特定國家機構利益的前提上。第三,在本文所觀察的樣本中,非政府組織雇員比基層法律工作者更有效率。總體而言,國家在職業化和非職業化機制的形成與運作中都發揮了決定性的作用。 ; Since 1978 China has been committed to modernizing its legal system, yet a cohesive and independent community of legal personnel is far from established and the tension between the state and the legal community remains high. Despite three decades of legal development, China has not truly made professionalism central to its reform agenda. Among many others, one noteworthy but understudied aspect is the widespread use of non-lawyers in the legal services system. ; This dissertation aims to examine the role of the state in the making of professional and non-professional mechanisms in China. In addition to a holistic evaluation of non-professional legal services, the dissertation includes empirical studies and comparative analyses of the two most important groups of non-lawyers the government-sponsored basic-level legal workers and the non-lawyer staff of non-governmental organizations. ; These perspectives reveal a number of important facts. First, the development of non-professional legal institutions mainly serves the purpose of state control. Second, non-professional groups are able to survive only by satisfying the bureaucratic interests of specific state agencies. Third, the staff of non-governmental organizations observed in this study appeared to perform more effectively than basic-level legal workers. Overall, the dissertation argues that the state dictates the formation and operation of both professional and non-professional mechanisms in China. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Pan, ...

This article investigates what happens when governmental actors foster the participation of non-state actors (NSAs) in treaty ratification and implementation decisions. NSAs, being non-governmental organisations, business groups, citizens, or research institutions among others represent interests that will be ultimately impacted by policy choices. While governments have long consulted them on an ad hoc basis, a "deliberative turn" happened in the 2000s to encourage their involvement, for greater legitimacy and transparency, through among others, the use of public consultations. This proactive turn raises questions about public consultations: are such instruments effective? Do they encourage new thinking? Do they matter for final decisions? This article answers these questions by investigating, using among others lexicometry tools, the public consultation organised by the European Commission in 2011 prior to the ratification of the Nagoya Protocol on access and benefit sharing (ABS) by the European Union in 2014. The results are mixed. While the studied public consultation favoured the expression of small national NSAs the process is still poorly inclusive. NSAs did not propose any fresh ideas on the ABS issue and their final influence on European decision-makers is blurred by the diversity of interests expressed.

本研究以一个曾经在文革中施暴的红卫兵──李乾的生命传记为个案,以布迪厄的社会实践理论为理论框架,探讨主体参与文革与记忆、反思文革的实践,以及对文革意义的理解,进而理解一系列红卫兵实践(尤其是暴力实践)的逻辑。不同于已有文革研究的精英史和社会史路径,本研究试图发展一种传记取向的文革研究路径,分析个体生命经验与其所处社会情境,红卫兵的惯习与其所处的场域的复杂关系,由此更深刻地理解文革以及无产阶级专政的政治文化。 ; 首先,本研究聚焦这些红卫兵文革初期对文革的认知、情感机制与行动策略,指出其实践如何受制于无产阶级专政场域与惯习的作用,如何再生产无产阶级专政的政治文化,即再生产无产阶级专政的象征秩序、权力技术、话语方式与组织机制,如何再生产文革"武斗"的直接暴力与"文斗"的话语暴力。并且,本研究试图说明早期"造反者"的"造反"动力来自其与老红卫兵在革命资格竞争中的"相对剥夺感";这种"造反"并不是为了反抗主流的象征秩序,而是努力争取自身在这套象征秩序中的优势位置和资本。 ; 其次,本研究探讨主体生命经验中关键性的暴力事件──"一二.五"事件的实际发生过程,分析"一二.五"事件中这些红卫兵对暴力的认知与情感,以及暴力如何被合法化及赋权,其中的专政对象──"流氓"是如何被建构与想象的,由此揭示特定的政治文化脉络中主体的贱斥动力以及这一暴力实践的逻辑。红卫兵暴力惯习的形塑,不仅受制于文革的革命场域的作用,更受制于建国以来历时性的无产阶级专政场域的作用;同时,这一惯习的运作又在维持和再生产无产阶级专政的政治文化。 ; 此外,本研究探讨主体在"一二.五"事件后,如何在一系列社会互动的过程中,逐步实现了意识的转化和主体性变迁,如何从符号中介的生命经验中引入新的认知与情感机制重新理解"一二.五"事件、文革以及无产阶级专政的政治文化。这种批判性的反思实践与主体所处行动场域中的社会位置以及所能接收的多元的、异质性的符号资源密切相关,可以形塑主体惯习的转化,生产新的社会实践以及相应社会关系的改变。 ; 最后,本研究试图将当下民间文革记忆与反思实践置于文革与后文革、毛时代与后毛时代的连续性与转型的关系之中,指出为民间记忆与反思实践赋权的政治文化意义。这一反记忆实践不仅打捞普通人被遗忘的、被边缘化的文革记忆,也介入对历史与现实的批判,积极争取个体对历史的话语权,与对现实政治、文化的参与权。 ; Taking the life biography of a former Red Guard Li Qian who committed violence during the Cultural Revolution (CR) as a case, this research employs Pierre Bourdieu's theory of social practice to explore the Red Guards' participatory, mnemonic and reflective practices during the CR, as well as their understanding of the CR, with the aim of further understanding the logics of the Red Guards' practices (especially their violent practices). Different from the traditional approaches of political history and social history, this study attempts to develop a biography approach to study the CR. It analyzes the complex relations between individuals' life experiences and their social contexts, between the Red Guards' habitus and the specific field, to understand the political culture of the CR and the Proletarian Dictatorship. ; First, this study focuses on the Red Guards' cognitive and emotional mechanism and action strategy during the early days of the CR. It investigates how their practices are subject to the conditioning of the field and ...