Suchergebnisse

The participation of non-state actors to international politics has been investigated since the creation of international institutions. Yet, the rules, principles and norms of global governance are no more discussed in single, isolated institutions. Rather, with the proliferation of international regimes and organisations, international issues are now negotiated in a context of institutional interactions known as "regime complexes". This poses new questions, in particular on the negotiation burden that these new processes place on international actors. To answer this question, this contribution compares non-state participation in both contexts (single regimes and regime complexes), using the international forest negotiations as a case study. It uses quantitative methods to measure the negotiation burden of single regimes and compare it to the negotiation burden of regime complexes. The negotiation burden of single regimes is found insignificant with political interest being the major motivation for participation, while the negotiation burden of regime complexes is found relevant, requiring a certain type of material and organisational resources for non-state actors to participate. Yet a certain diversity of non-state representation is maintained within regime complexes, with non-governmental organisations being dominant with respect to business groups.

While a great deal of attention is devoted to the Pacific region as the new chessboard of international politics, Pakistan remains a key actor in terms of both threat and potential. Two observations back this argument: first, Pakistan's fundamental roles as a state are challenged by its ongoing conflict with India and internal insurgencies. Second, due to a power-status gap, Pakistan experiences difficulties in holding specific self-conceived roles. In addition to hampering its socio-economic potential, these developments prevent Pakistan's quest for normalization in the system. As a consequence, we argue that engaging with Islamabad should be a priority for Washington so as to prevent the country from further aligning with Beijing, thus reinforcing China's regional leadership and status as peer-competitor to the United States. Indeed, as the potential for deviance in the international system arises from its normative dimension, the US, as the global leader, counts among its roles that of norm-setter and primary socializer for most states. Our research proposes to look at an old puzzle with new theoretical insights. By addressing the question of Washington's engagement towards non-conforming states, we aim to document a set of socialization processes as intervening variables linking American global role as leader and primary socializer to Pakistan's process of social integration (normalization/deviance). Drawing from sociology and social psychology, the paper seeks to explore the ability of the leader to act as a primary source of role location and status recognition towards non-conforming states so as to integrate them (back) into the US-led system.

This article investigates what happens when governmental actors foster the participation of non-state actors (NSAs) in treaty ratification and implementation decisions. NSAs, being non-governmental organisations, business groups, citizens, or research institutions among others represent interests that will be ultimately impacted by policy choices. While governments have long consulted them on an ad hoc basis, a "deliberative turn" happened in the 2000s to encourage their involvement, for greater legitimacy and transparency, through among others, the use of public consultations. This proactive turn raises questions about public consultations: are such instruments effective? Do they encourage new thinking? Do they matter for final decisions? This article answers these questions by investigating, using among others lexicometry tools, the public consultation organised by the European Commission in 2011 prior to the ratification of the Nagoya Protocol on access and benefit sharing (ABS) by the European Union in 2014. The results are mixed. While the studied public consultation favoured the expression of small national NSAs the process is still poorly inclusive. NSAs did not propose any fresh ideas on the ABS issue and their final influence on European decision-makers is blurred by the diversity of interests expressed.

Mediation is first and foremost an alternative to the justice that solves amicably a conflict between the parties to the conflict. Mediation has its origin in antiquity. It is found in the Justinian Codification. Our ancestors have preserved the institution of mediation in feudalism, and in modern times only in rural areas. At the present stage, the mediation procedure has grown in most European countries. The advantages of out-of-court mediation are: shorter duration, flexibility of the mediation procedure, parties can identify and adopt their own solutions. Among the disadvantages we mention: the non-binding character of the decisions, the inaccurate decisions, there is no guarantee of a successful solution. Specifically, the disadvantages of mediation have served as grounds for some states, including Moldova, to regulate the mandatory mediation for some categories of cases. This is how Italy and Romania went.

In Belgium, the idea of 'openness' is a well spread notion in electoral political discourses and the 2012 local election in Wallonia is no exception to this trend. Despite a clear victory, it is indeed very common for local political leaders in Belgium to announce that they will open their majority to other lists. The idea of 'openness' is also part of the local electoral campaign in terms of recruitment: non-partisan candidates – who clearly want to distinguish themselves from the party – are recruited to figure on the lists as 'independent candidates'. They are called 'candidates d'ouverture' as a sign of openness towards the civil society, the opposition, or dissidents from other political parties. Actually, these candidates are recruited for various reasons: there are sometimes used to demonstrate the citizen character of the list, to enhance the fact that the list 'makes politics differently from established political parties', to underline the local roots of the list, and sometimes the 'candidates d'ouverture' are simply used to complete vacancies on a list.

Conceptual-typological Aspects of Local Electoral Systems A democracy cannot be built unless it is based on free elections. Elections are a sine qua non condition of democratic governance. Elections are the central procedure of representation in modern democracies, and our generation has made substantial progress in understanding how voters come to make decisions. The elections were imposed in the constitutional history of the world as activities whose social and political effervescence in society is specific, competitions in which the best ones win. In fact, we make the first finding: the local electoral system is a fundamental area of society, the way it is managed and carried out, it reflects the level of development of democracy. The country's implementing bodies are chosen and this is why it is so important that it is organized and carried out correctly, transparently and democratically. The local electoral system is essentially created for citizens and must represent their interests, which we must recognize, often in practice does not happen very often. The actuality of the theme of this article starts from the premise that an electoral system is closely linked to democracy, because it expresses its values, thus constituting an indicator of the democratic character of a society and, at the same time, it contributes to the strengthening of democracy. Although there are different realities, and the electoral procedures differ from state to state, however, it can be said that, depending on how the mandates for the eligible positions are distributed (won), there are three modalities of electoral system: majority electoral system; proportional electoral system; mixed electoral system.

Today few people deny the existence of regional substate diplomacy (Criekemans 2010). But there is still no common agreement on a region's right to do so and, above all, on their scope of action. This question goes against what used to be the dominant approach in international relations, the state-centric approach that leads to the logic of speaking with one voice. Increasingly, a multilevel-governance approach has contested this state-centric view and proposes an alternative logic of multiple actors speaking with their voice, nuancing strongly the seminal distinction between "sovereignty-bound" and "sovereignty-free" actors (Rosenau 1990). From the 1970s, the world has seen the growing presence of sovereignty-free actors in international relations. Among these actors, non-central or, better, substate, governments of federal states have developed intensive foreign relations. These governments are using a range of techniques: from shaping the federal government's foreign policy to establishing themselves directly in the international arena (Blatter et al. 2008). For minority nation governments this is particularly a challenge, as they have to act internally – where they have developed full-fledged legislative powers within a multinational federation – and externally – where international and national laws are often still reluctant to recognise their right of action (Lejeune 2003). Yet some minority nations have thrived in developing their own international relations. Bavaria, Catalonia, Flanders, Quebec, Scotland and Wallonia are often seen as successful international players even if they are not fully sovereignty bound (Michelmann 2009; Criekemans 2010). The international actions of these minority nations have been characterised under the umbrella of "identity paradiplomacy" (Paquin 2003); that is, a willingness to use international relations to foster a nation-building process within a multinational state. This observation was particularly prevalent for minority nations strongly in competition with a federal government about their nationbuilding process, albeit for different reasons, namely Flanders, Quebec and Scotland (Paquin 2004). The case of Wallonia seems to fits less well into the identity paradiplomacy framework, which therefore raises the question of alternative roads to international relations. This is the core question of this chapter: is identity paradiplomacy the only way to go for minority nations? Quebec and Wallonia are both well known for their active foreign relations.

Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; CONSILIUL ȘTIINȚIFIC: prof. univ. dr. Ștefan Afloroaei (Universitatea "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" din Iași ; România) ; prof. univ. dr. habil. Constantin Chiriac (Universitatea "Lucian Blaga" din Sibiu ; România) ; prof. univ. dr. Petr Kopecký (Universitatea din Leiden ; Germania) ; prof. univ. dr. Mihaela Miroiu (Școala Națională de Studii Politice și Administrative ; România) ; acad. pr. prof. univ. dr. Mircea Păcurariu (Academia Română) ; acad. prof. univ. dr. Ioan-Aurel Pop (Academia Română) ; conf. univ. dr. Marci Shore (Universitatea Yale ; Statele Unite ale Americii) ; prof. univ. dr. Stefan Sienerth (Universitatea "Ludwig Maximilian" din München ; Germania) ; prof. univ. dr. habil. Andrei Terian (Universitatea "Lucian Blaga" din Sibiu ; România) ; acad. prof. univ. dr. Alexandru Zub (Academia Română). REDACȚIA: Redactor-șef: Radu Vancu ; Redactori: Dragoș Varga ; Vlad Pojoga. Secretar de redacție: Ștefan Baghiu. ; Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 cuprinde următoarele articole: ISTORIE ŞI STUDII CULTURAL • HISTORY AND CULTURAL STUDIES »» Ioan Stanomir ; Gherea: în preajma revoluţiei. • Gherea – In the Eve of the Revolution. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 1-3 ; Paul Brusanowski ; Mişcări naţionale separatiste în Austro-Ungaria în anii primului război mondial (O cronologie a Unirii Transilvaniei cu România după presa vremii. I). • National Separatist Movements in Austro-Hungaria during World War I (A Chronology of the Union Between Transylvania and Romania in the Papers of the Time. I). În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 4-12 ; Dan Popescu ; Mihail Manoilescu. Schiţă de portret. • Mihail Manoilescu – Portrait Outline. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 13-20 ; Raul-Marian Todor ; Concursurile sportive interşcolare de la Blaj în perioada interbelică. • Inter-School Sport Contests from Blaj that took place during the Inter-War Period. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 21-26 ; Dionisie Vladimir Turcu ; File din istoria sportului școlar interbelic la liceul "Andrei Şaguna" din Braşov. • Snippets From The History of Interwar School Sport at "Andrei Șaguna" High School Of Brașov. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 27-33 ; STUDII LITERARE • LITERARY STUDIES »» Bogdan Creţu ; Povestea poveştilor sau desacralizarea sacrului. • "Povestea poveștilor" or the The Desacralization of the Sacred. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 34-39 ; Ovio Olaru ; Forever postmodern. Importul unui concept. • Forever Postmodern. Importing a Concept. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 40-46 ; Andreea-Maria Preda ; L'évasion impossible de Lena Constante – résistance et remémoration. • The Impossible Escape. The Political Prison for Women in Miercurea Ciuc 1957-1961" by Lena Constante – resistance and remembrance. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 47-51 ; Daniela Moldoveanu ; Max Blecher' Symbolic Embodiment of Textual Identity. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 52-56 ; Dragoş Varga ; A Cultural Obsession: the Foundation of Roumanian Clacissism. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 57-60 ; Anca Pirnoiu ; Empowering The Self: The Authority Of Identity in Matei Călinescu's "Un Fel de Jurnal". În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 61-65 ; Maria Fărâmă ; Fatalism şi mrejele (ne)istoricului în romanele "Laur" şi "Aviatorul" de Evgheni Vodolaykyn. • Fatalism and (Non)Historical Vision in "Laurus" and "The Aviator" by Eugene Vodolazkin. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 66-72 ; ŞTIINŢELE LIMBII • LANGUAGE SCIENCES »» Radu Drăgulescu ; O cercetare calitativă asupra învăţării limbii române ca limbă străină în context endo-lingvistic. • A Qualitative Research on Learning Romanian as a Foreign Language in Endo-linguistic Context. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 73-81: Laodamia Dascăl ; Power In Media Discourse and Media Structures: Power Relations in the Standardizing of Gender Representations in Romanian Mass Publishing. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 82-89 ; Oana-Maria Bîrlea ; The Transfer Of Power In Japanese Advertising Discourse. În: Revista Transilvania - serie nouă ; anul XLVII (CLI) ; nr. 1 ; 2019 ; p. 90-96.