Suchergebnisse

Chapter 1. Introduction: A theory of youth and (non) violence -- Chapter 2. Staying away from arms? The non-violent trajectories of youth in times of conflict in the Central African Republic -- Chapter 3. Ambiguous Agency and Strategies of Non-violence: Youth and 'Everyday Peace' in the city of Jos, Nigeria -- Chapter 4. Young people resisting violence in northeast Nigeria -- Chapter 5. 'Good boys, gone bad': Navigating Youth Mobilisation and Gender in Post-Conflict Sierra Leone -- Chapter 6. The Qeerroo movement in Ethiopia -- Chapter 7. Youth and non-violent resistance: #ThisFlag Movement in Zimbabwe -- Chapter 8. Ushahidi's Nonviolent Technological Impact in the Kenya's 2008 Post- Election Violence.

Strikes which occurred in the summer of 1980 in Poland, leading to the establishment of independent trade unions and extensions of civic freedoms, are analyzed as a successful revolutionary reform achieved through non-violent means. In 1980, mass strike actions turned out to be an effective example of a fight without the use of violence, and thus should be assessed from the point of view of the theory of non-violent action. Resulting changes could not be attained within official politics and/or methods of coercion. Processes which occurred in Poland in 1980 indicate therefore a way in which non-violent protests can be effectively employed for a deep transformation of a political system. In this paper both factors responsible for bloody repressions of violent riots/uprisings taking place before 1980 and factors which facilitated non-violence in 1980 are analyzed, together with some consequences of the pre-1980 protest.

This article explores feminist contentions over pacifism and non-violence in the context of the Greenham Common Peace Camp in the 1980s and later developments of feminist Just War Theory. We argue that Sara Ruddick's work puts feminist pacifism, its radical feminist critics and feminist just war theory equally into question. Although Ruddick does not resolve the contestations within feminism over peace, violence and the questions of war, she offers a productive way of holding the tension between them. In our judgment, her work is helpful not only for developing a feminist political response to the threats and temptations of violent strategies but also for thinking through the question of the relation between violence and politics as such.

The present paper discusses the philosophy of 'nonviolence' (ahimsa) of Mahatma Gandhi, which he devised as a weapon to fight the brute forces of violence and hatred, hailing it as the only way to peace. Gandhi based his philosophy of nonviolence on the principle of love for all and hatred for none. He thought violence as an act caused to a person directly or indirectly, denying him his legitimate rights in the society by force, injury or deception. Gandhi's nonviolence means avoiding violent means to achieve one's end, howsoever, lofty it might be, as he firmly believed that the use of violence, even if in the name of achieving a justifiable end was not good, as it would bring more violence. He firmly adhered to the philosophy of Gita that preaches to follow the rightful path, remaining oblivious of its outcome. Gandhi used nonviolence in both his personal and political life and used it first in South Africa effectively and back home he applied it in India against the British with far more astounding success, as it proved supremely useful and efficacious in liberating the country from the British servitude. However, he never tried to use it as a political tactic to embarrass the opponent or to take undue advantage of his adversity.

This book probes the complex interweaving, across time and cultures, of violence and non-violence from the perspective of the present. One of the first of its kind, it offers a comprehensive examination of the interpenetration of violence and non-violence as much in human nature as in human institutions with reference to different continents, cultures and religions over centuries. It points to the present paradox that even as violence of unprecedented lethality threatens the very survival of humankind, non-violence increasingly appears as an unlikely feasible alternative. The essays presented here cover a wide cultural-temporal spectrum - from Vedic sacrifice, early Jewish-Christian polemics, the Crusades, and medieval Japan to contemporary times. They explore aspects of the violence-non-violence dialectic in a coherent frame of analysis across themes such as war, jihad, death, salvation, religious and philosophical traditions including Buddhism, Christianity, Judaism, Hinduism, Islam, mysticism, monism, and Neoplatonism, texts such as Ramayana, Mahabharata and Quran, as well as issues faced by Dalits and ethical imperatives for clinical trials, among others. Offering thematic width and analytical depth to the treatment of the subject, the contributors bring their disciplinary expertise and cultural insights, ranging from the historical to sociological, theological, philosophical and metaphysical, as well as their sensitive erudition to deepening an understanding of a grave issue. The book will be useful to scholars and researchers of history, peace and conflict studies, political science, political thought and cultural studies, as well as those working on issues of violence and non-violence.

Review of: Victoria Tahmasebi-Birgani, Emmanuel Levinas and the Politics of Non-Violence, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 2014, 224pp., ISBN: 978-1442642843

Gandhi's concept of non-violence needs its philosophical background to be understood properly. There are still many misconceptions particularly about the Gandhian philosophy of non-violence. To reflect on the contradiction between the Gandhi as a historical and textual idea and Gandhi as a currency used by the heirs of Gandhi to promote the very oppressive and exploitative political and economic policies thus are full of ambivalences, contradictions and presuppositions/ dispositions between the political struggle for self-determination of people of India, the underlying principle of which was the wider participation of people and the India after the fruitful results of that struggle. Finally, the paper, evaluates normative and rhetorical content of peace of Gandhian political hermeneutics.

In Resilient Communities, Jana Krause focuses on civilian agency and mobilization 'from below' and explains violence and non-violence in communal wars. Drawing on extensive field research on ethno-religious conflicts in Ambon/Maluku Province in eastern Indonesia and Jos/Plateau State in central Nigeria, this book shows how civilians responded to local conflict dynamics very differently, evading, supporting, or collectively resisting armed groups. Combining evidence collected from more than 200 interviews with residents, community leaders, and former fighters, local scholarly work (in Indonesian), and local newspaper-based event data analysis, this book explains civilian mobilization, militia formation, and conflict escalation. The book's comparison of vulnerable mixed communities and (un)successful prevention efforts demonstrates how under courageous leadership resilient communities can emerge that adapt to changing conflict zones and collectively prevent killings. By developing the concepts of communal war and social resilience, Krause extends our understanding of local violence, (non-)escalation, and implications for prevention.