Ideal and Nonideal Theory
In: Philosophy & public affairs, Band 38, Heft 1, S. 5-37
ISSN: 0048-3915
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In: Philosophy & public affairs, Band 38, Heft 1, S. 5-37
ISSN: 0048-3915
In: Oxford ethics series
Introduction. Locating a nonideal theory in Kant's political thought: a systematic approach -- History and politics: political history and cosmopolitanism -- A matter of orientation -- Historical patterns, political aims -- Nature, culture, and politics: political anthropology and cosmopolitanism -- Organisms, bodies politic, and progress -- Political Zweckmässigkeit, or from nature to culture -- Nature and politics: political geography and cosmopolitan right -- Teleology and peace on earth -- Peace, hospitality, and the shape of the earth -- Conclusion. Theorizing the lawfulness of the contingent in politics: a defense of teleology.
In: European journal of political theory: EJPT, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 229-245
ISSN: 1474-8851
In: International theory: IT ; a journal of international politics, law and philosophy, Band 2, Heft 1, S. 87-112
ISSN: 1752-9719
World Affairs Online
In: Philosophy and medicine volume 139
"This book argues for the use of nonideal theory in social ontology. The central claim is that a paradigm shift is underway in contemporary social ontology, from ideal to nonideal, and that this shift should be fully followed through. To develop and defend this central claim, the first step is to show that the key questions and central dividing lines within contemporary social ontology can be fruitfully reconstructed as a clash between two worlds, referred to as ideal and nonideal social ontology. Ideal social ontology is characterized by consensus and cooperation, while nonideal social ontology is characterized by conflict and contestation. The second step is to show that, when taken together, objections to the standard model of ideal social ontology (the dominant version of ideal social ontology) imply that this model needs to be given up in favor of nonideal social ontology. In other words, we should look to nonideal rather than ideal social ontology for core concepts. The third step is to offer a positive account, called the power view, of nonideal social ontology. This account places the concept of social power at the core of a general theory of the social world and replaces the flat and narrow conception of power in ideal social ontology with a richer and more extensive conception. In addition, it rectifies a shortcoming in nonideal social ontology by attending to class, which has been notably and oddly overlooked in the literature"--
In: Political theory: an international journal of political philosophy
ISSN: 0090-5917
Ideal theory, nonideal theory, and empirical political theory -- Law, government, and politics -- Ideal equality and real inequality -- The distribution of procedural justice -- Discourse, atmosphere, and prophecy -- The discourse of political activism -- Postscript : an invitation to the reader
In: Ethics & international affairs, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 81-90
ISSN: 0892-6794
Proposes a strategy of global distributive justice which requires that the "major seven" countries of the OECD transfer one percent of their GDP to worse-off states; examines how this money could help improve health, using life expectancy as the measure. Includes the role of ideal theory and nonideal theory.
In: Review of international studies: RIS, Band 27, Heft 2, S. 229-248
ISSN: 0260-2105
The article argues that Doyle's interpretation of Kant's first definitive article in Perpetual Peace is mistaken. I distinguish between Kant's pragmatic argument (his democratic peace proposition) & his a priori, or transcendental claim. Both are distinct from Doyle's approach which emphasizes institutional restraint & shared cultural norms. Doyle must be criticized for taking Kant's transcendental claims as statements that can be verified empirically. I propose that we drop Doyle's juxtaposition of liberal & illiberal as a fallacy of essentialism. Kant's distinction between republican & despotic is a methodological abstraction belonging to ideal theory (the system of rights). Kantian nonideal theory (his political philosophy) sees the distinction among states as a matter of degree rather than kind. Kant favors an inclusive global federation encompassing liberal as well as nonliberal states, rather than an exclusive federation & "separate peace" of liberal states. Adapted from the source document.
In: Münster Lectures in Philosophy volume 6
In: Springer eBook Collection
Part I: Introduction -- Chapter 1. Between Aliens and Citizens. An Outline of Joseph Carens's Political Philosophy -- Part II: Lecture -- Chapter 2 -- Immigration, Philosophy, and Political Realities. Part III: Living together in societies shaped by migration -- Chapter 3. Preserving Culture? On the Moral Foundations of a Contested Political Aim -- Chapter 4. Limits of Tolerance. A Theory of Prohibiting Cultural and Religious Practices illustrated by the Example of Muslim Minorities -- Chapter 5. Voting Rights for Residents? Revisiting Carens's Citizenship Rights -- Chapter 6. Time, Membership, and Citizenship -- Part IV: Methodological Interjections -- Chapter 7 -- Hypotheticals and Real Cases. A Metaphilosophical Investigation of Joseph Carens's Methodology -- Chapter 8. Changing Theory or Practice? The logical structure of the contextual approach -- Part V. The Ethics of Immigration Admissions -- Chapter 9. Obligatory Admission in the Light of Post-Colonialism -- Chapter 10. Carens's Cantilever Argument: Global Freedom of Movement, Logical Necessity and the Burden of Proof -- Chapter 11. The Open Borders Claim in a Nonideal World -- Chapter 12. Equality, Moral Incentives, and Open Borders. An Attempt to Connect the Strands of Joseph Carens's Utopian Thinking -- Part VI: Replies -- Chapter 13. Replies to My Interlocutors.
"Why do ghettos persist?" Tommie Shelby asks in Dark Ghettos. Today, ghettos are widely seen as social problems that public policy should aim to solve. Shelby calls this the "medical model" because it portrays ghettos as sick patients in need of treatment. In his view, this model ignores the political agency of the ghetto poor and the underlying social structures that perpetuate disadvantage in black communities. Shelby argues that we should conceive of ghettos within a "justice paradigm" instead. Adopting a Rawlsian framework, he considers the existence of ghettos as a sign of deeply embedded social injustice, and he offers a "nonideal" social theory, establishing what the government and citizens are obligated and permitted to do within fundamentally unfair conditions. His theory arises through practical considerations: should the American government enforce residential diversity? Should welfare programs disincentivize single motherhood? For those who live in ghettos, is voluntary non-work--or street violence, or hip-hop--a just and valid form of dissent? Ultimately, Shelby aims to establish principles that will lead to the abolishment of ghettos through just reform.--